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Matthew Henry: Concise Commentary on the Whole Bible - 1706
Some think that Felix was turned out, and Festus succeeded him, quickly after Paul's imprisonment, and that the two years mentioned in the close of the foregoing chapter are to be reckoned from the beginning of Nero's reign; but it seems more natural to compute them from Paul's being delivered into the hands of Felix. However, we have here much the same management of Paul's case as we had in the foregoing chapter; cognizance is here taken of it, I. By Festus the governor; it is brought before him by the Jews, ver. 1-3. The hearing of it is appointed to be, not at Jerusalem, as the Jews desired, out at Cæsarea, ver. 4-6. The Jews appear against Paul and accuse him (ver. 7), but he stands upon his own innocency (ver. 8); and to avoid the removing of the cause to Jerusalem, to which he was pressed to consent, he at length appeals to Cæsar, ver. 9-12. II. By king Agrippa, to whom Festus relates his case (ver. 13-21), and Agrippa desires he might have the hearing of it himself, ver. 22. The court is accordingly set, and Paul brought to the bar (ver. 23), and Festus opens the cause (ver. 24-27), to introduce Paul's defence in the next chapter.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
Porcius Festus being appointed governor of Judea, instead of Felix, the Jews beseech him to have Paul brought up to Jerusalem, that he might be tried there; they lying in wait to kill him on the way, Act 25:1-3. Festus refuses, and desires those who could prove any thing against him, to go with him to Caesarea, Act 25:4, Act 25:5. Festus, having tarried at Jerusalem about ten days, returns to Caesarea, and the next day Paul is brought to his trial, and the Jews of Jerusalem bring many groundless charges against him, against which he defends himself, Act 25:6-8. In order to please the Jews, Festus asks Paul if he be willing to go up to Jerusalem, and be tried there, Act 25:9. Paul refuses, and appeals to Caesar, and Festus admits the appeal, Act 25:10-13. King Agrippa, and Bernice his wife, come to Caesarea to visit Festus, and are informed by him of the accusations against Paul, his late trial, and his appeal from them to Caesar, Act 25:14-21. Agrippa desires to hear Paul; and a hearing is appointed for the following day, Act 25:22. Agrippa, Bernice, the principal officers and chief men of the city being assembled, Paul is brought forth, Act 25:23. Festus opens the business with generally stating the accusations against Paul, his trial on these accusations, the groundless and frivolous nature of the charges, his own conviction of his innocence, and his desire that the matter might be heard by the king himself, that he might have something specifically to write to the emperor, to whom he was about to send Paul, agreeably to his appeal, Act 25:24-27.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
Act 25:1, The Jews accuse Paul before Festus; Act 25:8, He answers for himself, Act 25:11. and appeals unto Caesar; Act 25:14, Afterwards Festus opens his matter to king Agrippa; Act 25:23, and he is brought forth; Act 25:25, Festus clears him of having done anything worthy of death.
25:125:1: Փեստոս իբրեւ եհաս յիշխանութիւնն, յետ երի՛ց աւուրց ե՛լ յԵրուսաղէմ ՚ի Կեսարեայ[2771]։ [2771] Ոմանք. ՚Ի Կեսարիոյ։
1. Երբ Փեստոսը իշխանութեան գլուխ անցաւ, երեք օր յետոյ Կեսարիայից Երուսաղէմ բարձրացաւ:
25 Երբ Փեստոս իր իշխանութեան գաւառը հասաւ, երեք օր յետոյ Կեսարիայէն Երուսաղէմ ելաւ։
Փեստոս իբրեւ եհաս յիշխանութիւնն, յետ երից աւուրց ել յԵրուսաղէմ ի Կեսարեայ:

25:1: Փեստոս իբրեւ եհաս յիշխանութիւնն, յետ երի՛ց աւուրց ե՛լ յԵրուսաղէմ ՚ի Կեսարեայ[2771]։
[2771] Ոմանք. ՚Ի Կեսարիոյ։
1. Երբ Փեստոսը իշխանութեան գլուխ անցաւ, երեք օր յետոյ Կեսարիայից Երուսաղէմ բարձրացաւ:
25 Երբ Փեստոս իր իշխանութեան գաւառը հասաւ, երեք օր յետոյ Կեսարիայէն Երուսաղէմ ելաւ։
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25:11: Фест, прибыв в область, через три дня отправился из Кесарии в Иерусалим.
25:1  φῆστος οὗν ἐπιβὰς τῇ ἐπαρχείᾳ μετὰ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ἀνέβη εἰς ἱεροσόλυμα ἀπὸ καισαρείας,
25:1. Φῆστος (A-Festos) οὖν (accordingly) ἐπιβὰς (having-had-stepped-upon) τῇ (unto-the-one) ἐπαρχείᾳ (unto-a-firsting-upon-of,"μετὰ (with) τρεῖς ( to-three ) ἡμέρας (to-days) ἀνέβη (it-stepped-up) εἰς (into) Ἰεροσόλυμα (to-a-Hierosoluma) ἀπὸ (off) Καισαρίας, (of-a-Kaisaria,"
25:1. Festus ergo cum venisset in provinciam post triduum ascendit Hierosolymam a CaesareaNow when Festus was come into the province, after three days, he went up to Jerusalem from Cesarea.
1. Festus therefore, having come into the province, after three days went up to Jerusalem from Caesarea.
Now when Festus was come into the province, after three days he ascended from Caesarea to Jerusalem:

1: Фест, прибыв в область, через три дня отправился из Кесарии в Иерусалим.
25:1  φῆστος οὗν ἐπιβὰς τῇ ἐπαρχείᾳ μετὰ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ἀνέβη εἰς ἱεροσόλυμα ἀπὸ καισαρείας,
25:1. Festus ergo cum venisset in provinciam post triduum ascendit Hierosolymam a Caesarea
Now when Festus was come into the province, after three days, he went up to Jerusalem from Cesarea.
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Matthew Henry: Concise Commentary on the Whole Bible - 1706
Paul Arraigned before Festus; Paul's Fourth Defence; Paul Appeals to Cæsar.
1 Now when Festus was come into the province, after three days he ascended from Cæsarea to Jerusalem. 2 Then the high priest and the chief of the Jews informed him against Paul, and besought him, 3 And desired favour against him, that he would send for him to Jerusalem, laying wait in the way to kill him. 4 But Festus answered, that Paul should be kept at Cæsarea, and that he himself would depart shortly thither. 5 Let them therefore, said he, which among you are able, go down with me, and accuse this man, if there be any wickedness in him. 6 And when he had tarried among them more than ten days, he went down unto Cæsarea; and the next day sitting on the judgment seat commanded Paul to be brought. 7 And when he was come, the Jews which came down from Jerusalem stood round about, and laid many and grievous complaints against Paul, which they could not prove. 8 While he answered for himself, Neither against the law of the Jews, neither against the temple, nor yet against Cæsar, have I offended any thing at all. 9 But Festus, willing to do the Jews a pleasure, answered Paul, and said, Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these things before me? 10 Then said Paul, I stand at Cæsar's judgment seat, where I ought to be judged: to the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou very well knowest. 11 For if I be an offender, or have committed any thing worthy of death, I refuse not to die: but if there be none of these things whereof these accuse me, no man may deliver me unto them. I appeal unto Cæsar. 12 Then Festus, when he had conferred with the council, answered, Hast thou appealed unto Cæsar? unto Cæsar shalt thou go.

We commonly say, "New lords, new laws, new customs;" but here was a new governor, and yet Paul had the same treatment from him that he had from the former, and no better. Festus, like Felix, is not so just to him as he should have been, for he does not release him; and yet not so unjust to him as the Jews would have had him to be, for he will not condemn him to die, nor expose him to their rage. Here is,

I. The pressing application which the high priest and other Jews used with the governor to persuade him to abandon Paul; for to send him to Jerusalem was in effect to abandon him. 1. See how speedy they were in their applications to Festus concerning Paul. As soon as ever he had come into the province, and had taken possession of the government, into which, probably, he was installed at Cæsarea, within three days he went up to Jerusalem, to show himself there, and presently the priests were upon him to proceed against Paul. He staid three days at Cæsarea, where Paul was a prisoner, and we do not find that in that time Paul made any application to him to release him, though, no doubt, he could have made good friends, that he might hope to have prevailed by; but as soon as ever he comes up to Jerusalem the priests are in all haste to make an interest with him against Paul. See how restless a thing malice is. Paul more patiently bears the lengthening out of his imprisonment than his enemies do the delay of his prosecution even to the death. 2. See how spiteful they were in their application. They informed the governor against Paul (v. 2) before he was brought upon a fair trial, that so they might, if possible, prejudge the cause with the governor, and make him a party who was to be the judge. But this artifice, though base enough, they could not confide in; for the governor would be sure to hear him himself, and then all their informations against him would fall to the ground; and therefore they form another project much more base, and that is to assassinate Paul before he came upon his trial. These inhuman hellish methods, which all the world profess at least to abhor, have these persecutors recourse to, to gratify their malice against the gospel of Christ, and this too under colour of zeal for Moses. Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum--Such was their dire religious zeal. 3. See how specious the pretence was. Now that the governor was himself at Jerusalem they desired he would send for Paul thither, and try him there, which would save the prosecutors a great deal of labour, and looked most reasonable, because he was charged with having profaned the temple at Jerusalem, and it is usual for criminals to be tried in the court where the fact was committed; but that which they designed was to way-lay him as he was brought up, and to murder him upon the road, supposing that he would not be brought up under so strong a guard as he was sent down with, or that the officers that were to bring him up might be bribed to give them an opportunity for their wickedness. It is said, They desired favour against Paul. The business of prosecutors is to demand justice against one that they suppose to be a criminal, and, if he be not proved so, it is as much justice to acquit him as it is to condemn him if he be. But to desire favour against a prisoner, and from the judge too, who ought to be of counsel for him, is a very impudent thing. The favour ought to be for the prisoner, in favorem vitæ--to favour his life, but here they desire it against him. They will take it as a favour if the governor will but condemn Paul, though they can prove no crime upon him.

II. The governor's resolution that Paul shall take his trial at Cæsarea, where he now is, v. 4, 5. See how he manages the prosecutors. 1. He will not do them the kindness to send for him to Jerusalem; no, he gave orders that Paul should be kept at Cæsarea. It does not appear that he had any suspicion, much less any certain information, of their bloody design to murder him by the way, as the chief priests had when he sent him to Cæsarea (ch. xxiii. 30); but perhaps he was not willing so far to oblige the high priest and his party, or he would maintain the honour of his court at Cæsarea and require their attendance there, or he was not willing to be at the trouble or charge of bringing Paul up; whatever was his reason for refusing it, God made use of it as a means of preserving Paul out of the hands of his enemies. Perhaps now they were more careful to keep their conspiracy secret than they had been before, that the discovery of it might not be now, as it was then, the defeat of it. But though God does not, as then, bring it to light, yet he finds another way, as effectual, to bring it to nought, by inclining the heart of the governor, for some other reasons, not to remove Paul to Jerusalem. God is not tied to one method, in working out salvation for his people. He can suffer the designs against them to be concealed, and yet not suffer them to be accomplished; and can make even the carnal policies of great men to serve his gracious purposes. 2. Yet he will do them the justice to hear what they have to say against Paul, if they will go down to Cæsarea, and appear against him there: "Let those among you who are able, able in body and purse for such a journey, or able in mind and tongue to manage the prosecution--let those among you who are fit to be managers, go down with me, and accuse this man; or, those who are competent witnesses, who are able to prove any thing criminal upon him, let them go and give in their evidence, if there be any such wickedness in him as you charge upon him." Festus will not take it for granted, as they desire he should, that there is wickedness in him, till it is proved upon him, and he has been heard in his own defence; but, if he be guilty, it lies upon them to prove him so.

III. Paul's trial before Festus. Festus staid at Jerusalem about ten days, and then went down to Cæsarea, and the prosecutors, it is likely, in his retinue; for he said they should go down with him; and, since they are so eager in the prosecution, he is willing this cause should be first called; and, that they may hasten home, he will despatch it the next day. Expedition in administering justice is very commendable, provided more haste be not made than good speed. Now here we have, 1. The court set, and the prisoner called to the bar. Festus sat in the judgment-seat, as he used to do when any cause was brought before him that was of consequence, and he commanded Paul to be brought, and to make his appearance, v. 6. Christ, to encourage his disciples and keep up their spirits under such awful trials of their courage as this was to Paul, promised them that the day should come when they should sit on thrones, judging the tribes of Israel. 2. The prosecutors exhibiting their charges against the prisoner (v. 7): The Jews stood round about, which intimates that they were many. Lord, how are they increased that trouble me! It intimates also that they were unanimous, they stood by one another, and resolved to hold together; and that they were intent upon the prosecution, and eager in clamouring against Paul. They stood round about, if possible, to frighten the judge into a compliance with their malicious design, or, at least, to frighten the prisoner, and to put him out of countenance; but in vain: he had too just and strong an assurance to be frightened by them. They compassed me about like bees, but they are quenched as the fire of thorns, Ps. cxviii. 12. When they stood round about him, they brought many and grievous accusations against Paul, so it should be read. They charged him with high crimes and misdemeanors. The articles of impeachment were many, and contained things of a very heinous nature. They represented him to the court as black and odious as their wit and malice could contrive; but when they had opened the cause as they thought fit, and came to the evidence, there they failed: they could not prove what they alleged against him, for it was all false, and the complaints were groundless and unjust. Either the fact was not as they opened it, or there was no fault in it; they laid to his charge things that he knew not, nor they neither. It is no new thing for the most excellent ones of the earth to have all manner of evil said against them falsely, not only in the song of the drunkards, and upon the seat of the scornful, but even before the judgment-seat. 3. The prisoner's insisting upon his own vindication, v. 8. Whoever reproaches him, his own heart does not, and therefore his own tongue shall not; though he die, he will not remove his integrity from him. When it came to his turn to speak for himself, he insisted upon his general plea, Not guilty: Neither against the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor yet against Cæsar, have I offended any thing at all. (1.) He had not violated the law of the Jews, nor taught any doctrine destructive of it. Did he make void the law by faith? No, he established the law. Preaching Christ, the end of the law, was no offence against the law. (2.) He had not profaned the temple, nor put any contempt at all upon the temple-service; his helping to set up the gospel temple did not at all offend against that temple which was a type of it. (3.) He had not offended against Cæsar, nor his government. By this it appears that now his cause being brought before the government, to curry favour with the governor and that they might seem friends to Cæsar, they had charged him with some instances of disaffection to the present higher powers, which obliged him to purge himself as to that matter, and to protest that he was no enemy to Cæsar, not so much as those were who charged him with being so.

IV. Paul's appeal to the emperor, and the occasion of it. This gave the cause a new turn. Whether he had before designed it, or whether it was a sudden resolve upon the present provocation, does not appear; but God puts it into his heart to do it, for the bringing about of that which he had said to him, that he must bear witness to Christ at Rome, for there the emperor's court was, ch. xxiii. 11. We have here,

1. The proposal which Festus made to Paul to go and take his trial at Jerusalem, v. 9. Festus was willing to do the Jews a pleasure, inclined to gratify the prosecutors rather than the prisoner, as far as he could go with safety against one that was a citizen of Rome, and therefore asked him whether he would be willing to go up to Jerusalem, and clear himself there, where he had been accused, and where he might have his witnesses ready to vouch for him and confirm what he said. He would not offer to turn him over to the high priest and the sanhedrim, as the Jews would have had him; but, Wilt thou go thither, and be judged of these things before me? The president, if he had pleased, might have ordered him thither, but he would not do it without his own consent, which, if he could have wheedled him to give it, would have taken off the odium of it. In suffering times, the prudence of the Lord's people is tried as well as their patience; being sent forth therefore as sheep in the midst of wolves, they have need to be wise as serpents.

2. Paul's refusal to consent to it, and his reasons for it. He knew, if he were removed to Jerusalem, notwithstanding the utmost vigilance of the president, the Jews would find some means or other to be the death of him; and therefore desires to be excused, and pleads, (1.) That, as a citizen of Rome, it was most proper for him to be tried, not only by the president, but in that which was properly his court, which sat at Cæsarea: I stand at Cæsar's judgment-seat, where I ought to be judged, in the city which is the metropolis of the province. The court being held in Cæsar's name, and by his authority and commission, before one that was delegated by him, it might well be said to be his judgment seat, as, with us, all writs run in the name of the sovereign, in whose name all courts are held. Paul's owning that he ought to be judged at Cæsar's judgment-seat plainly proves that Christ's ministers are not exempted from the jurisdiction of the civil powers, but ought to be subject to them, as far as they can with a good conscience; and, if they be guilty of a real crime, to submit to their censure; if innocent, yet to submit to their enquiry, and to clear themselves before them. (2.) That, as a member of the Jewish nation, he had done nothing to make himself obnoxious to them: To the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou very well knowest. It very well becomes those that are innocent to plead their innocency, and to insist upon it; it is a debt we owe to our own good name, not only not to bear false witness against ourselves, but to maintain our own integrity against those who bear false witness against us. (3.) That he was willing to abide by the rules of the law, and to let that take its course, v. 11. If he be guilty of any capital crime that deserves death, he will not offer either to make resistance or to make his escape, will neither flee from justice nor fight with it: "I refuse not to die, but will accept of the punishment of my iniquity." Not that all who have committed any thing worthy of death are obliged to accuse themselves, and offer themselves to justice; but, when they are accused and brought to justice, they ought to submit, and to say both God and the government are righteous; as it is necessary that some should be made examples. But, if he be innocent, as he protests he is, "If there be none of these things whereof these accuse me,--if the prosecution be malicious and they are resolved to have my blood right or wrong,--no man may deliver me unto them, no, not the governor himself, without palpable injustice; for it is his business as much to protect the innocent as to punish the guilty;" and he claims his protection.

3. His appealing to court. Since he is continually in danger of the Jews, and one attempt made after another to get him into their hands, whose tender mercies were cruel, he flies to the dernier resort--the last refuge of oppressed innocency, and takes sanctuary there, since he cannot have justice done him in any other way: "I appeal unto Cæsar. Rather than be delivered to the Jews" (which Festus seems inclined to consent to) "let me be delivered to Nero." When David had divers times narrowly escaped the rage of Saul, and concluded he was such a restless enemy that he should one day perish by his hands, he came to this resolution, being in a manner compelled to it, There is nothing better for me than to take shelter in the land of the Philistines, 1 Sam. xxvii. 1. So Paul here. But it is a hard case that a son of Abraham must be forced to appeal to a Philistine, to a Nero, from those who call themselves the seed of Abraham, and shall be safer in Gath or Rome than in Jerusalem. How is the faithful city become a harlot!

V. The judgment given upon the whole matter. Paul is neither released nor condemned. His enemies hoped the cause would be ended in his death; his friends hoped it would be ended in his deliverance; but it proved neither so nor so, they are both disappointed, the thing is left as it was. It is an instance of the slow steps which Providence sometimes takes, not bringing things to an issue so soon as we expect, by which we are often made ashamed both of our hopes and of our fears, and are kept still waiting on God. The cause had before been adjourned to another time, now to another place, to another court, that Paul's tribulation might work patience. 1. The president takes advice upon the matter: He conferred with the council--meta tou symbouliou, not with the council of the Jews (that is called synedrion), but with his own counsellors, who were always ready to assist the governor with their advice. In multitude of counsellors there is safety; and judges should consult both with themselves and others before they pass sentence. 2. He determines to send him to Rome. Some think Paul meant not an appeal to Cæsar's person, but only to his court, the sentence of which he would abide by, rather than be remitted to the Jew's council, and that Festus might have chosen whether he would have sent him to Rome, or, at least, whether he would have joined issue with him upon the appeal. But it should seem, by what Agrippa said (ch. xxvi. 32), that he might have been set at liberty if he had not appealed to Cæsar--that, by the course of the Roman law, a Roman citizen might appeal at any time to a superior court, even to the supreme, as causes with us are removed by certiorari, and criminals by habeas corpus, and as appeals are often made to the house of peers. Festus, therefore, either of choice or of course, comes to this resolution: Hast thou appealed unto Cæsar? Unto Cæsar thou shalt go. He found there was something very extraordinary in the case, which he was therefore afraid of giving judgment upon, either one way or other, and the knowledge of which he thought would be an entertainment to the emperor, and therefore he transmitted it to his cognizance. In our judgment before God those that by justifying themselves appeal to the law, to the law they shall go, and it will condemn them; but those that by repentance and faith appeal to the gospel, to the gospel they shall go, and it will save them.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
25:1: Now when Festus was come into the province - By the province is meant Judea; for, after the death of Herod Agrippa, Claudius thought it imprudent to trust the government in the hands of his son Agrippa, who was then but seventeen years of age; therefore Cuspius Fadus was sent to be procurator. And when afterwards Claudius had given to Agrippa the tetrarchate of Philip, that of Batanea and Abila, he nevertheless kept the province of Judea more immediately in his own hands, and governed it by procurators sent from Rome. Joseph. Ant. lib. xx. cap. 7, sec. 1. Felix being removed, Porcius Festus is sent in his place; and having come to Caesarea, where the Roman governor generally had his residence, after he had tarried three days, he went up to Jerusalem, to acquaint himself with the nature and complexion of the ecclesiastical government of the Jews; no doubt, for the purpose of the better administration of justice among them.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:1: Now when Festus was come - See the notes on Act 24:27.
Into the province - The province of Judea; for Judea at that time was a Roman province.
After three days - Having remained three days at Caesarea.
He ascended - This was the usual language in describing a journey to Jerusalem. Thus, the English people speak of going up to London, because it is the capital. See the notes on Act 15:1.
To Jerusalem - The governors of Judea at this time usually resided at Caesarea; but as Jerusalem had been the former capital; as it was still the seat of the religious solemni ties; as the Sanhedrin held its meetings there; and as the great, and rich, and learned men, and the priests resided there, it is evident that a full knowledge of the state of the province could be obtained only there. Festus, therefore, having entered upon the duties of his office, early went to Jerusalem to make himself acquainted with the affairs of the nation.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:1: into: Act 23:34
the province: By the province, Judea is meant; for after the death of Herod Agrippa, Claudius thought it imprudent to trust the government in the hands of his son Agrippa, who was then but seventeen years of age; and therefore, Cuspius Fadus was sent to be procurator. And when afterwards Claudius had given to Agrippa the tetrarchy of Philip, he nevertheless kept the province of Judea in his own hands, and governed it by procurators sent from Rome.
he: Act 25:5, Act 18:22, Act 21:15
Geneva 1599
25:1 Now (1) when Festus was come into the province, after three days he ascended from Caesarea to Jerusalem.
(1) Satan's ministers are subtle and diligent in seeking every occasion: but God who watches for his own, easily hinders all their counsels.
John Gill
25:1 Now when Festus was come into the province,.... Of Judea, which was a Roman province, over which he was made governor by Nero, the Roman emperor, in the room of Felix; he now being landed in some part of the province, namely, at Caesarea, and so might be said to have entered upon the government of it, as the phrase will bear to be rendered;
after three days he ascended from Caesarea to Jerusalem; he very likely came by sea from Italy to Judea, and landed at Caesarea; for though Joppa was the nearest port to Jerusalem, yet Caesarea was the safest, and most commodious port, being made so by Herod; See Gill on Acts 18:22, and besides, it seems to have been very much the residence of the kings and governors of Judea, Acts 12:19 here Festus stayed three days after his landing, to rest himself after the fatigue of the voyage, and then went up to Jerusalem, the metropolis of the province of Judea.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
25:1 FESTUS, COMING TO JERUSALEM, DECLINES TO HAVE PAUL BROUGHT THITHER FOR JUDGMENT, BUT GIVES THE PARTIES A HEARING ON HIS RETURN TO CÆSAREA--ON FESTUS ASKING THE APOSTLE IF HE WOULD GO TO JERUSALEM FOR ANOTHER HEARING BEFORE HIM, HE IS CONSTRAINED IN JUSTICE TO HIS CAUSE TO APPEAL TO THE EMPEROR. (Acts 25:1-12)
Festus . . . after three days . . . ascended . . . to Jerusalem--to make himself acquainted with the great central city of his government without delay.
25:225:2: Եւ զգացուցին նմա քահանայապետքն եւ գլխաւորք Հրէիցն զՊաւղոսէ.
2. Քահանայապետներն ու հրեաների գլխաւորները նրան զեկոյց տուին Պօղոսի մասին եւ,
2 Քահանայապետն ու Հրէից գլխաւորները անոր իմացուցին իրենց ամբաստանութիւնը Պօղոսին դէմ
Եւ զգացուցին նմա [102]քահանայապետքն եւ գլխաւորք Հրէիցն զՊաւղոսէ:

25:2: Եւ զգացուցին նմա քահանայապետքն եւ գլխաւորք Հրէիցն զՊաւղոսէ.
2. Քահանայապետներն ու հրեաների գլխաւորները նրան զեկոյց տուին Պօղոսի մասին եւ,
2 Քահանայապետն ու Հրէից գլխաւորները անոր իմացուցին իրենց ամբաստանութիւնը Պօղոսին դէմ
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:22: Тогда первосвященник и знатнейшие из Иудеев явились к нему [с] [жалобою] на Павла и убеждали его,
25:2  ἐνεφάνισάν τε αὐτῶ οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ πρῶτοι τῶν ἰουδαίων κατὰ τοῦ παύλου, καὶ παρεκάλουν αὐτὸν
25:2. ἐνεφάνισάν (they-manifested-in-to) τε (also) αὐτῷ (unto-it) οἱ (the-ones) ἀρχιερεῖς (first-sacreders-of) καὶ (and) οἱ (the-ones) πρῶτοι ( most-before ) τῶν (of-the-ones) Ἰουδαίων ( of-Iouda-belonged ) κατὰ (down) τοῦ (of-the-one) Παύλου, (of-a-Paulos,"καὶ (and) παρεκάλουν (they-were-calling-beside-unto) αὐτὸν (to-it,"
25:2. adieruntque eum principes sacerdotum et primi Iudaeorum adversus Paulum et rogabant eumAnd the chief priests and principal men of the Jews went unto him against Paul: and they besought him,
2. And the chief priests and the principal men of the Jews informed him against Paul; and they besought him,
Then the high priest and the chief of the Jews informed him against Paul, and besought him:

2: Тогда первосвященник и знатнейшие из Иудеев явились к нему [с] [жалобою] на Павла и убеждали его,
25:2  ἐνεφάνισάν τε αὐτῶ οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ πρῶτοι τῶν ἰουδαίων κατὰ τοῦ παύλου, καὶ παρεκάλουν αὐτὸν
25:2. adieruntque eum principes sacerdotum et primi Iudaeorum adversus Paulum et rogabant eum
And the chief priests and principal men of the Jews went unto him against Paul: and they besought him,
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
2: Первосвященник - Измаил, сын Фаби, которого Феликс поставил на место смещенного им Анании (XXIII:2; Флав. Археол. XX:8, 8: и 11).

"Знатнейшие из иудеев" - oi prwtoi twn Ioudaiwn - первые из иудеев - знатнейшие, именитейшие люди. Вероятно, этим обозначается, что тут были не только члены Синедриона, но и другие знатнейшие по своему должностному и общественному положению светские особы, что указывает на значительное усиление вражды к Павлу, мнимому врагу народной религии. По-видимому, эти жалобщики явились к новому прокуратору собственно для поздравления его и представления ему, но тут же не замедлили принести ему и жалобу на Павла, представив дело его, как дело целого народа, важнейшее национальное дело текущей минуты, не терпящее отлагательства.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
25:2: The high priest - informed him against Paul - They supposed that as Felix, to please them, on the resignation of his government, had left Paul bound, so Festus, on the assumption of it, would, to please them, deliver him into their hand; but, as they wished this to be done under the color of justice, they exhibited a number of charges against Paul, which they hoped would appear to Festus a sufficient reason why a new trial should be granted; and he be sent to Jerusalem to take this trial. Their motive is mentioned in the succeeding verse.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:2: Then the high priest - The high priest at this time was Ismael, the son of Fabi. He had been promoted to that office by Agrippa (Josephus, Antiq., book 20, chapter 8, section 8). It is probable, however, that the person here intended was Ananias, who had been high priest, and who would retain the name. See the notes on Act 23:2. Some mss. read "high priests" here in the plural number, and this reading is approved by Mill and Griesbach. There is, however, no improbability in supposing that the high priest Ismael might have been also as much enraged against Paul as the others.
Informed him against Paul - Informed him of the accusation against him, and doubtless endeavored to prejudice the mind of Festus against him. They thus showed their unrelenting disposition. It might have been supposed that after two years this unjust prosecution would be abandoned and forgotten. But malice does not thus forget its object, and the spirit of persecution is not thus satisfied. It is evident that there was here every probability that injustice would be done to Paul, and that the mind of Festus would be biased against him. He was a stranger to Paul, and to the embittered feelings of the Jewish character. He would wish to conciliate their favor upon entering into the duties of his office. A strong representation, therefore, made by the chief men of the nation, would be likely to prejudice him violently against Paul, and to unfit him for the exercise of impartial justice.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:2: Act 25:15, Act 24:1; Job 31:31; Pro 4:16; Rom 3:12-19
John Gill
25:2 Then the high priest,.... Ananias, as in Acts 23:2 the Alexandrian copy, the Vulgate Latin version, and all the Oriental versions, read, "the chief priests", the whole college of the priests:
and the chief of the Jews; their rulers and elders, the members of the Jewish sanhedrim;
informed him against Paul; they took the first opportunity of waiting upon him, when he was come to Jerusalem; hoping it might be a favourable one to them, since he was just entering upon his government, and might be willing to gratify the chief of the nation, and gain their affection and esteem, and since as yet he was not acquainted with their wicked dispositions and artifices; and brought a bill of information against Paul, and gave a large account of him, what a wicked man he was, and what evils he had committed; they laid many things to his charge, and very heavily accused him, and endeavoured to prepossess the governor, and prejudice him against him:
and besought him; that he would grant them the following request.
John Wesley
25:2 Then the high priest and the chief of the Jews appeared against Paul - In so long a time their rage was not cooled. So much louder a call had Paul to the Gentiles.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
25:2 Then the high priest--a successor of him before whom Paul had appeared (Acts 23:2).
and the chief of the Jews--and "the whole multitude of the Jews" (Acts 25:24) clamorously.
informed him against Paul . . .
25:325:3: եւ աղաչէին՝ խնդրեալ շնո՛րհս ՚ի նմանէ. զի կոչեսցէ զնա յԵրուսաղէմ. դարան գործեալ սպանանե՛լ զնա ՚ի ճանապարհի[2772]։ [2772] Ոմանք. Խնդրել շնորհս... դարան գործել։
3. նրանից շնորհ խնդրելով, աղաչում էին, որ նրան Երուսաղէմ կանչի, մինչ իրենք ծուղակ էին պատրաստել՝ ճանապարհին նրան սպանելու համար:
3 Եւ կ’աղաչէին իրեն եւ շնորհք կը խնդրէին, որպէս զի զանիկա Երուսաղէմ բերել տայ։ Բայց իրենք դարան կը պատրաստէին ճամբուն մէջ զանիկա սպաննելու։
եւ աղաչէին խնդրեալ շնորհս ի նմանէ. զի կոչեսցէ զնա յԵրուսաղէմ. դարան գործեալ սպանանել զնա ի ճանապարհի:

25:3: եւ աղաչէին՝ խնդրեալ շնո՛րհս ՚ի նմանէ. զի կոչեսցէ զնա յԵրուսաղէմ. դարան գործեալ սպանանե՛լ զնա ՚ի ճանապարհի[2772]։
[2772] Ոմանք. Խնդրել շնորհս... դարան գործել։
3. նրանից շնորհ խնդրելով, աղաչում էին, որ նրան Երուսաղէմ կանչի, մինչ իրենք ծուղակ էին պատրաստել՝ ճանապարհին նրան սպանելու համար:
3 Եւ կ’աղաչէին իրեն եւ շնորհք կը խնդրէին, որպէս զի զանիկա Երուսաղէմ բերել տայ։ Բայց իրենք դարան կը պատրաստէին ճամբուն մէջ զանիկա սպաննելու։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:33: прося, чтобы он сделал милость, вызвал его в Иерусалим; и злоумышляли убить его на дороге.
25:3  αἰτούμενοι χάριν κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ ὅπως μεταπέμψηται αὐτὸν εἰς ἰερουσαλήμ, ἐνέδραν ποιοῦντες ἀνελεῖν αὐτὸν κατὰ τὴν ὁδόν.
25:3. αἰτούμενοι ( appealing-unto ) χάριν (to-a-granting) κατ' (down) αὐτοῦ (of-it) ὅπως (unto-which-whither) μεταπέμψηται ( it-might-have-dispatched-with ) αὐτὸν (to-it) εἰς (into) Ἰερουσαλήμ, (to-a-Hierousalem,"ἐνέδραν (to-a-seatedness-in) ποιοῦντες ( doing-unto ) ἀνελεῖν (to-have-had-sectioned-up) αὐτὸν (to-it) κατὰ (down) τὴν (to-the-one) ὁδόν. (to-a-way)
25:3. postulantes gratiam adversum eum ut iuberet perduci eum Hierusalem insidias tendentes ut eum interficerent in viaRequesting favour against him, that he would command him to be brought to Jerusalem, laying wait to kill him in the way.
3. asking favour against him, that he would send for him to Jerusalem; laying wait to kill him on the way.
And desired favour against him, that he would send for him to Jerusalem, laying wait in the way to kill him:

3: прося, чтобы он сделал милость, вызвал его в Иерусалим; и злоумышляли убить его на дороге.
25:3  αἰτούμενοι χάριν κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ ὅπως μεταπέμψηται αὐτὸν εἰς ἰερουσαλήμ, ἐνέδραν ποιοῦντες ἀνελεῖν αὐτὸν κατὰ τὴν ὁδόν.
25:3. postulantes gratiam adversum eum ut iuberet perduci eum Hierusalem insidias tendentes ut eum interficerent in via
Requesting favour against him, that he would command him to be brought to Jerusalem, laying wait to kill him in the way.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
3: Из дальнейшего видно (ст. 15), что иудеи прямо требовали осуждения Павла. Но Фест благоразумно отклонил их домогательство (16: ст. ).
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:3: And desired favour against him - Desired the favor of Festus, that they might accomplish their wicked purpose on Paul.
Would send for him to Jerusalem - Probably under a pretence that he might be tried by the Sanhedrin; or perhaps they wished Festus to hear the cause there, and to decide it while he was at Jerusalem. Their real motive is immediately stated.
Laying wait in the way to kill him - That is, they would lie in wait, or they would employ a band of Sicarii, or assassins, to take his life on the journey. See the notes on Act 21:38; Act 23:12. It is altogether probable that if this request had been granted, Paul would have been killed. But God had promised him that he should bear witness to the truth at Rome Act 23:11, and his providence was remarkable in thus influencing the mind of the Roman governor, and defeating the plans of the Jewish council.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:3: desired: Act 9:2; Sa1 23:19-21; Jer 38:4; Mar 6:23-25; Luke 23:8-24
laying: Act 23:12-15, Act 26:9-11; Psa 37:32, Psa 37:33, Psa 64:2-6, Psa 140:1-5; Jer 18:18; Joh 16:3; Rom 3:8
John Gill
25:3 And desired favour against him,.... Paul; they asked what would be a favour to them, and a prejudice to him: or "of him", that is, of Festus; they asked a favour of him, and desired it as such, as what would be gratefully accepted and acknowledged by them; which sense is confirmed by the Syriac version; the Arabic version renders it "to", or "upon them"; that is, they asked him to grant a favour to them, or bestow one on them, which is as follows:
that he would send for him to Jerusalem; that his case might be heard before him, and he might be tried and judged by him, as they pretended:
laying wait in the way to kill him; this was their design, though they concealed it, and pretended no other view than that justice might take place: their scheme was, that if they could have prevailed upon Festus to have sent for Paul to Jerusalem, from Caesarea, they would have provided men, perhaps the same forty and upwards as before, in Acts 23:12 to have laid in wait for him in the way as he came, and to have killed him: the whole of this shows the malice of these men, the badness of their cause, the indefatigableness and diligence to attain their end, the danger the apostle was in, and the care of Providence over him.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
25:3 desired favour--in Acts 25:15, "judgment."
against him--It would seem that they had the insolence to ask him to have the prisoner executed even without a trial (Acts 25:16).
laying wait . . . to kill him--How deep must have been their hostility, when two years after the defeat of their former attempt, they thirst as keenly as ever for his blood! Their plea for having the case tried at Jerusalem, where the alleged offense took place, was plausible enough; but from Acts 25:10 it would seem that Festus had been made acquainted with their causeless malice, and that in some way which Paul was privy to.
25:425:4: Իսկ Փեստոս արար պատասխանի՝ պահել զնա ՚ի Կեսարիա. թէ ինքն իսկ ընդ հուպ ա՛նդր երթալոց էր[2773]։ [2773] Ոմանք. Երթալոց իցէ։
4. Իսկ Փեստոսը պատասխանեց, թէ նա Կեսարիայում կը պահուի, եւ թէ ինքն էլ շուտով այնտեղ է գնալու. ապա ասաց.
4 Սակայն Փեստոս հրահանգեց, որ Պօղոս Կեսարիա պահուի եւ ինք շատ չանցած հոն պիտի երթայ։
Իսկ Փեստոս արար պատասխանի պահել զնա ի Կեսարիա, թէ ինքն իսկ ընդ հուպ անդր երթալոց էր:

25:4: Իսկ Փեստոս արար պատասխանի՝ պահել զնա ՚ի Կեսարիա. թէ ինքն իսկ ընդ հուպ ա՛նդր երթալոց էր[2773]։
[2773] Ոմանք. Երթալոց իցէ։
4. Իսկ Փեստոսը պատասխանեց, թէ նա Կեսարիայում կը պահուի, եւ թէ ինքն էլ շուտով այնտեղ է գնալու. ապա ասաց.
4 Սակայն Փեստոս հրահանգեց, որ Պօղոս Կեսարիա պահուի եւ ինք շատ չանցած հոն պիտի երթայ։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:44: Но Фест отвечал, что Павел содержится в Кесарии под стражею и что он сам скоро отправится туда.
25:4  ὁ μὲν οὗν φῆστος ἀπεκρίθη τηρεῖσθαι τὸν παῦλον εἰς καισάρειαν, ἑαυτὸν δὲ μέλλειν ἐν τάχει ἐκπορεύεσθαι·
25:4. ὁ (The-one) μὲν (indeed) οὖν (accordingly) Φῆστος (a-Festos) ἀπεκρίθη (it-was-separated-off) τηρεῖσθαι (to-be-kept-unto) τὸν (to-the-one) Παῦλον (to-a-Paulos) εἰς (into) Καισαρίαν, (to-a-Kaisaria,"ἑαυτὸν (to-self) δὲ (moreover) μέλλειν (to-impend) ἐν (in) τάχει (unto-a-quickness) ἐκπορεύεσθαι : ( to-traverse-out-of )
25:4. Festus autem respondit servari Paulum in Caesarea se autem maturius profecturumBut Festus answered: That Paul was kept in Caesarea: and that he himself would very shortly depart thither.
4. Howbeit Festus answered, that Paul was kept in charge at Caesarea, and that he himself was about to depart shortly.
But Festus answered, that Paul should be kept at Caesarea, and that he himself would depart shortly:

4: Но Фест отвечал, что Павел содержится в Кесарии под стражею и что он сам скоро отправится туда.
25:4  ὁ μὲν οὗν φῆστος ἀπεκρίθη τηρεῖσθαι τὸν παῦλον εἰς καισάρειαν, ἑαυτὸν δὲ μέλλειν ἐν τάχει ἐκπορεύεσθαι·
25:4. Festus autem respondit servari Paulum in Caesarea se autem maturius profecturum
But Festus answered: That Paul was kept in Caesarea: and that he himself would very shortly depart thither.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ ab▾ ac▾ all ▾
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
25:4: Festus answered, that Paul should be kept at Caesarea - It is truly astonishing that Festus should refuse this favor to the heads of the Jewish nation, which, to those who were not in the secret, must appear so very reasonable; and especially as, on his coming to the government, it might be considered an act that was likely to make him popular; and he could have no interest in denying their request. But God had told Paul that he should testify of him at Rome; and he disposed the heart of Festus to act as he did; and thus disappointed the malice of the Jews, and fulfilled his own gracious design.
He - would depart shortly - So had the providence of God disposed matters that Festus was obliged to return speedily to Caesarea; and thus had not time to preside in such a trial at Jerusalem. And this reason must appear sufficient to the Jews; and especially as he gave them all liberty to come and appear against him, who were able to prove the alleged charges.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:4: But Festus answered ... - What induced Festus to refuse their request is not known. It is probable, however, that he was apprised that Paul was a Roman citizen, and that his case could not come before the Jewish Sanhedrin, but must be heard by himself. As Caesarea was also at that time the residence of the Roman governor, and the place of holding the courts, and as Paul was lodged there safely, there did not appear to be any sufficient reason for removing him to Jerusalem for trial. Festus, however, granted them all that they could reasonably ask, and assured them that he should have a speedy trial.
John Gill
25:4 But Festus answered, that Paul should be kept at Caesarea,.... Or that he was kept there, and was in proper custody, under the care of a centurion, and should continue there; nor was there any reason why he should be removed, especially since he should return thither speedily, as he adds:
and that he himself would depart shortly thither; the answer was a very wise and prudent one, and the reasons given were just and strong; as that Paul had been sent to Caesarea, was left bound by his predecessor there; there he found him, and there he was under a proper guard, and there it was right for him to continue; and besides, he himself should make no stay in Jerusalem, but should depart for Caesarea in a few days, and therefore it was very improper to send for Paul thither.
John Wesley
25:4 But Festus answered - So Festus's care to preserve the imperial privileges was the means of preserving Paul's life. By what invisible springs does God govern the world! With what silence, and yet with what wisdom and energy!
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
25:4 answered that Paul should be kept--rather, "is in custody."
at CÃ&brvbr;sarea, and . . . himself would depart shortly thither.
25:525:5: Եւ որ ՚ի ձէնջ կարօղքդ իցեն՝ ասէ, ընդ ի՛ս իջցեն, եւ թէ իցէ ինչ յառնն վնաս՝ ամբաստա՛ն լիցին զնմանէ[2774]։ [2774] Ոմանք. Կարողք իցեն... եւ եթէ իցէ ինչ յառն... լինիցին զնմանէ։
5. «Ձեզնից ովքեր կը կարողանան, ինձ հետ թող իջնեն, եւ եթէ այդ մարդու վրայ որեւէ յանցանք կայ, նրան թող ամբաստանեն»:
5 «Ուստի ձեզմէ որոնք որ կարող են», ըսաւ, «ինծի հետ թող իջնեն, եթէ այն մարդուն վրայ յանցանք մը կայ, թող անոր դէմ ամբաստանութիւն ընեն»։
Եւ որ ի ձէնջ կարողքդ իցեն, ասէ, ընդ իս իջցեն, եւ եթէ իցէ ինչ յառնն վնաս, ամբաստան լիցին զնմանէ:

25:5: Եւ որ ՚ի ձէնջ կարօղքդ իցեն՝ ասէ, ընդ ի՛ս իջցեն, եւ թէ իցէ ինչ յառնն վնաս՝ ամբաստա՛ն լիցին զնմանէ[2774]։
[2774] Ոմանք. Կարողք իցեն... եւ եթէ իցէ ինչ յառն... լինիցին զնմանէ։
5. «Ձեզնից ովքեր կը կարողանան, ինձ հետ թող իջնեն, եւ եթէ այդ մարդու վրայ որեւէ յանցանք կայ, նրան թող ամբաստանեն»:
5 «Ուստի ձեզմէ որոնք որ կարող են», ըսաւ, «ինծի հետ թող իջնեն, եթէ այն մարդուն վրայ յանցանք մը կայ, թող անոր դէմ ամբաստանութիւն ընեն»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:55: Итак, сказал он, которые из вас могут, пусть пойдут со мною, и если есть что-нибудь за этим человеком, пусть обвиняют его.
25:5  οἱ οὗν ἐν ὑμῖν, φησίν, δυνατοὶ συγκαταβάντες εἴ τί ἐστιν ἐν τῶ ἀνδρὶ ἄτοπον κατηγορείτωσαν αὐτοῦ.
25:5. Οἱ (The-ones) οὖν (accordingly) ἐν (in) ὑμῖν, (unto-ye,"φησίν, (it-declareth," δυνατοὶ ( able ) συνκαταβάντες ( having-had-stepped-down-together ) εἴ (if) τί (a-one) ἐστιν (it-be) ἐν (in) τῷ (unto-the-one) ἀνδρὶ (unto-a-man) ἄτοπον (un-occasioned,"κατηγορείτωσαν (they-should-gather-down-unto) αὐτοῦ. (of-it)
25:5. qui ergo in vobis ait potentes sunt descendentes simul si quod est in viro crimen accusent eumLet them, therefore, saith he, among you that are able, go down with me and accuse him, if there be any crime in the man.
5. Let them therefore, saith he, which are of power among you, go down with me, and if there is anything amiss in the man, let them accuse him.
Let them therefore, said he, which among you are able, go down with [me], and accuse this man, if there be any wickedness in him:

5: Итак, сказал он, которые из вас могут, пусть пойдут со мною, и если есть что-нибудь за этим человеком, пусть обвиняют его.
25:5  οἱ οὗν ἐν ὑμῖν, φησίν, δυνατοὶ συγκαταβάντες εἴ τί ἐστιν ἐν τῶ ἀνδρὶ ἄτοπον κατηγορείτωσαν αὐτοῦ.
25:5. qui ergo in vobis ait potentes sunt descendentes simul si quod est in viro crimen accusent eum
Let them, therefore, saith he, among you that are able, go down with me and accuse him, if there be any crime in the man.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
5: "Сильные между вами...", - т. е. имеющие власть, облеченные правами или полномочиями от имени народа иудейского или синедриона.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
25:5: Let them - which among you are able - Οἱ δυνατοι, Those who have authority; for so is this word often used by good Greek authors, and by Josephus. Festus seems to have said: "I have heard clamours from the multitude relative to this man; but on such clamours no accusation should be founded: yourselves have only the voice of the multitude as the foundation of the request which you now make. I cannot take up accusations which may affect the life of a Roman citizen on such pretenses. Are there any respectable men among you; men in office and authority, whose character is a pledge for the truth of their depositions, who can prove any thing against him? If so, let these come down to Caesarea, and the cause shall be tried before me; and thus we shall know whether he be a malefactor or not."
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:5: Which among you are able - Enjoy all the advantages of just trial, and exhibit your accusations with all the learning and talent in your power. This was all that they could reasonably ask at his hands.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:5: them: Act 25:16, Act 23:30, Act 24:8
if: Act 25:18, Act 25:19, Act 25:25, Act 18:14; Sa1 24:11, Sa1 24:12; Psa 7:3-5; Joh 18:29, Joh 18:30
John Gill
25:5 Let them therefore, said he, which among you are able,.... Who are at leisure, can spare time, and to whom it will be convenient, without interrupting other business, to take such a journey; and who are able to bear the expenses of it, without hurting their families, and whose health and age will admit of it; and above all, who are masters of this affair, and are capable of forming charges, and of supporting them with proper proofs and evidences: let such
go down with me; from Jerusalem to Caesarea: and accuse this man: in proper form, according to the rules of law, of what he is guilty, and can be proved upon him:
if there is any wickedness in him; or committed by him, anything that is absurd and unreasonable, notoriously flagitious and criminal; that is, contrary to the rules of reason, the common sense of mankind, and the laws of God and men; and especially of the Roman empire, or that is blasphemous or seditious.
John Wesley
25:5 Let those of you who are able - Who are best able to undertake the journey, and to manage the cause. If there be any wickedness in him - So he does not pass sentence before he hears the cause.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
25:5 Let them . . . which among you are able, go down--"your leading men."
25:625:6: Եւ լեալ անդ աւուրս՝ ո՛չ աւելի քան զութ կամ զտասն, եկն է՛ջ ՚ի Կեսարիա. եւ ՚ի վաղիւ անդր նստեալ յատենի, հրամայեաց ածե՛լ զՊաւղոս։
6. Եւ ոչ աւելի քան ութ կամ տասը օր այդտեղ մնալուց յետոյ եկաւ իջաւ Կեսարիա. եւ յաջորդ օրը, ատեան նստելով, հրամայեց, որ Պօղոսին բերեն:
6 Հոն ութ կամ տասը օրէ աւելի չկենալով*, Կեսարիա իջաւ ու հետեւեալ օրը ատեանը նստելով՝ հրաման ըրաւ որ Պօղոսը բերեն։
Եւ լեալ անդ աւուրս ոչ աւելի քան զութ կամ զտասն, եկն էջ ի Կեսարիա. եւ ի վաղիւ անդր նստեալ յատենի` հրամայեաց ածել զՊաւղոս:

25:6: Եւ լեալ անդ աւուրս՝ ո՛չ աւելի քան զութ կամ զտասն, եկն է՛ջ ՚ի Կեսարիա. եւ ՚ի վաղիւ անդր նստեալ յատենի, հրամայեաց ածե՛լ զՊաւղոս։
6. Եւ ոչ աւելի քան ութ կամ տասը օր այդտեղ մնալուց յետոյ եկաւ իջաւ Կեսարիա. եւ յաջորդ օրը, ատեան նստելով, հրամայեց, որ Պօղոսին բերեն:
6 Հոն ութ կամ տասը օրէ աւելի չկենալով*, Կեսարիա իջաւ ու հետեւեալ օրը ատեանը նստելով՝ հրաման ըրաւ որ Պօղոսը բերեն։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:66: Пробыв же у них не больше восьми или десяти дней, возвратился в Кесарию, и на другой день, сев на судейское место, повелел привести Павла.
25:6  διατρίψας δὲ ἐν αὐτοῖς ἡμέρας οὐ πλείους ὀκτὼ ἢ δέκα, καταβὰς εἰς καισάρειαν, τῇ ἐπαύριον καθίσας ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος ἐκέλευσεν τὸν παῦλον ἀχθῆναι.
25:6. Διατρίψας (Having-rubbed-through) δὲ (moreover) ἐν (in) αὐτοῖς (unto-them) ἡμέρας (to-days) οὐ (not) πλείους ( to-beyond ) ὀκτὼ (to-eight) ἢ (or) δέκα, (to-ten,"καταβὰς (having-had-stepped-down) εἰς (into) Καισαρίαν, (to-a-Kaisaria,"τῇ (unto-the-one) ἐπαύριον (upon-tomorrow) καθίσας (having-sat-down-to) ἐπὶ (upon) τοῦ (of-the-one) βήματος (of-a-stepping-to) ἐκέλευσεν (it-bade-of) τὸν (to-the-one) Παῦλον (to-a-Paulos) ἀχθῆναι. (to-have-been-led)
25:6. demoratus autem inter eos dies non amplius quam octo aut decem descendit Caesaream et altera die sedit pro tribunali et iussit Paulum adduciAnd having tarried among them no more than eight or ten days, he went down to Caesarea. And the next day, he sat in the judgment seat and commanded Paul to be brought.
6. And when he had tarried among them not more than eight or ten days, he went down unto Caesarea; and on the morrow he sat on the judgment-seat, and commanded Paul to be brought.
And when he had tarried among them more than ten days, he went down unto Caesarea; and the next day sitting on the judgment seat commanded Paul to be brought:

6: Пробыв же у них не больше восьми или десяти дней, возвратился в Кесарию, и на другой день, сев на судейское место, повелел привести Павла.
25:6  διατρίψας δὲ ἐν αὐτοῖς ἡμέρας οὐ πλείους ὀκτὼ ἢ δέκα, καταβὰς εἰς καισάρειαν, τῇ ἐπαύριον καθίσας ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος ἐκέλευσεν τὸν παῦλον ἀχθῆναι.
25:6. demoratus autem inter eos dies non amplius quam octo aut decem descendit Caesaream et altera die sedit pro tribunali et iussit Paulum adduci
And having tarried among them no more than eight or ten days, he went down to Caesarea. And the next day, he sat in the judgment seat and commanded Paul to be brought.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
6: Образ мыслей и действий нового правителя обнаруживает его решительность и справедливость, соединенные с важною строгостью, столь уместною для римского правительственного чиновника, имевшего творить суд правый, скорый и милостивый. Как жалка рядом с этим достоинством язычника низость народного правительства иудейского, униженно вымаливавшего, под видом милости, возможности вероломного убийства узника на дороге к правосудию!
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
25:6: When he had tarried - more than ten days - The strangeness of this mode of expression suggests the thought that our printed text is not quite correct in this place; and this suspicion is confirmed by an examination of MSS. and versions: ἡμερας ου πλειους οκτω η δεκα, Not more than Eight Or ten days, is the reading of ABC, several others of great respectability, with the Coptic, Armenian, and Vulgate. Griesbach admits this reading into the text: and of it Professor White says, Lectio indubie genuina: "This is doubtless the genuine reading."
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:6: More than ten days - See the margin. The Syriac reads it, "eight or ten." The Vulgate, "not more than eight or ten." The Coptic, "eight or ten." Griesbach supposes this to be the true reading, and has admitted it into the text.
Sitting in the judgment seat - On the tribunal; or holding a court for the trial of Paul.
Commanded Paul to be brought - To be brought up for trial. He had been secured, but was placed in the care of a soldier, who was commanded to let him have all the freedom that was consistent with his security.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:6: more than ten days: or, as some copies read no more than eight or ten days
sitting: Act 25:10, Act 25:17, Act 18:12-17; Mat 27:19; Joh 19:13; Co2 5:10; Jam 2:6
Geneva 1599
25:6 (2) And when he had tarried among them more than ten days, he went down unto Caesarea; and the next day sitting on the judgment seat commanded Paul to be brought.
(2) We may justly avoid an injury, but not with an injury.
John Gill
25:6 And when he had tarried among them more than ten days,.... The Alexandrian copy, and three of Beza's copies, and some others, and the Vulgate Latin version read, "no more than eight or ten days"; and the Syriac and Ethiopic versions leave out the phrase "no more", and read "when he had stayed there", as the former; that is, at Jerusalem; or "when he had remained among them", as the latter; the Jews, chief priests, and others, "eight or ten days"; the historian, not being certain to a day, expresses himself in this manner:
he went down to Caesarea; from whence he came, and where Paul was:
and the next day sitting in the judgment seat; the day after he was come to Caesarea, he sat upon the bench in the court of judicature, to try causes, and particularly the apostle's, which he was very desirous of knowing, for which reason he so soon took the bench: and
commanded Paul to be brought; from the place where he was kept a prisoner, to the judgment hall where Festus was.
John Wesley
25:6 Not more than ten days - A short space for a new governor to stay at such a city as Jerusalem. He could not with any convenience have heard and decided the cause of Paul within that time.
25:725:7: Եւ իբրեւ եկն, կացին շուրջ զնովաւ որ յԵրուսաղեմէ՛ իջեալ էին Հրեայքն. բազում եւ ծա՛նր վնաս դնէին, զորս ո՛չ կարէին ցուցանել[2775]։ [2775] Ոմանք. Եւ ծանր վնասս դնէին զնմանէ, զոր։
7. Երբ նա եկաւ, նրա շուրջը բոլորուեցին Երուսաղէմից իջած հրեաները. եւ նրա վրայ բարդում էին բազում եւ ծանր յանցանքներ, որ չէին կարողանում ապացուցել,
7 Երբ անիկա եկաւ, Երուսաղէմէն Հրեաները անոր բոլորտիքը կայնելով, շատ ծանր ամբաստանութիւններ կ’ընէին Պօղոսին դէմ, բայց չէին կրնար ապացուցանել.
Եւ իբրեւ եկն, կացին շուրջ զնովաւ որ յԵրուսաղեմէ իջեալ էին Հրեայքն, բազում եւ ծանր վնասս դնէին զորս ոչ կարէին ցուցանել:

25:7: Եւ իբրեւ եկն, կացին շուրջ զնովաւ որ յԵրուսաղեմէ՛ իջեալ էին Հրեայքն. բազում եւ ծա՛նր վնաս դնէին, զորս ո՛չ կարէին ցուցանել[2775]։
[2775] Ոմանք. Եւ ծանր վնասս դնէին զնմանէ, զոր։
7. Երբ նա եկաւ, նրա շուրջը բոլորուեցին Երուսաղէմից իջած հրեաները. եւ նրա վրայ բարդում էին բազում եւ ծանր յանցանքներ, որ չէին կարողանում ապացուցել,
7 Երբ անիկա եկաւ, Երուսաղէմէն Հրեաները անոր բոլորտիքը կայնելով, շատ ծանր ամբաստանութիւններ կ’ընէին Պօղոսին դէմ, բայց չէին կրնար ապացուցանել.
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:77: Когда он явился, стали кругом пришедшие из Иерусалима Иудеи, принося на Павла многие и тяжкие обвинения, которых не могли доказать.
25:7  παραγενομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ περιέστησαν αὐτὸν οἱ ἀπὸ ἱεροσολύμων καταβεβηκότες ἰουδαῖοι, πολλὰ καὶ βαρέα αἰτιώματα καταφέροντες ἃ οὐκ ἴσχυον ἀποδεῖξαι,
25:7. παραγενομένου ( Of-having-had-became-beside ) δὲ (moreover) αὐτοῦ (of-it) περιέστησαν (they-had-stood-about) αὐτὸν (to-it,"οἱ (the-ones) ἀπὸ (off) Ἰεροσολύμων (of-Hierosoluma') καταβεβηκότες ( having-had-come-to-step-down ," Ἰουδαῖοι , ( Iouda-belonged ," πολλὰ ( to-much ) καὶ (and) βαρέα ( to-weighted ) αἰτιώματα (to-en-appealings-to) καταφέροντες ( bearing-down ) ἃ ( to-which ) οὐκ (not) ἴσχυον (they-were-force-holding) ἀποδεῖξαι, (to-have-en-showed-off,"
25:7. qui cum perductus esset circumsteterunt eum qui ab Hierosolyma descenderant Iudaei multas et graves causas obicientes quas non poterant probareWho being brought, the Jews stood about him, who were come down from Jerusalem, objecting many and grievious causes, which they could not prove:
7. And when he was come, the Jews which had come down from Jerusalem stood round about him, bringing against him many and grievous charges, which they could not prove;
And when he was come, the Jews which came down from Jerusalem stood round about, and laid many and grievous complaints against Paul, which they could not prove:

7: Когда он явился, стали кругом пришедшие из Иерусалима Иудеи, принося на Павла многие и тяжкие обвинения, которых не могли доказать.
25:7  παραγενομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ περιέστησαν αὐτὸν οἱ ἀπὸ ἱεροσολύμων καταβεβηκότες ἰουδαῖοι, πολλὰ καὶ βαρέα αἰτιώματα καταφέροντες ἃ οὐκ ἴσχυον ἀποδεῖξαι,
25:7. qui cum perductus esset circumsteterunt eum qui ab Hierosolyma descenderant Iudaei multas et graves causas obicientes quas non poterant probare
Who being brought, the Jews stood about him, who were come down from Jerusalem, objecting many and grievious causes, which they could not prove:
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
7: "Стали кругом" - может быть, с целью запугать Павла, лишить его мужества и присутствия духа.

"Многие и тяжкие обвинения..." - какие именно? Дееписатель прямо не говорит, замечая только, что эти обвинения были бездоказательны, голословны. Из ответа апостола (ст. 8) можно заключить, что обвинения были все те же, что и ранее - на суде пред Феликсом (XXIV:5-6). Есть, однако, и нечто новое, или, по крайней мере, резче выраженное: это - обвинение в каком-то преступлении против Кесаря. По-видимому, это - более резкое, усиленное воспроизведение прежнего обвинения апостола в том, что он возмутитель (XXIV:5). Возможно также, что здесь повторяется клевета, которую возводили на христиан солунские иудеи (XVII:6: и д. ), выставляя на вид, что христиане почитают другого царя Иисуса и, следовательно, идут против повелений Кесаря.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
25:7: The Jews - laid many and grievous complaints against Paul - As they must have perceived that the Roman governors would not intermeddle with questions of their law, etc., they no doubt invented some new charges, such as sedition, treason, etc., in order to render the mind of the governor evil affected towards Paul; but their malicious designs were defeated, for assertion would not go for proof before a Roman tribunal: this court required proof, and the blood-thirsty persecutors of the apostle could produce none.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:7: Grievous complaints - Heavy accusations. Doubtless the same with which they had charged him before Felix, Act 24:5-6. Compare Act 25:19.
Which they could not prove - Act 24:13, Act 24:19.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:7: and laid: Act 25:24, Act 21:28, Act 24:5, Act 24:6, Act 24:13; Ezr 4:15; Est 3:8; Psa 27:12, Psa 35:11; Mat 5:11, Mat 5:12; Mat 26:60-62; Mar 15:3, Mar 15:4; Luk 23:2, Luk 23:10; Pe1 4:14-16
Geneva 1599
25:7 And when he was come, the Jews which came down from Jerusalem stood round about, and laid many and grievous complaints against Paul, which (a) they could not prove.
(a) They could not prove them certainly and without undoubted reasons.
John Gill
25:7 And when he was come,.... Into court:
the Jews which came down from Jerusalem; along with Festus, perhaps the high priest with the elders, and Tertullus the orator, as before:
stood round about; either the Apostle Paul, or the judgment seat; the witnesses and accusers were to stand, as well as the person accused; See Gill on Mk 14:57.
And laid many and grievous complaints against Paul; which they could not prove; for his moral conversation, both before and after conversion, was very strict and conformable to the laws of God and man; and yet as pure and inoffensive as he was, he was not exempt from the calumnies of men; and these many and very grievous; but it was his happiness, and to his honour through the grace of God, that his enemies could not make good anyone thing against him.
John Wesley
25:7 Bringing many accusations - When many accusations are heaped together, frequently not one of them is true.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
25:7 the Jews . . . from Jerusalem--clamorously, as at Jerusalem; see Acts 25:24.
many and grievous complaints against Paul--From his reply, and Festus' statement of the case before Agrippa, these charges seem to have been a jumble of political and religious matter which they were unable to substantiate, and vociferous cries that he was unfit to live. Paul's reply, not given in full, was probably little more than a challenge to prove any of their charges, whether political or religious.
25:825:8: Քանզի առնէր պատասխանի Պաւղոս, եթէ ո՛չ յօրէնս Հրէից, եւ ո՛չ ՚ի տաճարն, եւ ո՛չ ՚ի կայսր ինչ վնասակար եմ։
8. քանի որ Պօղոսը պատասխանում էր. «Ոչնչով յանցաւոր չեմ ո՛չ հրեաների օրէնքի, ո՛չ տաճարի, ո՛չ էլ կայսեր դէմ»:
8 Վասն զի Պօղոս կը պնդէր թէ՝ «Ես ո՛չ Հրեաներուն օրէնքին, ո՛չ տաճարին, ո՛չ ալ Կայսրին դէմ յանցանք մը գործած եմ»։
Քանզի առնէր պատասխանի Պաւղոս եթէ` Ոչ յօրէնս Հրէից եւ ոչ ի տաճարն եւ ոչ ի կայսր ինչ վնասակար եմ:

25:8: Քանզի առնէր պատասխանի Պաւղոս, եթէ ո՛չ յօրէնս Հրէից, եւ ո՛չ ՚ի տաճարն, եւ ո՛չ ՚ի կայսր ինչ վնասակար եմ։
8. քանի որ Պօղոսը պատասխանում էր. «Ոչնչով յանցաւոր չեմ ո՛չ հրեաների օրէնքի, ո՛չ տաճարի, ո՛չ էլ կայսեր դէմ»:
8 Վասն զի Պօղոս կը պնդէր թէ՝ «Ես ո՛չ Հրեաներուն օրէնքին, ո՛չ տաճարին, ո՛չ ալ Կայսրին դէմ յանցանք մը գործած եմ»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:88: Он же в оправдание свое сказал: я не сделал никакого преступления ни против закона Иудейского, ни против храма, ни против кесаря.
25:8  τοῦ παύλου ἀπολογουμένου ὅτι οὔτε εἰς τὸν νόμον τῶν ἰουδαίων οὔτε εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν οὔτε εἰς καίσαρά τι ἥμαρτον.
25:8. τοῦ (of-the-one) Παύλου (of-a-Paulos) ἀπολογουμένου ( of-fortheeing-off-unto ) ὅτι (to-which-a-one,"Οὔτε (Not-also) εἰς (into) τὸν (to-the-one) νόμον (to-a-parcelee) τῶν (of-the-ones) Ἰουδαίων ( of-Iouda-belonged ) οὔτε (not-also) εἰς (into) τὸ (to-the-one) ἱερὸν (to-sacred) οὔτε (not-also) εἰς (into) Καίσαρά (to-a-Kaisar) τι (to-a-one) ἥμαρτον. (I-had-un-adjusted-along)
25:8. Paulo autem rationem reddente quoniam neque in legem Iudaeorum neque in templum neque in Caesarem quicquam peccaviPaul making answer for himself: Neither against the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Caesar, have I offended in any thing.
8. while Paul said in his defence, Neither against the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Caesar, have I sinned at all.
While he answered for himself, Neither against the law of the Jews, neither against the temple, nor yet against Caesar, have I offended any thing at all:

8: Он же в оправдание свое сказал: я не сделал никакого преступления ни против закона Иудейского, ни против храма, ни против кесаря.
25:8  τοῦ παύλου ἀπολογουμένου ὅτι οὔτε εἰς τὸν νόμον τῶν ἰουδαίων οὔτε εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν οὔτε εἰς καίσαρά τι ἥμαρτον.
25:8. Paulo autem rationem reddente quoniam neque in legem Iudaeorum neque in templum neque in Caesarem quicquam peccavi
Paul making answer for himself: Neither against the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Caesar, have I offended in any thing.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jw▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
8: Стих представляет или подлинно краткий ответ апостола в свое оправдание, имеющее решительный характер, или, может быть, передает только сущность защитительной речи Павла.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
25:8: While he answered for himself - In this instance St. Luke gives only a general account, both of the accusations and of St. Paul's defense. But, from the words in this verse, the charges appear to have been threefold:
1. That he had broken the law.
2. That he had defiled the temple.
3. That he dealt in treasonable practices: to all of which he no doubt answered particularly; though we have nothing farther here than this, Neither against the law of the Jews, neither against the temple, nor yet against Caesar, have I offended any thing at all.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:8: While he answered ... - See this answer more at length in Act 24:10-21. As the accusations against him were the same now as then, he made to them the same reply.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:8: Neither: Act 25:10, Act 6:13, Act 6:14, Act 23:1, Act 24:6, Act 24:12, Act 24:17-21, Act 28:17, Act 28:21; Gen 40:15; Jer 37:18; Dan 6:22; Co2 1:12
John Gill
25:8 While he answered for himself,.... As he was allowed by the Roman laws to do, he pleaded his own cause, and showed the falsehood of the charges exhibited against him; by observing, that as the crimes alleged against him were reducible to three heads, neither of them were just and true:
neither against the law of the Jews; the law of Moses, whether moral, ceremonial, or judicial; not the moral law, that he was a strict observer of, both before and since his conversion; nor the ceremonial law, for though it was abolished, and he knew it was, yet for peace sake, and in condescension to the weakness of some, and in order to gain others, he submitted to it, and was performing a branch of it, when he was seized in the temple; nor the judicial law, which concerned the Jews as Jews, and their civil affairs: neither against the temple; at Jerusalem, the profanation of which he was charged with, by bringing a Gentile into it; which was a falsehood, at least a mistake:
nor yet against Caesar, have I offended at all; for he was charged with sedition, Acts 24:5. Caesar was a common name to the Roman emperors, as Pharaoh was to the kings of Egypt; and which they took from Julius Caesar the first of them, who was succeeded by Augustus Caesar, under whom Christ was born; and he by Tiberius, under whom he suffered; the fourth was Caius Caligula; the fifth was Claudius, mentioned in Acts 11:28 and the present Caesar, to whom Paul now appealed, was Nero; and though succeeding emperors bore this name, it was also given to the second in the empire, or the presumptive heir to it: authors are divided about the original of Caesar, the surname of Julius; some say he had it from the colour of his eyes, which were "Caesii", grey; others from "Caesaries", his fine head of hair; others from his killing of an elephant, which, in the language of the Moors, is called "Caesar": the more common opinion is, that he took his name from his mother's womb, being "Caeso", cut up at his birth, to make way for his passage into the world; in which manner also our King Edward the Sixth came into the world.
John Wesley
25:8 While he answered - To a general charge a general answer was sufficient.
25:925:9: Բայց Փեստոս կամեցեալ Հրէիցն շնորհս առնել. պատասխանի ետ Պաւղոսի՝ եւ ասէ. Կամի՞ս յԵրուսաղէմ ելանել, եւ անդ վասն դոցին իրաց դատել առաջի իմ[2776]։ [2776] Յօրինակին պակասէր. Կամեցեալ Հրէիցն։ Ոմանք. Շնորհս ինչ առ՛՛... Վասն նոցին. կամ՝ սոցին իրաց։
9. Բայց Փեստոսը, կամենալով հրեաներին շնորհ անել, Պօղոսին ասաց. «Ուզո՞ւմ ես Երուսաղէմ բարձրանալ եւ այդ խնդիրների համար այդտեղ դատուել իմ առաջ»:
9 Բայց Փեստոս ուզելով որ Հրեաներուն շնորհք ընէ, Պօղոսին ըսաւ. «Կ’ուզե՞ս Երուսաղէմ ելլել եւ հոն դատուիլ»։
Բայց Փեստոս կամեցեալ Հրէիցն շնորհս առնել` պատասխանի ետ Պաւղոսի եւ ասէ. Կամի՞ս յԵրուսաղէմ ելանել, եւ անդ վասն դոցին իրաց դատել առաջի իմ:

25:9: Բայց Փեստոս կամեցեալ Հրէիցն շնորհս առնել. պատասխանի ետ Պաւղոսի՝ եւ ասէ. Կամի՞ս յԵրուսաղէմ ելանել, եւ անդ վասն դոցին իրաց դատել առաջի իմ[2776]։
[2776] Յօրինակին պակասէր. Կամեցեալ Հրէիցն։ Ոմանք. Շնորհս ինչ առ՛՛... Վասն նոցին. կամ՝ սոցին իրաց։
9. Բայց Փեստոսը, կամենալով հրեաներին շնորհ անել, Պօղոսին ասաց. «Ուզո՞ւմ ես Երուսաղէմ բարձրանալ եւ այդ խնդիրների համար այդտեղ դատուել իմ առաջ»:
9 Բայց Փեստոս ուզելով որ Հրեաներուն շնորհք ընէ, Պօղոսին ըսաւ. «Կ’ուզե՞ս Երուսաղէմ ելլել եւ հոն դատուիլ»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:99: Фест, желая сделать угождение Иудеям, сказал в ответ Павлу: хочешь ли идти в Иерусалим, чтобы я там судил тебя в этом?
25:9  ὁ φῆστος δὲ θέλων τοῖς ἰουδαίοις χάριν καταθέσθαι ἀποκριθεὶς τῶ παύλῳ εἶπεν, θέλεις εἰς ἱεροσόλυμα ἀναβὰς ἐκεῖ περὶ τούτων κριθῆναι ἐπ᾽ ἐμοῦ;
25:9. ὁ (The-one) Φῆστος (a-Festos) δὲ (moreover) θέλων (determining) τοῖς (unto-the-ones) Ἰουδαίοις ( unto-Iouda-belonged ) χάριν (to-a-granting) καταθέσθαι ( to-have-had-placed-down ,"ἀποκριθεὶς (having-been-separated-off) τῷ (unto-the-one) Παύλῳ (unto-a-Paulos) εἶπεν (it-had-said,"Θέλεις (Thou-determine) εἰς (into) Ἰεροσόλυμα (to-a-Hierosoluma) ἀναβὰς (having-had-stepped-up) ἐκεῖ (thither) περὶ (about) τούτων (of-the-ones-these) κριθῆναι (to-have-been-separated) ἐπ' (upon) ἐμοῦ; (of-ME?"
25:9. Festus autem volens Iudaeis gratiam praestare respondens Paulo dixit vis Hierosolymam ascendere et ibi de his iudicari apud meBut Festus, willing to shew the Jews a pleasure, answering Paul, said: Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem and there be judged of these things before me?
9. But Festus, desiring to gain favour with the Jews, answered Paul, and said, Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these things before me?
But Festus, willing to do the Jews a pleasure, answered Paul, and said, Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these things before me:

9: Фест, желая сделать угождение Иудеям, сказал в ответ Павлу: хочешь ли идти в Иерусалим, чтобы я там судил тебя в этом?
25:9  ὁ φῆστος δὲ θέλων τοῖς ἰουδαίοις χάριν καταθέσθαι ἀποκριθεὶς τῶ παύλῳ εἶπεν, θέλεις εἰς ἱεροσόλυμα ἀναβὰς ἐκεῖ περὶ τούτων κριθῆναι ἐπ᾽ ἐμοῦ;
25:9. Festus autem volens Iudaeis gratiam praestare respondens Paulo dixit vis Hierosolymam ascendere et ibi de his iudicari apud me
But Festus, willing to shew the Jews a pleasure, answering Paul, said: Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem and there be judged of these things before me?
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
9: Подобно Феликсу, Фест не нашел никакой вины в Павле, но не осмелился, как и тот, оскорбить иудеев освобождением невинного. Посему, желая сделать угодное иудеям, он спрашивает Павла: "хочешь ли идти в Иерусалим, чтобы я там судил тебя в этом?" Хотя этим выражением Фест давал понять, что он не оставит Павла на произвол Синедриона, однако, Павел отказался от такого косвенного, малонадежного покровительства и предпочел, чтобы дело его было передано не в руки низшего, а в руки высшего суда Кесарева, на что он имел полное право, как римский гражданин. Спросить Павла - хочешь ли?.. - Фест должен был потому, что перенесение дела из высшей судебной инстанции (суд прокуратора - именем Кесаря) в низшую (суд местный, национальный) могло быть сделано только разве по желанию подсудимого. С другой стороны, не сомневаясь в решительном отказе Павла на свое предложение, Фест все-таки спрашивает Павла хочешь ли?.. все по той же угодливости иудеям, которым Фест хотел показать, что отказ в исполнении их просьбы выдать им Павла (ст. 4) сделан не из неблаговоления к ним, а зависит от самого подсудимого, которого против его воли нельзя, по римским законам, передавать из высшей судебной инстанции в низшую. Фест "пока еще не знал иудеев и не испытал от них почестей, отвечал справедливо (ст. 4); а когда побывал в Иерусалиме, то также стал угождать им, и не просто угождает, а с подобострастием" (Злат. ).
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
25:9: Willing to do the Jews a pleasure - This was merely to please them, and conciliate their esteem; for he knew that, as Paul was a Roman citizen, he could not oblige him to take a new trial at Jerusalem.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:9: But Festus, willing to do the Jews a pleasure - Desirous of securing their favor, as he had just entered on his administration. Compare Act 24:27. In this he evinced rather a desire of popularity than an inclination to do justice. Had he been disposed to do right at once, he would have immediately discharged Paul. Festus perceived that the case was one that did not come fairly within the jurisdiction of a Roman magistrate; that it pertained solely to the customs and questions among the Jews Act 25:18-20; and he therefore proposed that the case should be tried before him at Jerusalem. It is remarkable, however, that he had such a sense of justice and law as not to suffer the case to go out of his own hands. He proposed still to hear the cause, but asked Paul whether he was willing that it should be tried at Jerusalem. As the question which he asked Paul was one on which he was at liberty to take his own course, and as Paul had no reason to expect that his going to Jerusalem would facilitate the cause of justice, it is not remarkable that he declined the offer, as perhaps Festus supposed he would.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:9: willing: Act 25:3, Act 25:20, Act 12:3, Act 24:27; Mar 15:15
Geneva 1599
25:9 (3) But Festus, willing to do the Jews a pleasure, answered Paul, and said, Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these things before me?
(3) God does not only turn aside the counsel of the wicked, but also turns it upon their own heads.
John Gill
25:9 But Festus, willing to do the Jews a pleasure,.... As did his predecessor Felix, Acts 24:27 he being just entered upon his new government, and having met with some caresses and civilities from the Jews at Jerusalem, by whom he had been much pressed and urged about the affair of the apostle:
answered Paul, and said, wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these things before me? meaning by the Jewish sanhedrim, he Festus being present: this was what the Jews had requested of him when he was at Jerusalem, that he would send for Paul thither, and there let him be judged, and which request he had denied; but having been solicited and importuned by the Jews, perhaps as, they came down together, he was inclined to gratify them, and to admit of it that he should be tried at Jerusalem, before the sanhedrim, he being present; and yet he was unwilling to do this without the prisoner's consent, he being a freeman of a Roman city; fearing he should be charged with delivering up a Roman into the hands of the Jews, which might be resented by the emperor and the Roman senate, should it come to their knowledge.
John Wesley
25:9 Art thou willing to go up to Jerusalem - Festus could have ordered this without asking Paul. But God secretly overruled the whole, that he might have an occasion of appealing to Rome.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
25:9 Festus, willing to do the Jews a pleasure--to ingratiate himself with them.
said, Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and . . . be judged . . . before me--or, "under my protection." If this was meant in earnest, it was temporizing and vacillating. But, possibly, anticipating Paul's refusal, he wished merely to avoid the odium of refusing to remove the trial to Jerusalem.
25:1025:10: Եւ ասէ Պաւղոս. Յատենի կայսեր հասեա՛լ կամ, ուր պարտ է ինձ դատել. Հրէից ինչ չե՛մ վնասակար, որպէս եւ դու իսկ քաջ գիտես[2777]։ [2777] Ոմանք. Որպէս դու իսկ քաջ։
10. Պօղոսն ասաց. «Կանգնած եմ կայսեր ատեանի առաջ, ուր եւ պէտք է դատուեմ: Հրեաներին ոչ մի անիրաւութիւն չեմ արել, ինչպէս ինքդ էլ քաջ գիտես.
10 Պօղոս ալ ըսաւ. «Կայսրին ատեանը կայներ եմ, ուր պէտք է դատուիմ։ Ես Հրեաներուն անիրաւութիւն մը ըրած չեմ, ինչպէս դուն ալ աղէկ գիտես։
Եւ ասէ Պաւղոս. Յատենի կայսեր հասեալ կամ ուր պարտ է ինձ դատել. Հրէից ինչ չեմ վնասակար, որպէս եւ դու իսկ քաջ գիտես:

25:10: Եւ ասէ Պաւղոս. Յատենի կայսեր հասեա՛լ կամ, ուր պարտ է ինձ դատել. Հրէից ինչ չե՛մ վնասակար, որպէս եւ դու իսկ քաջ գիտես[2777]։
[2777] Ոմանք. Որպէս դու իսկ քաջ։
10. Պօղոսն ասաց. «Կանգնած եմ կայսեր ատեանի առաջ, ուր եւ պէտք է դատուեմ: Հրեաներին ոչ մի անիրաւութիւն չեմ արել, ինչպէս ինքդ էլ քաջ գիտես.
10 Պօղոս ալ ըսաւ. «Կայսրին ատեանը կայներ եմ, ուր պէտք է դատուիմ։ Ես Հրեաներուն անիրաւութիւն մը ըրած չեմ, ինչպէս դուն ալ աղէկ գիտես։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:1010: Павел сказал: я стою перед судом кесаревым, где мне и следует быть судиму. Иудеев я ничем не обидел, как и ты хорошо знаешь.
25:10  εἶπεν δὲ ὁ παῦλος, ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος καίσαρός ἑστώς εἰμι, οὖ με δεῖ κρίνεσθαι. ἰουδαίους οὐδὲν ἠδίκησα, ὡς καὶ σὺ κάλλιον ἐπιγινώσκεις.
25:10. εἶπεν (It-had-said) δὲ (moreover,"ὁ (the-one) Παῦλος (a-Paulos,"Ἑστὼς (Having-had-come-to-stand) ἐπὶ (upon) τοῦ (of-the-one) βήματος (of-a-stepping-to) Καίσαρός (of-a-Kaisar) εἰμι, (I-be,"οὗ (of-which) με (to-me) δεῖ (it-bindeth) κρίνεσθαι. (to-be-separated) Ἰουδαίους ( To-Iouda-belonged ) οὐδὲν (to-not-moreover-one) ἠδίκηκα, (I-had-come-to-un-course-unto,"ὡς (as) καὶ (and) σὺ (thou) κάλλιον (to-more-seemly) ἐπιγινώσκεις. (thou-acquaint-upon)
25:10. dixit autem Paulus ad tribunal Caesaris sto ubi me oportet iudicari Iudaeis non nocui sicut tu melius nostiThen Paul said: I stand at Caesar's judgment seat, where I ought to be judged. To the Jews I have done no injury, as thou very well knowest.
10. But Paul said, I am standing before Caesar’s judgment-seat, where I ought to be judged: to the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou also very well knowest.
Then said Paul, I stand at Caesar' s judgment seat, where I ought to be judged: to the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou very well knowest:

10: Павел сказал: я стою перед судом кесаревым, где мне и следует быть судиму. Иудеев я ничем не обидел, как и ты хорошо знаешь.
25:10  εἶπεν δὲ ὁ παῦλος, ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος καίσαρός ἑστώς εἰμι, οὖ με δεῖ κρίνεσθαι. ἰουδαίους οὐδὲν ἠδίκησα, ὡς καὶ σὺ κάλλιον ἐπιγινώσκεις.
25:10. dixit autem Paulus ad tribunal Caesaris sto ubi me oportet iudicari Iudaeis non nocui sicut tu melius nosti
Then Paul said: I stand at Caesar's judgment seat, where I ought to be judged. To the Jews I have done no injury, as thou very well knowest.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
10: Отказ Павла дышит достоинством и сознанием полной своей невинности. "Я стою пред судом Кесаревым...", отвечал он, и отвечал справедливо, потому что суд римского наместника почитался судом самого императора.

"Где мне и следует быть судиму..." - намек на то, что если Фест не нашел сам вины в Павле и, так сказать, не имеет права и мужества осадить невинного, то тем более он не имеет права выдать этого невинного на заведомое осуждение суда низшего: тут беспристрастным и справедливым мог быть только суд самого Кесаря.

"Иудеев я ничем не обидел..." - новое основание для отказа судиться судом иудейским, домогательства которого являются бесцеремонным беззаконием и ничего, кроме беззакония, не обещают.

"Как и ты хорошо знаешь..." - wV kai su kallion epiginwskeiV... - "яко же и ты добре веси...", "как и ты лучше знаешь", т. е. лучше знаешь или должен знать как то, что я не обидел иудеев, так и то, что не обидевшего их не следует выдавать им, а препроводить на высший суд Кесаря. Этим показывается тонко и деликатно неуместность самого вопроса - хочешь ли? Ты лучше (чем прикидываешься) знаешь, чего я должен хотеть и по законам римским, и по чувству невиновности пред иудеями: спрашивать об этом нечего, дело ясно само собою. За апостола в данном случае нечего бояться: он вполне готов и умереть, если того заслужил; а если нет в нем никакой вины, то "никто не может выдать (karisaqai - подарить) меня им". Такое решительное заявление, ограничивающее свободу самого прокуратора, Павел делает, очевидно, потому, что Фест, при обнаружившейся угодливости иудеям, внушал сильные сомнения в своем беспристрастии, заставляя думать, что интриги смертельных врагов апостола восторжествуют и над этим прокуратором.

"Требую суда Кесарева!.. " - заключает апостол, избавляя Феста от страха возбудить неудовольствие иудеев своим освобождением и находя настоящий момент наиболее благоприятным к исполнению воли Господа, предназначившей ему свидетельствовать о Нем и в Риме (XXIII:11).
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
25:10: I stand at Caesar's judgment seat - Every procurator represented the person of the emperor in the province over which he presided; and, as the seat of government was at Caesarea, and Paul was now before the tribunal on which the emperor's representative sat, he could say, with the strictest propriety, that he stood before Caesar's judgment seat, where, as a freeman of Rome, he should be tried.
As thou very well knowest - The record of this trial before Felix was undoubtedly left for the inspection of Festus; for, as he left the prisoner to his successor, he must also leave the charges against him, and the trial which he had undergone. Besides, Festus must be assured of his innocence, from the trial through which he had just now passed.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:10: Then said Paul ... - The reasons why Paul declined the proposal to be tried at Jerusalem are obvious. He had experienced so much violent persecution from his countrymen, and their minds were so full of prejudice, misconception, and enmity, that he had neither justice nor favor to hope at them hands. He knew, too, that they had formerly plotted against his life, and that he had been removed to Caesarea for the purpose of safety. It would be madness and folly to throw himself again into their hands, or to give them another opportunity to form a plan against his life. As he was, therefore, under no obligation to return to Jerusalem, and as Festus did not propose it because it could be supposed that justice would be promoted by it, but to gratify the Jews, Paul prudently declined the proposal, and appealed to the Roman emperor.
I stand at Caesar's judgment seat - The Roman emperors after Julius Caesar were all called "Caesar"; thus, Augustus Caesar, Claudius Caesar, etc., as all the kings of Egypt were called "Pharaoh," though they each had his proper name, as Pharaoh Necho, etc. The emperor at this time (60 a. d.) was Nero, one of the most cruel and impious men that ever sat on a throne. It was under him that Paul was afterward beheaded. When Paul says, "I stand at Caesar's judgment seat," he means to say that he regarded the tribunal before which he then stood, and on which Festus sat, as really the judgment seat of Caesar. The procurator, or governor, held his commission from the Roman emperor, and it was, in fact, his tribunal. The reason why Paul made this declaration may be thus expressed: "I am a Roman citizen. I have a right to justice. I am under no obligation to put myself again in the hands of the Jews. I have a right to a fair and impartial trial; and I claim the protection and privileges which all Roman citizens have before their tribunals - the right of a fair and just trial." It was, therefore, a severe rebuke of Festus for proposing to depart from the known justice of the Roman laws, and, for the sake of popularity, proposing to him to put himself in the hands of his enemies.
Where I ought to be judged - Where I have a right to demand and expect justice. I have a right to be tried where courts are usually held, and according to all the forms of equity which are usually observed.
Have I done no wrong - I have not injured their persons, property, character, or religion. This was a bold appeal, which his consciousness of innocence and the whole course of proceedings enabled him to make without the possibility of their gainsaying it.
As thou very well knowest - Festus knew, probably, that Paul had been tried by Felix, and that nothing was proved against him. He had now seen the spirit of the Jews, and the cause why they arraigned him. He had given Paul a trial, and had called on the Jews to adduce their "able" men to accuse him, and after all nothing had been proved against him. Festus knew, therefore, that he was innocent. This abundantly appears also from his own confession, Act 25:18-19. As he knew this, and as Festus was proposing to depart from the regular course of justice for the sake of popularity, it was proper for Paul to use the strong language of rebuke, and to claim what he knew Festus did not dare to deny him, the protection of the Roman laws. Conscious innocence may be bold; and Christians have a right to insist on impartial justice and the protection of the laws. Alas! how many magistrates there have been like Festus, who, when Christians have been arraigned before them, have been fully satisfied of their innocence, but who, for the sake of popularity, have departed from all the rules of law and all the claims of justice.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:10: I stand: Every procurator represented the emperor in the province over which he presided; and as the seat of government was at Cesarea, St. Paul was before the tribunal where, as a Roman citizen, he ought to be judged. Act 16:37, Act 16:38, Act 22:25-28
as thou: Act 25:25, Act 23:29, Act 26:31, Act 28:18; Mat 27:18, Mat 27:23, Mat 27:24; Co2 4:2
John Gill
25:10 Then said Paul, I stand at Caesar's judgment seat,.... Not that here was a seat in the judgment hall built by Herod for Caesar himself to sit in, should he ever come there, as some have thought; but the seat on which Festus sat is called Caesar's judgment seat, because it was in a Raman court of judicature, and because Festus, who filled it, represented Caesar himself:
where I ought to be judged: being a Roman citizen, and not at Jerusalem by the sanhedrim of the Jews, who had nothing to do with him:
to the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou very well knowest; it may be by his predecessor Felix, who had informed him of this case; or by Lysias's letter, which might come to his hands; or by the apostle's answer and vindication of himself, which he now made.
have I done no wrong, as thou very well knowest; it may be by his predecessor Felix, who had informed him of this case; or by Lysias's letter, which might come to his hands; or by the apostle's answer and vindication of himself, which he now made.
John Wesley
25:10 I am standing at Cesar's judgment seat - For all the courts of the Roman governors were held in the name of the emperor, and by commission from him. No man can give me up - He expresses it modestly: the meaning is, Thou canst not. I appeal to Cesar - Which any Roman citizen might do before sentence was passed.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
25:10 Then said Paul, I stand at CÃ&brvbr;sar's judgment seat--that is, I am already before the proper tribunal. This seems to imply that he understood Festus to propose handing him over to the Sanhedrim for judgment (and see on Acts 25:11), with a mere promise of protection from him. But from going to Jerusalem at all he was too well justified in shrinking, for there assassination had been quite recently planned against him.
to the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou knowest very well--literally, "better," that is, (perhaps), better than to press such a proposal.
if there be none of these things . . . no man may deliver me unto them--The word signifies to "surrender in order to gratify" another.
25:1125:11: Ապա եթէ վնասակա՛ր եմ՝ եւ արժանի ինչ մահու գործեցի, ո՛չ զանգիտեմ ՚ի մեռանելոյ. իսկ եթէ՝ ո՛չինչ է՝ զորոց սոքա ամբաստան լինին զինէն, ո՛չ ոք կարէ զիս դոցա շնորհել. ՚ի կա՛յսր բողոքեմ[2778]։ [2778] Ոմանք. Ապա թէ վնասակար իցեմ... մահու ինչ... ոչինչ իցէ՝ զորոց սոքայս ամբաստանեն զի՛՛։ Յօրինակին պակասէր. Եմ. եւ արժանի։
11. ուրեմն եթէ յանցաւոր եմ եւ մահուան արժանի գործ եմ արել, մեռնելուց չեմ վախենայ: Իսկ եթէ ոչինչ չկայ այն մեղադրանքների մէջ, որոնցով սրանք ինձ ամբաստանում են, ոչ ոք չի կարող ինձ որպէս շնորհ յանձնել դրանց:
11 Քանզի եթէ անիրաւութիւն մը եւ մահուան արժանի բան մը ըրած եմ, ես մեռնելէ չեմ քաշուիր. բայց եթէ չկայ իմ վրաս այն բաներէն մէկն ալ՝ որոնց համար ասոնք ինծի դէմ ամբաստանութիւն կ’ընեն, մէ՛կը չի կրնար զիս ատոնց շնորհել, Կայսրին կը բողոքեմ»։
Ապա եթէ վնասակար իցեմ եւ արժանի ինչ մահու գործեցի, ոչ զանգիտեմ ի մեռանելոյ. իսկ եթէ ոչ ինչ իցէ զորոց սոքա ամբաստան լինին զինէն, ոչ ոք կարէ զիս դոցա շնորհել. ի կայսր բողոքեմ:

25:11: Ապա եթէ վնասակա՛ր եմ՝ եւ արժանի ինչ մահու գործեցի, ո՛չ զանգիտեմ ՚ի մեռանելոյ. իսկ եթէ՝ ո՛չինչ է՝ զորոց սոքա ամբաստան լինին զինէն, ո՛չ ոք կարէ զիս դոցա շնորհել. ՚ի կա՛յսր բողոքեմ[2778]։
[2778] Ոմանք. Ապա թէ վնասակար իցեմ... մահու ինչ... ոչինչ իցէ՝ զորոց սոքայս ամբաստանեն զի՛՛։ Յօրինակին պակասէր. Եմ. եւ արժանի։
11. ուրեմն եթէ յանցաւոր եմ եւ մահուան արժանի գործ եմ արել, մեռնելուց չեմ վախենայ: Իսկ եթէ ոչինչ չկայ այն մեղադրանքների մէջ, որոնցով սրանք ինձ ամբաստանում են, ոչ ոք չի կարող ինձ որպէս շնորհ յանձնել դրանց:
11 Քանզի եթէ անիրաւութիւն մը եւ մահուան արժանի բան մը ըրած եմ, ես մեռնելէ չեմ քաշուիր. բայց եթէ չկայ իմ վրաս այն բաներէն մէկն ալ՝ որոնց համար ասոնք ինծի դէմ ամբաստանութիւն կ’ընեն, մէ՛կը չի կրնար զիս ատոնց շնորհել, Կայսրին կը բողոքեմ»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:1111: Ибо, если я неправ и сделал что-нибудь, достойное смерти, то не отрекаюсь умереть; а если ничего того нет, в чем сии обвиняют меня, то никто не может выдать меня им. Требую суда кесарева.
25:11  εἰ μὲν οὗν ἀδικῶ καὶ ἄξιον θανάτου πέπραχά τι, οὐ παραιτοῦμαι τὸ ἀποθανεῖν· εἰ δὲ οὐδέν ἐστιν ὧν οὖτοι κατηγοροῦσίν μου, οὐδείς με δύναται αὐτοῖς χαρίσασθαι· καίσαρα ἐπικαλοῦμαι.
25:11. εἰ (If) μὲν (indeed) οὖν (accordingly) ἀδικῶ (I-un-coursed-unto) καὶ (and) ἄξιον (to-deem-belonged) θανάτου (of-a-death) πέπραχά (I-had-come-to-practice) τι, (to-a-one,"οὐ (not) παραιτοῦμαι ( I-appeal-beside-unto ) τὸ (to-the-one) ἀποθανεῖν: (to-have-had-died-off) εἰ (if) δὲ (moreover) οὐδὲν (not-moreover-one) ἔστιν (it-be) ὧν ( of-which ) οὗτοι (the-ones-these) κατηγοροῦσίν (they-gather-down-unto) μου, (of-me,"οὐδείς (not-moreover-one) με (to-me) δύναται ( it-ableth ) αὐτοῖς (unto-them) χαρίσασθαι : ( to-have-granted-to ) Καίσαρα (to-a-Kaisar) ἐπικαλοῦμαι . ( I-call-upon-unto )
25:11. si enim nocui aut dignum morte aliquid feci non recuso mori si vero nihil est eorum quae hii accusant me nemo potest me illis donare Caesarem appelloFor if I have injured them or have committed any thing worthy of death, I refuse not to die. But if there be none of these things whereof they accuse me, no man may deliver me to them. I appeal to Caesar.
11. If then I am a wrong-doer, and have committed anything worthy of death, I refuse not to die: but if none of those things is , whereof these accuse me, no man can give me up unto them. I appeal unto Caesar.
For if I be an offender, or have committed any thing worthy of death, I refuse not to die: but if there be none of these things whereof these accuse me, no man may deliver me unto them. I appeal unto Caesar:

11: Ибо, если я неправ и сделал что-нибудь, достойное смерти, то не отрекаюсь умереть; а если ничего того нет, в чем сии обвиняют меня, то никто не может выдать меня им. Требую суда кесарева.
25:11  εἰ μὲν οὗν ἀδικῶ καὶ ἄξιον θανάτου πέπραχά τι, οὐ παραιτοῦμαι τὸ ἀποθανεῖν· εἰ δὲ οὐδέν ἐστιν ὧν οὖτοι κατηγοροῦσίν μου, οὐδείς με δύναται αὐτοῖς χαρίσασθαι· καίσαρα ἐπικαλοῦμαι.
25:11. si enim nocui aut dignum morte aliquid feci non recuso mori si vero nihil est eorum quae hii accusant me nemo potest me illis donare Caesarem appello
For if I have injured them or have committed any thing worthy of death, I refuse not to die. But if there be none of these things whereof they accuse me, no man may deliver me to them. I appeal to Caesar.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ all ▾
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
25:11: For if I be an offender - If it can be proved that I have broken the laws, so as to expose me to capital punishment, I do not wish to save my life by subterfuges; I am before the only competent tribunal; here my business should be ultimately decided.
No man may deliver me unto them - The words of the apostle are very strong and appropriate. The Jews asked as a favor, χαριν, from Festus, that he would send Paul to Jerusalem, Act 25:3. Festus, willing to do the Jews χαριν, this favor, asked Paul if he would go to Jerusalem, and there be judged, Act 25:9. Paul says, I have done nothing amiss, either against the Jews or against Caesar; therefore no man με δυναται αυτοις χαρισασθαι, can make a Present of me to them; that is, favor them so far as to put my life into their hands, and thus gratify them by my death. Festus, in his address to Agrippa, Act 25:16, admits this, and uses the same form of speech: It is not the custom of the Romans, χαριζεσθαι, gratuitously to give up any one, etc. Much of the beauty of this passage is lost by not attending to the original words. See on Act 25:16 (note).
I appeal unto Caesar - A freeman of Rome, who had been tried for a crime, and sentence passed on him, had a right to appeal to the emperor, if he conceived the sentence to be unjust; but, even before the sentence was pronounced, he had the privilege of an appeal, in criminal cases, if he conceived that the judge was doing any thing contrary to the laws. Ante sententiam appellari potest in criminali negotio, si judex contra leges hoc faciat. - Grotius.
An appeal to the emperor was highly respected. The Julian law condemned those magistrates, and others having authority, as violaters of the public peace, who had put to death, tortured, scourged, imprisoned, or condemned any Roman citizen who had appealed to Caesar. Lege Julia de vi publica damnatur, qui aliqua potestate praeditus, Civem Romanum ad Imperatorem appellantem necarit, necarive jusserit, torserit, verberauerit, condemnaverit, in publica vincula duci jusserit. Pauli Recept. Sent. lib. v. t. 26.
This law was so very sacred and imperative, that, in the persecution under Trajan, Pliny would not attempt to put to death Roman citizens who were proved to have turned Christians; hence, in his letter to Trajan, lib. x. Ep. 97, he says, Fuerunt alii similis amentiae, quos, quia cives Romani erant, annotavi in urbem remittendos. 'There were others guilty of similar folly, whom, finding them to be Roman citizens, I have determined to send to the city." Very likely these had appealed to Caesar.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:11: For if I be an offender - If I have injured the Jews so as to deserve death. If it can be proved that I have done injury to anyone.
I refuse not to die - I have no wish to escape justice. I do not wish to evade the laws, or to take advantage of any circumstances to screen me from just punishment. Paul's whole course showed that this was the noble spirit which actuated him. No true Christian wishes to escape from the laws. He will honor them, and not seek to evade them. But, like other people, he has rights; and he may and should insist that justice should be done.
No man may deliver me unto them - No man shall be allowed to do it. This bold and confident declaration Paul could make, because he knew what the law required, and he knew that Festus would not dare to deliver him up contrary to the law. Boldness is not incompatible with Christianity; and innocence, when its rights are invaded, is always bold. Jesus firmly asserted his rights when on trial Joh 18:23, and no man is under obligation to submit to be trampled on by an unjust tribunal in violation of the laws.
I appeal unto Caesar - I appeal to the man emperor, and carry my cause directly before him. By the Valerian, Porcian, and Sempronian laws, it had been enacted that if any magistrate should be about to beat, or to put to death any Roman citizen, the accused could appeal to the Roman people, and this appeal carried the cause to Rome. The law was so far changed under the emperors that the cause should be carried before the emperor instead of the people. Every citizen had the right of this appeal; and when it was made, the accused was sent to Rome for trial. Thus, Pliny Eph. 10, 97 says that those Christians who were accused, and who, being Roman citizens, appealed to Caesar, he sent to Rome to be tried. The reason why Paul made this appeal was that he saw that justice would not be done him by the Roman governor. He had been tried by Felix, and justice had been denied him, and he was detained a prisoner in violation of law, to gratify the Jews; he had now been tried by Festus, and saw that he was pursuing the same course; and he resolved, therefore, to assert his rights, and remove the cause far from Jerusalem, and from the prejudiced people in that city, at once to Rome. It was in this mysterious way that Paul's long-cherished desire to see the Roman church, and to preach the gospel there, was to be gratified. Compare notes on Rom 1:9-11. For this he had prayed long Rom 1:10; Rom 15:23-24, and now at length this purpose was to be fulfilled. God answers prayer, but it is often in a way which we little anticipate. He so orders the train of events; he so places us amidst a pressure of circumstances, that the desire is granted in a way Which we could never have anticipated, but which shows in the best manner that he is a hearer of prayer.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:11: if I: Act 18:14; Jos 22:22; Sa1 12:3-5; Job 31:21, Job 31:38-40; Psa 7:3-5
no man: Act 16:37, Act 22:25; Th1 2:15
I appeal: An appeal to the emperor was the right of a Roman citizen, and was highly respected. The Julian law condemned those magistrates, and others, as violaters of the public peace, who had put to death, tortured, scourged, imprisoned, or condemned any Roman citizen who had appealed to Cesar. This law was so sacred and imperative, that, in the persecution under Trajan, Pliny would not attempt to put to death Roman citizens, who were proved to have turned Christians, but determined to send them to Rome, probably because they had appealed. Act 25:10, Act 25:25, Act 26:32, Act 28:19; Sa1 27:1
John Gill
25:11 For if I be an offender,.... Against the law of Moses, or the temple at Jerusalem, or Caesar the Roman emperor:
or have committed anything worthy of death; by the laws of the Romans, as sedition, murder, &c.
I refuse not to die; signifying that he did not decline going to Jerusalem, either through any consciousness of guilt, or fear of death; for if anything could be proved against him, that was of a capital nature, he did not desire to escape death; he was ready to die for it; this was no subterfuge, or shift, to evade or defer justice:
but if there be none of these things; to be found, or proved, and made to appear:
whereof these accuse me; pointing to the Jews, that came down to be his accusers, and had laid many and grievous charges against him:
no man may deliver me unto them; not justly, or according to the Roman laws; suggesting that Festus himself could not do it legally;
I appeal unto Caesar; to this the apostle was induced, partly by the conduct of the governor, who seemed inclined to favour the Jews; and partly by the knowledge he might have of their intention to lie in wait for him, should he go up to Jerusalem; and chiefly by the vision he had had, which assured him that he must bear witness of Christ at Rome, Acts 23:11.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
25:11 I appeal to CÃ&brvbr;sar--The right of appeal to the supreme power, in case of life and death, was secured by an ancient law to every Roman citizen, and continued under the empire. Had Festus shown any disposition to pronounce final judgment, Paul, strong in the consciousness of his innocence and the justice of a Roman tribunal, would not have made this appeal. But when the only other alternative offered him was to give his own consent to be transferred to the great hotbed of plots against his life, and to a tribunal of unscrupulous and bloodthirsty ecclesiastics whose vociferous cries for his death had scarcely subsided, no other course was open to him.
25:1225:12: Յայնժամ Փեստոսի խօսեցեա՛լ ընդ խորհրդակցին՝ արար պատասխանի. ՚Ի կա՛յսր բողոքեցեր՝ առ կա՛յսր երթիջի՛ր[2779]։[2779] Ոսկան. Փեստոս խօսեցեալ ընդ։
12. Կայսրի՛ն եմ բողոքում»:Այն ժամանակ Փեստոսը իր խորհրդականների հետ խօսելուց յետոյ պատասխանեց. «Կայսրին բողոքեցիր, կայսեր մօտ պիտի գնաս»:
12 Այն ատեն Փեստոս խորհրդականներուն հետ խօսելով՝ պատասխան տուաւ ու ըսաւ. «Քանի որ Կայսրին բողոքեցիր, Կայսրին պիտի երթաս»։
Յայնժամ Փեստոսի խօսեցեալ ընդ խորհրդակցին` արար պատասխանի. Ի կայսր բողոքեցեր, առ կայսր երթիջիր:

25:12: Յայնժամ Փեստոսի խօսեցեա՛լ ընդ խորհրդակցին՝ արար պատասխանի. ՚Ի կա՛յսր բողոքեցեր՝ առ կա՛յսր երթիջի՛ր[2779]։
[2779] Ոսկան. Փեստոս խօսեցեալ ընդ։
12. Կայսրի՛ն եմ բողոքում»:
Այն ժամանակ Փեստոսը իր խորհրդականների հետ խօսելուց յետոյ պատասխանեց. «Կայսրին բողոքեցիր, կայսեր մօտ պիտի գնաս»:
12 Այն ատեն Փեստոս խորհրդականներուն հետ խօսելով՝ պատասխան տուաւ ու ըսաւ. «Քանի որ Կայսրին բողոքեցիր, Կայսրին պիտի երթաս»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:1212: Тогда Фест, поговорив с советом, отвечал: ты потребовал суда кесарева, к кесарю и отправишься.
25:12  τότε ὁ φῆστος συλλαλήσας μετὰ τοῦ συμβουλίου ἀπεκρίθη, καίσαρα ἐπικέκλησαι, ἐπὶ καίσαρα πορεύσῃ.
25:12. τότε (To-the-one-which-also) ὁ (the-one) Φῆστος (a-Festos) συνλαλήσας (having-spoken-together-unto) μετὰ (with) τοῦ (of-the-one) συμβουλίου (of-a-purposelet-together) ἀπεκρίθη (it-was-separated-off,"Καίσαρα (To-a-Kaisar) ἐπικέκλησαι , ( thou-had-come-to-call-upon-unto ,"ἐπὶ (upon) Καίσαρα (to-a-Kaisar) πορεύσῃ . ( thou-shall-traverse-of )
25:12. tunc Festus cum consilio locutus respondit Caesarem appellasti ad Caesarem ibisThen Festus, having conferred with the council, answered: Hast thou appealed to Caesar? To Caesar shalt thou go.
12. Then Festus, when he had conferred with the council, answered, Thou hast appealed unto Caesar: unto Caesar shalt thou go.
Then Festus, when he had conferred with the council, answered, Hast thou appealed unto Caesar? unto Caesar shalt thou go:

12: Тогда Фест, поговорив с советом, отвечал: ты потребовал суда кесарева, к кесарю и отправишься.
25:12  τότε ὁ φῆστος συλλαλήσας μετὰ τοῦ συμβουλίου ἀπεκρίθη, καίσαρα ἐπικέκλησαι, ἐπὶ καίσαρα πορεύσῃ.
25:12. tunc Festus cum consilio locutus respondit Caesarem appellasti ad Caesarem ibis
Then Festus, having conferred with the council, answered: Hast thou appealed to Caesar? To Caesar shalt thou go.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
12: "Фест, поговорив с советом..." из нескольких чиновников, называвшихся советниками, которые состояли обыкновенно при провинциальных правителях для участия в делах управления областью.

"Ты потребовал суда Кесарева, к Кесарю и отправишься..." В объявлении этом звучит нотка неудовольствия, понятная после тех тонких намеков, на какие вызвал апостола образ действий прокуратора.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
25:12: Conferred with the council - From this circumstance, we may learn that the appeal of Paul to Caesar was conditional; else Festus could not have deliberated with his council whether it should be granted; for he had no power to refuse to admit such an appeal. We may, therefore, understand Paul thus: "I now stand before a tribunal where I ought to be judged; if thou refuse to hear and try this cause, rather than go to Jerusalem, I appeal to Caesar." Festus, therefore, consulted with the council, whether he should proceed to try the cause, or send Paul to Rome; and it appears that the majority were of opinion that he should be sent to Caesar.
Hast thou appealed unto Caesar, etc. - Rather, Thou hast appealed unto Caesar, and to Caesar thou shalt go. The Jews were disappointed of their hope; and Festus got his hand creditably drawn out of a business with which he was likely to have been greatly embarrassed.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:12: When he had conferred with the council - With his associate judges, or with those who were his counselors in the administration of justice. They were made up of the chief persons, probably military as well as civil, who were about him, and who were his assistants in the administration of the affairs of the province.
Unto Caesar shalt thou go - He was willing in this way to rid himself of the trial, and of the vexation attending it. He did not dare to deliver him to the Jews in violation of the Roman laws, and he was not willing to do justice to Paul, and thus make himself unpopular with the Jews. He was, therefore, probably rejoiced at the opportunity of thus freeing himself from all the trouble in the case in a manner against which none could object.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:12: unto Caesar shalt: Act 25:21, Act 19:21, Act 23:11, Act 26:32, Act 27:1, Act 28:16; Psa 76:10; Isa 46:10, Isa 46:11; Lam 3:37; Dan 4:35; Rom 15:28, Rom 15:29; Phi 1:12-14, Phi 1:20
John Gill
25:12 Then Festus, when he had conferred with the council,.... Not with the Jewish sanhedrim, or any part of it that came down on this occasion; but with Roman counsellors, which he had to assist him in judgment, when any difficult matters were before him; the Syriac and Ethiopic versions render it, "with his counsellors"; and the Arabic reads in the singular number, "with his counsellor"; with these he advised, whether it was proper to admit of Paul's appeal, or not; and having had their opinion,
he answered, hast thou appealed unto Caesar? unto Caesar shalt thou go: the question is put, partly for the more certain knowledge of the thing, that there might be no mistake in it; and partly on account of the Jews, that they might see that though he was disposed to do them a favour, it was not in his power, because of this appeal; and it may be with some resentment in himself, since it carried in it a sort of reflection upon him, as if he was incapable of issuing this affair, or would not be just and faithful in it.
John Wesley
25:12 The council - It was customary for a considerable number of persons of distinction to attend the Roman governors. These constituted a kind of council, with whom they frequently advised.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
25:12 Festus--little expecting such an appeal, but bound to respect it.
having conferred with the council--his assessors in judgment, as to the admissibility of the appeal.
said, Hast thou--for "thou hast."
to CÃ&brvbr;sar shalt thou go--as if he would add perhaps "and see if thou fare better."
25:1325:13: Իբրեւ անցին աւուրք ինչ, Ագրիպպաս արքայ եւ Բերինիկէ եկին ՚ի Կեսարիա՝ յողջոյն Փեստոսի[2780]։ [2780] Ոմանք. Յողջոյն Փեստոսի ՚ի Կեսա՛՛։
13. Մի քանի օր անցնելուց յետոյ Ագրիպպաս արքան եւ Բերենիկէն Կեսարիա եկան՝ Փեստոսին ողջունելու:
13 Քանի մը օր անցնելէն յետոյ, Ագրիպպաս թագաւորը եւ Բերինիկէն Կեսարիա եկան Փեստոսը ողջունելու։
Իբրեւ անցին աւուրք ինչ, Ագրիպպաս արքայ եւ Բերինիկէ եկին ի Կեսարիա յողջոյն Փեստոսի:

25:13: Իբրեւ անցին աւուրք ինչ, Ագրիպպաս արքայ եւ Բերինիկէ եկին ՚ի Կեսարիա՝ յողջոյն Փեստոսի[2780]։
[2780] Ոմանք. Յողջոյն Փեստոսի ՚ի Կեսա՛՛։
13. Մի քանի օր անցնելուց յետոյ Ագրիպպաս արքան եւ Բերենիկէն Կեսարիա եկան՝ Փեստոսին ողջունելու:
13 Քանի մը օր անցնելէն յետոյ, Ագրիպպաս թագաւորը եւ Բերինիկէն Կեսարիա եկան Փեստոսը ողջունելու։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:1313: Через несколько дней царь Агриппа и Вереника прибыли в Кесарию поздравить Феста.
25:13  ἡμερῶν δὲ διαγενομένων τινῶν ἀγρίππας ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ βερνίκη κατήντησαν εἰς καισάρειαν ἀσπασάμενοι τὸν φῆστον.
25:13. Ἡμερῶν (Of-days) δὲ (moreover) διαγενομένων ( of-having-had-became-through ) τινῶν (of-ones) Ἀγρίππας (an-Agrippas) ὁ (the-one) βασιλεὺς (a-ruler-of) καὶ (and) Βερνίκη (a-Bernike) κατήντησαν (they-down-ever-a-oned-unto) εἰς (into) Καισαρίαν (to-a-Kaisaria) ἀσπασάμενοι ( having-drawn-along-to ) τὸν (to-the-one) Φῆστον. (to-a-Festos)
25:13. et cum dies aliquot transacti essent Agrippa rex et Bernice descenderunt Caesaream ad salutandum FestumAnd after some days, king Agrippa and Bernice came down to Caesarea, to salute Festus.
13. Now when certain days were passed, Agrippa the king and Bernice arrived at Caesarea, and saluted Festus.
And after certain days king Agrippa and Bernice came unto Caesarea to salute Festus:

13: Через несколько дней царь Агриппа и Вереника прибыли в Кесарию поздравить Феста.
25:13  ἡμερῶν δὲ διαγενομένων τινῶν ἀγρίππας ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ βερνίκη κατήντησαν εἰς καισάρειαν ἀσπασάμενοι τὸν φῆστον.
25:13. et cum dies aliquot transacti essent Agrippa rex et Bernice descenderunt Caesaream ad salutandum Festum
And after some days, king Agrippa and Bernice came down to Caesarea, to salute Festus.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ mh▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
13: "Царь Агриппа..." Это был Ирод Агриппа II-й, последний царь из фамилии Иродовой. Он был сын Ирода Агриппы I-го, (о котором говорится в XII гл. ), правнук Ирода I-го, брат Друзиллы - жены бывшего прокуратора Феликса. Воспитывался при дворе римского императора Клавдия, который, вскоре после смерти отца его, дал ему во владение Халкис (в Сирии), а через четыре года (около 53: г. по Р. X. ) вместо него - прежнюю тетрархию Филиппа и тетрархию Писания (см. к Мф II:22: и Лк III:1), с титулом царя и полномочием - иметь попечение и надзор за храмом Иерусалимским (при нем и оконченным, см. к Ин II:20) и избирать первосвященников Иерусалимских (Флав., Археол., XIX:9, 2; XX:1, 1: и 3, 7, 1).

Вереника - родная сестра Агриппы, бывшая сперва в замужестве за дядей своим Иродом, правителем Халкиса, потом по смерти его жившая с вышеупомянутым братом своим, как полагали, в беззаконной связи (Флав., Археол. XX:7, 3), потом вышедшая за киликийского царя Полемона (там же, 7, 5) и, наконец, бывшая в обладании Веспасиана и Тита.

"Поздравить Феста..." Исполнение не просто долга вежливости, но и прямой обязанности - ввиду вассальных отношений к Риму.
Matthew Henry: Concise Commentary on the Whole Bible - 1706
Agrippa's Visit to Festus; Paul Arraigned before Agrippa.
13 And after certain days king Agrippa and Bernice came unto Cæsarea to salute Festus. 14 And when they had been there many days, Festus declared Paul's cause unto the king, saying, There is a certain man left in bonds by Felix: 15 About whom, when I was at Jerusalem, the chief priests and the elders of the Jews informed me, desiring to have judgment against him. 16 To whom I answered, It is not the manner of the Romans to deliver any man to die, before that he which is accused have the accusers face to face, and have licence to answer for himself concerning the crime laid against him. 17 Therefore, when they were come hither, without any delay on the morrow I sat on the judgment seat, and commanded the man to be brought forth. 18 Against whom when the accusers stood up, they brought none accusation of such things as I supposed: 19 But had certain questions against him of their own superstition, and of one Jesus, which was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive. 20 And because I doubted of such manner of questions, I asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these matters. 21 But when Paul had appealed to be reserved unto the hearing of Augustus, I commanded him to be kept till I might send him to Cæsar. 22 Then Agrippa said unto Festus, I would also hear the man myself. To morrow, said he, thou shalt hear him. 23 And on the morrow, when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with great pomp, and was entered into the place of hearing, with the chief captains, and principal men of the city, at Festus' commandment Paul was brought forth. 24 And Festus said, King Agrippa, and all men which are here present with us, ye see this man, about whom all the multitude of the Jews have dealt with me, both at Jerusalem, and also here, crying that he ought not to live any longer. 25 But when I found that he had committed nothing worthy of death, and that he himself hath appealed to Augustus, I have determined to send him. 26 Of whom I have no certain thing to write unto my lord. Wherefore I have brought him forth before you, and specially before thee, O king Agrippa, that, after examination had, I might have somewhat to write. 27 For it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner, and not withal to signify the crimes laid against him.

We have here the preparation that was made for another hearing of Paul before King Agrippa, not in order to his giving judgment upon him, but in order to his giving advice concerning him, or rather only to gratify his curiosity. Christ had said, concerning his followers, that they should be brought before governors and kings. In the former part of this chapter Paul was brought before Festus the governor, here before Agrippa the king, for a testimony to both. Here is,

I. The kind and friendly visit which king Agrippa made to Festus, now upon his coming into the government in that province (v. 13): After certain days, king Agrippa came to Cæsarea. Here is royal visit. Kings usually think it enough to send their ambassadors to congratulate their friends, but here was a king that came himself, that made the majesty of a prince yield to the satisfaction of a friend; for personal converse is the most pleasant among friends. Observe,

1. Who the visitants were. (1.) King Agrippa, the son of that Herod (surnamed Agrippa) who killed James the apostle, and was himself eaten of worms, and great grandson of Herod the Great, under whom Christ was born. Josephus calls this Agrippa the younger; Claudius the emperor made him king of Chalcis, and tetrarch of Trachonitis and Abylene, mentioned Luke iii. 1. The Jewish writers speak of him, and (as Dr. Lightfoot tells us) among other things relate this story of him, "That reading the law publicly, in the latter end of the year of release, as was enjoined, the king, when he came to those words (Deut. xvii. 15), Thou shalt not set a stranger king over thee, who is not of thy brethren, the tears ran down his cheeks, for he was not of the seed of Israel, which the congregation observing, cried out, Be of good comfort, king Agrippa, thou art our brother; for he was of their religion, though not of their blood." (2.) Bernice came with him. She was his own sister, now a widow, the widow of his uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, after whose death she lived with this brother of hers, who was suspected to be too familiar with her, and, after she was a second time married to Polemon king of Cilicia, she got to be divorced from him, and returned to her brother king Agrippa. Juvenal (Sat. 6) speaks of a diamond ring which Agrippa gave to Bernice, his incestuous sister:--

--------------Berenices
In digito factus pretiosior; hunc dedit olim
Barbarus incestæ, dedit hunc Agrippa sorori.

That far-famed gem which on the finger glow'd
Of Bernice (dearer thence), bestowed
By an incestuous brother.--GIFFORD.
And both Tacitus and Suetonius speak of a criminal intimacy afterwards between her and Titus Vespasian. Drusilla, the wife of Felix, was another sister. Such lewd people were the great people generally in those times! Say not that the former days were better.

2. What the design of this visit was: they came to salute Festus, to give him joy of his new promotion, and to wish him joy in it; they came to compliment him upon his accession to the government, and to keep up a good correspondence with him, that Agrippa, who had the government of Galilee, might act in concert with Festus, who had the government of Judea; but it is probable they came as much to divert themselves as to show respect to him, and to share in the entertainments of his court, and to show their fine clothes, which would do vain people no good if they did not go abroad.

II. The account which Festus gave to king Agrippa of Paul and his case, which he gave.

1. To entertain him, and give him some diversion. It was a very remarkable story, and worth any man's hearing, not only as it was surprising and entertaining, but, if it were truly and fully told, very instructive and edifying; and it would be particularly acceptable to Agrippa, not only because he was a judge, and there were some points of law and practice in it well worth his notice, but much more as he was a Jew, and there were some points of religion in it much more deserving his cognizance.

2. To have his advice. Festus was but newly come to be a judge, at least to be a judge in these parts, and therefore was diffident of himself and of his own ability, and willing to have the counsel of those that were older and more experienced, especially in a matter that had so much difficulty in it as Paul's case seemed to have, and therefore he declared it to the king. Let us now see the particular account he gives to king Agrippa concerning Paul, v. 14-21.

(1.) He found him a prisoner when he came into the government of this province; and therefore could not of his own knowledge give an account of his cause from the beginning: There is a certain man left in bonds by Felix; and therefore, if there were any thing amiss in the first taking of him into custody, Festus is not to answer for that, for he found him in bonds. When Felix, to do the Jews a pleasure, left Paul bound, though he knew him to be innocent, he knew not what he did, knew not but he might fall into worse hands than he did fall into, though they were none of the best.

(2.) That the Jewish sanhedrim were extremely set against him: "The chief priests and the elders informed me against him as a dangerous man, and not fit to live, and desired he might therefore be condemned to die." These being great pretenders to religion, and therefore to be supposed men of honour and honesty, Festus thinks he ought to give credit to them; but Agrippa knows them better than he does, and therefore Festus desires his advice in this matter.

(3.) That he had insisted upon the Roman law in favour of the prisoner, and would not condemn him unheard (v. 16): "It is not the manner of the Romans, who herein govern themselves by the law of nature and the fundamental rules of justice, to deliver any man to die, to grant him to destruction" (so the word is), "to gratify his enemies with his destruction, before the accused has the accusers face to face, to confront their testimony, and have both licence and time given him to answer for himself." He seems to upbraid them as if they reflected upon the Romans and their government in asking such a thing, or expecting that they would condemn a man without trying him: "No," says he, "I would have you to know, whatever you may allow of among yourselves, the Romans allow not of such a piece of injustice among them." Audi et alteram partem--Hear the other side, had become a proverb among them. This rule we ought to be governed by in our private censures in common conversation; we must not give men bad characters, nor condemn their words and actions, till we have heard what is to be said in their vindication. See John vii. 51.

(4.) That he had brought him upon his trial, according to the duty of his place, v. 17. That he had been expeditious in it, and the prosecutors had not reason to complain of his being dilatory, for as soon as ever they had come (and we are sure they lost no time) without any delay, on the morrow, he had brought on the cause. He had likewise tried him in the most solemn manner: He sat on the judgment-seat, as they used to do in weightier causes, while those that were of small moment they judged de plano--upon even ground. He called a great court on purpose for the trial of Paul, that the sentence might be definitive, and the cause ended.

(5.) That he was extremely disappointed in the charge they brought against him (v. 18, 19): When the accusers stood up against him, and opened their indictment, they brought no accusations of such things as I supposed.

[1.] He supposed by the eagerness of their prosecution, and their urging it thus upon the Roman governors one after another, First, That they had something to accuse him of that was dangerous either to private property or the public peace,--that they would undertake to prove him a robber, or a murderer, or a rebel against the Roman power,--that he had been in arms to head a sedition,--that if he were not that Egyptian who lately made an uproar, and commanded a party of cut-throats, as the chief captain supposed him to be, yet he was one of the same kidney. Such were the outcries against the primitive Christians, so loud, so fierce, that the standers-by, who judged of them by those outcries, could not but conclude them the worst of men; and to represent them so was the design of that clamour, as it was against our Saviour. Secondly, That they had something to accuse him of that was cognizable in the Roman courts, and which the governor was properly the judge of, as Gallio expected (ch. xviii. 14); otherwise it was absurd and ridiculous to trouble him with it, and really an affront to him.

[2.] But to his great surprise he finds the matter is neither so nor so; they had certain questions against him, instead of proofs and evidences against him. The worst they had to say against him was disputable whether it was a crime or no-moot-points, that would bear an endless debate, but had no tendency to fasten any guilt upon him, questions fitter for the schools than for the judgment-seat. And they were questions of their own superstition, so he calls their religion; or, rather, so he calls that part of their religion which Paul was charged with doing damage to. The Romans protected their religion according to their law, but not their superstition, nor the tradition of their elders. But the great question, it seems, was concerning one Jesus that was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive. Some think the superstition he speaks of was the Christian religion, which Paul preached, and that he had the same notion of it that the Athenians had, that it was the introducing of a new demon, even Jesus. See how slightly this Roman speaks of Christ, and of his death and resurrection, and of the great controversy between the Jews and the Christians whether he were the Messiah promised or no, and the great proof of his being the Messiah, his resurrection from the dead, as if it were no more than this, There was one Jesus that was dead, and Paul affirmed he was alive. In many causes issue is joined upon this question, whether such a person that has been long absent be living or dead, and proofs are brought on both sides; and Festus will have it thought that this is a matter of no more moment. Whereas this Jesus, whom he prides himself in being thus ignorant of, as if he were below his notice, is he that was dead, and is alive, and lives for evermore, and has the keys of hell and of death, Rev. i. 18. What Paul affirmed concerning Jesus, that he is alive, is a matter of such vast importance that if it be not true we are all undone.

(6.) That therefore he had proposed to Paul that the cause might be adjourned to the Jewish courts, as best able to take cognizance of an affair of this nature (v. 20): "Because I doubted of such manner of questions, and thought myself unfit to judge of things I did not understand, I asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem, appear before the great sanhedrim, and there be judged of these matters." He would not force him to it, but would be glad if Paul would consent to it, that he might not have his conscience burdened with a cause of this nature.

(7.) That Paul had chosen rather to remove his cause to Rome than to Jerusalem, as expecting fairer play from the emperor than from the priests: "He appealed to be reserved to the hearing of Augustus (v. 21), having no other way to stop proceedings here in this inferior court; and therefore I commanded him to be kept a close prisoner till I might send him to Cæsar, for I did not see cause to refuse his appeal, but rather was pleased with it."

III. The bringing of him before Agrippa, that he might have the hearing of his cause.

1. The king desired it (v. 22): "I thank you for your account of him, but I would also hear the man myself." Agrippa knows more of this matter, of the cause and of the person, than Festus does; he has heard of Paul, and knows of what vast concern this question is, which Festus makes such a jest of, whether Jesus be alive or no. And nothing would oblige him more than to hear Paul. Many great men think it below them to take cognizance of the matters of religion, except they can hear them like themselves in the judgment-seat. Agrippa would not for all the world have gone to a meeting to hear Paul preach, any more than Herod to hear Jesus; and yet they are both glad to have them brought before them, only to satisfy their curiosity. Perhaps Agrippa desired to hear him himself, that he might be in a capacity to do him a kindness, and yet did him none, only put some credit upon him.

2. Festus granted it: To-morrow thou shalt hear him. There was a good providence in this, for the encouragement of Paul, who seemed buried alive in his imprisonment, and deprived of all opportunities of doing good. We know not of any of his epistles that bore date from his prison at Cæsarea. What opportunity he had of doing good to his friends that visited him, and perhaps to a little congregation of them that visited him every Lord's-day, was but a low and narrow sphere of usefulness, so that he seemed to be thrown by as a despised broken vessel, in which there was no pleasure; but this gives him an opportunity of preaching Christ to a great congregation, and (which is more) to a congregation of great ones. Felix heard him in private concerning the faith of Christ. But Agrippa and Festus agree he shall be heard in public. And we have reason to think that his sermon in the next chapter, though it might not be so instrumental as some other of his sermons for the conversion of souls, redounded as much to the honour of Christ and Christianity as any sermon he ever preached in his life.

3. Great preparation was made for it (v. 23): The next day there was a great appearance in the place of hearing, Paul and his cause being much talked of, and the more for their being much talked against.

(1.) Agrippa and Bernice took this opportunity to show themselves in state, and to make a figure, and perhaps for that end desired the occasion, that they might see and be seen; for they came with great pomp, richly dressed, with gold and pearls, and costly array; with a great retinue of footmen in rich liveries, which made a splendid show, and dazzled the eyes of the gazing crowd. They came meta polles phantasias--with great fancy, so the word is. Note, Great pomp is but great fancy. It neither adds any read excellency, nor gains any real respect, but feeds a vain humour, which wise men would rather mortify than gratify. It is but a show, a dream, a fantastical thing (so the word signifies), superficial, and it passeth away. And the pomp of this appearance would put one for ever out of conceit with pomp, when the pomp which Agrippa and Bernice appeared in was, [1.] Stained by their lewd characters, and all the beauty of it sullied, and all virtuous people that knew them could not but contemn them in the midst of all this pomp as vile persons, Ps. xv. 4. [2.] Outshone by the real glory of the poor prisoner at the bar. What was the honour of their fine clothes, compared with that of his wisdom, and grace, and holiness, his courage and constancy in suffering for Christ! His bonds in so good a cause were more glorious than their chains of gold, and his guards than their equipage. Who would be fond of worldly pomp that here sees so bad a woman loaded with it and so good a man loaded with the reverse of it?

(2.) The chief captains and principal men of the city took this opportunity to pay their respects to Festus and to his guests. It answered the end of a ball at court, it brought the fine folks together in their fine clothes, and served for an entertainment. It is probable that Festus sent Paul notice of it overnight, to be ready for a hearing the next morning before Agrippa. And such confidence had Paul in the promise of Christ, that it should be given him in that same hour what he should speak, that he complained not of the short warning, nor was put into confusion by it. I am apt to think that those who were to appear in pomp perplexed themselves more with care about their clothes than Paul, who was to appear as a prisoner, did with care about his cause; for he knew whom he had believed, and who stood by him.

IV. The speech with which Festus introduced the cause, when the court, or rather the audience, was set, which is much to the same purport with the account he had just now given to Agrippa. 1. He addressed himself respectfully to the company: "King Agrippa, and all men who are here present with us." He speaks to all the men--pantes andres, as if he intended a tacit reflection upon Bernice, a woman, for appearing in a meeting of this nature; he does not refer any thing to her judgment nor desire her counsel; but, "All you that are present that are men (so the words are placed), I desire you to take cognizance of this matter." The word used is that which signifies men in distinction from women; what had Bernice to do here? 2. He represents the prisoner as one that the Jews had a very great spite against; not only the rulers, but the multitude of them, both at Jerusalem and here at Cæsarea, cry out that he ought not to live any longer, for they think he has lived too long already, and if he live any longer it will be to do more mischief. They could not charge him with any capital crime, but they wanted to have him out of the way. 3. He confesses the prisoner's innocency; and it was much for the honour of Paul and his bonds that he had such a public acknowledgement as this from the mouth of his judge (v. 25): I found that he had committed nothing worthy of death. Upon a full hearing of the case, it appeared there was no evidence at all to support the indictment: and therefore, though he was inclinable enough to favour the prosecutors, yet his own conscience brought in Paul not guilty. And why did he not discharge him then, for he stood upon his deliverance? Why, truly, because he was so much clamoured against, and he feared the clamour would turn upon himself if he should release him. It is a pity but every man that has a conscience should have courage to act according to it. Or perhaps because there was so much smoke that he concluded there could not but be some fire, which would appear at last, and he would detain him a prisoner in expectation of it. 4. He acquaints them with the present state of the case, that the prisoner had appealed to the emperor himself (where by he put ann honour upon his own cause, as knowing it not unworthy the cognizance of the greatest of men), and that he had admitted his appeal: I have determined to send him. And thus the cause now stood. 5. He desires their assistance in examining the matter calmly and impartially, now that there was no danger of their being interrupted, as he had been with the noisiness and outrage of the prosecutors-that he might have at least such an insight into the cause as was necessary to his stating it to the emperor, v. 26, 27. (1.) He thought it unreasonable to send a prisoner, especially so far as Rome, and not withal to signify the crimes laid against him, that the matter might be prepared as much as possible, and put in a readiness for the emperor's determination; for he is supposed to be a man of great business, and therefore every affair must be laid before him in as little compass as possible. (2.) He could not as yet write any thing certain concerning Paul; so confused were the informations that were given in against him, and so inconsistent, that Festus could make nothing at all of them. He therefore desired Paul might thus be publicly examined, that he might be advised by them what to write. See what a great deal of trouble and vexation those were put to, and to what delay, nay, and to what hazard, in the administration of public justice, who live at such a distance from Rome, and yet were subject to the emperor of Rome. The same was this nation of ours put to (which is about as far distant from Rome the other way) when it was in ecclesiastical affairs subject to the pope of Rome, and appeals were upon all occasions made to his court; and the same mischiefs, and a thousand worse, would those bring upon us who would again entangle us in that yoke of bondage.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
25:13: King Agrippa - This was the son of Herod Agrippa, who is mentioned Act 12:1. Upon the death of his father's youngest brother, Herod, he succeeded him in the kingdom of Chalcis, by the favor of the Emperor Claudius: Jos. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 4, s. 2; and Bell. lib. ii. cap. 12, s. 1. Afterwards, Claudius removed him from that kingdom to a larger one, giving him the tetrarchy of Philip, which contained Trachonitis, Batanea, and Gaulonitis. He gave him, likewise, the tetrarchy of Lysanias, and the province which Varus had governed. Jos. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 6, s. 1; Bell. lib. ii. cap. 19, s. 8. Nero made a farther addition, and gave him four cities, Abila, Julias in Peraea, Tarichaea and Tiberias in Galilee: Jos. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 7, s. 4; Bell. lib. ii. cap 13, s. 2. Claudius gave him the power of appointing the high priest among the Jews; Joseph. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 1, s. 3; and instances of his exercising this power may be seen in Joseph. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 7, s. 8, 11. This king was strongly attached to the Romans, and did every thing in his power to prevent the Jews from rebelling against them; and, when he could not prevail, he united his troops to those of Titus, and assisted in the siege of Jerusalem: he survived the ruin of his country several years. See Bishop Pearce and Calmet.
Bernice, or, as she is sometimes called, Berenice, was sister of this Agrippa, and of the Drusilla mentioned Act 24:24 : She was at first married to her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, Jos. Antiq. lib. xix. cap. 9, s. 1; and, on his death, went to live with her brother Agrippa, with whom she was violently suspected to lead an incestuous life. Juvenal, as usual, mentions this in the broadest manner - Sat. vi. ver. 155: -
Deinde adamas notissimus, et Berenices
In digito factus pretiosior: hunc dedit olim
Barbarus incestae, dedit hunc Agrippa sorori.
"Next, a most valuable diamond, rendered more precious by being put on the finger of Berenice; a barbarian gave it to this incestuous woman formerly; and Agrippa gave this to his sister."
Josephus mentions the report of her having criminal conversation with her brother Agrippa, φημης επισχουσης, ὁτι τἀδελφῳ συνῃει. To shield herself from this scandal, she persuaded Polemo, king of Cilicia, to embrace the Jewish religion, and marry her; this he was induced to do on account of her great riches; but she soon left him, and he revolted to heathenism: see Jos. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 7, s. 3. After this, she lived often with her brother, and her life was by no means creditable; she had, however, address to ingratiate herself with Titus Vespasian, and there were even rumors of her becoming empress - propterque insignem reginae Berenices amorem, cui etiam nuptias pollicitus ferebatur. - Suet. in Vit. Titi. Which was prevented by the murmurs of the Roman people: Berenicen statim ab urbe dimisit, invitus invitam. - Ibid. Tacitus also, Hist. lib. ii. cap. 1, speaks of her love intrigue with Titus. From all accounts she must have been a woman of great address; and, upon the whole, an exceptionable character.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:13: After certain days, king Agrippa - This Agrippa was the son of Herod Agrippa Act 12:1, and great-grandson of Herod the Great. His mother's name was Cypros (Josephus, Jewish Wars, book 2, chapter 11, section 6). When his father died he was at Rome with the Emperor Claudius. Josephus says that the emperor was inclined to bestow upon him all his father's dominions, but was dissuaded by his ministers. The reason of this was, that it was thought imprudent to bestow so large a kingdom on so young a man, and one so inexperienced. Accordingly, Claudius sent Cuspius Fadus to be procurator of Judea and of the entire kingdom (Josephus, Antiq., book 19, chapter 9, section 2). When Herod, the brother of his father, Agrippa the Great, died in the eighth year of the reign of Claudius, his kingdom - the kingdom of Chalcis - was bestowed by Claudius on Agrippa (Josephus, Antiq., book 20, chapter 5, section 2). Afterward, he bestowed on him the tetrarchy of Philip and Batanea, and added to it Trachonitis with Abila (Antiq., book 20, chapter 7, section 1). After the death of Claudius, Nero, his successor, added to his dominions Julias in Perea and a part of Galilee. Agrippa had been brought up at Rome, and was strongly attached to the Romans. When the troubles commenced in Judea which ended in the destruction of Jerusalem, he did all that he could to preserve peace and order, but in vain. He afterward joined his troops with those of the Romans, and assisted them at the destruction of Jerusalem. After the captivity of that city he went to Rome with his sister Bernice, where he ended his days. He died at the age of seventy years, about 90 a. d. His manner of living with his sister gave occasion to reports respecting him very little to his advantage.
And Bernice - She was sister of Agrippa. She had been married to Herod, king of Chalcis, her own uncle by her father's side. After his death she proposed to Polemon, king of Pontus and part of Cilicia, that if he would become circumcised she would marry him. He complied, but she did not continue long with him. After she left him she returned to her brother Agrippa, with whom she lived in a manner such as to excite scandal. Josephus directly charges her with incest with her brother Agrippa (Antiq., book 20, chapter 7, section 3).
To salute Festus - To show him respect as the governor of Judea.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:13: king: Act 25:22, Act 25:23, Act 26:1, Act 26:27, Act 26:28
unto: Sa1 13:10, Sa1 25:14; Sa2 8:10; Kg2 10:13; Mar 15:18
Geneva 1599
25:13 (4) And after certain days king (b) Agrippa and Bernice came unto Caesarea to salute Festus.
(4) Festus, without even trying to, even before kings, brings to light the wickedness of the Jews, and Paul's innocence, and in this way marvellously confirms the Church of God.
(b) This Agrippa was the son of Agrippa whose death Luke spoke of before, and Bernice was his sister.
John Gill
25:13 And after certain days,.... Several days after the above appeal made by Paul:
King Agrippa and Bernice came unto Caesarea to salute Festus: this King Agrippa was the son of Herod Agrippa, who killed James the brother of John, and of whose death mention is made in Acts 12:1 the Jewish chronologer (h) calls him Agrippa the Second, the son of Agrippa the First, the fifth king of the family of Herod: he was not king of Judea, this was reduced again into a province by Claudius; and upon the death of his uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, he was by the said emperor made king of that place, who afterwards removed him from thence to a greater kingdom, and gave him the tetrarchy, which was Philip's, his great uncle's; namely, Batanea, Trachonitis, and Gaulanitis, to which he added the kingdom of Lysanias; (see Lk 3:1) and the province which Varus had; and to these Nero added four cities, with what belonged to them; in Peraea, Abila and Julias, and in Galilee, Tarichea and Tiberias (i). The Jewish writers often make mention of him, calling him, as here, King Agrippa; See Gill on Acts 26:3, and so does Josephus (k). According to the above chronologer (l) he was had to Rome by Vespasian, when he went to be made Caesar; and was put to death by him, three years and a half before the destruction of the temple; though others say he lived some years after it: and some of the Jewish writers affirm, that in his days the temple was destroyed (m). Agrippa, though he was a Jew, his name was a Roman name; Augustus Caesar had a relation of this name (n), who had a son of the same name, and a daughter called Agrippina; and Herod the great being much obliged to the Romans, took the name from them, and gave it to one of his sons, the father of this king: the name originally was given to such persons, who at their birth came forth not with their heads first, as is the usual way of births, but with their feet first, and which is accounted a difficult birth; and "ab aegritudine", from the grief, trouble, and weariness of it, such are called Agrippas (o). Bernice, who is said to be with King Agrippa, is not the name of a man, as some have supposed, because said to sit in the judgment hall with the king, but of a woman; so called, in the dialect of the Macedonians, for Pheronice, which signifies one that carries away the victory; and this same person is, in Suetonius (p), called Queen Beronice, for whom Titus the emperor is said to have a very great love, and was near upon marrying her: she was not wife of Agrippa, as the Arabic version reads, but his sister; his father left besides him, three daughters, Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusilla, which last was the wife of Felix, Acts 24:24. Bernice was first married to her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis (q), and after his death to Polemon, king of Cilicia, from whom she separated, and lived in too great familiarity with her brother Agrippa, as she had done before her second marriage, as was suspected (r), to which incest Juvenal refers (s); and with whom she now was, who came together to pay a visit to Festus, upon his coming to his government, and to congratulate him upon it.
(h) Ganz Tzemach David, par. 1. fol. 26. 1. (i) Joseph. de Bello Jud. l. 2. c. 11. sect. 5. & c. 12. sect. 1. 8. & c. 13. sect. 2. (k) Antiqu. l. 20. c. 8. sect. 1. (l) Tzemach David, ib. col. 2. (m) Jarchi & Bartenora in Misn. Sota, c. 7. sect. 8. (n) Sueton. in Vita Augusti, c. 63, 64. (o) A. Gell. Noct. Attic. l. 16. c. 16. (p) In Vita Titi, c. 7. (q) Joseph. Antiqu. l. 19. c. 5. sect. 1. & c. 9. sect. 1. & de Bello Jud. l. 2. c. 11. sect. 5, 6. (r) Antiqu. l. 20. c. 6. sect. 3. (s) Satyr 6.
John Wesley
25:13 Agrippa - The son of Herod Agrippa, Acts 12:1; and Bernice - His sister, with whom he lived in a scandalous familiarity. This was the person whom Titus Vespasian so passionately loved, that he would have made her empress, had not the clamours of the Romans prevented it.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
25:13 HEROD AGRIPPA II ON A VISIT TO FESTUS, BEING CONSULTED BY HIM ON PAUL'S CASE, DESIRES TO HEAR THE APOSTLE, WHO IS ACCORDINGLY BROUGHT FORTH. (Acts 25:13-27)
King Agrippa--great-grandson of Herod the Great, and Drusilla's brother (see on Acts 24:24). On his father's awful death (Acts 12:23), being thought too young (seventeen) to succeed, Judea, was attached to the province of Syria. Four years after, on the death of his uncle Herod, he was made king of the northern principalities of Chalcis, and afterwards got Batanea, Iturea, Trachonitis, Abilene, Galilee, and Perea, with the title of king. He died A.D. 100, after reigning fifty-one years.
and Bernice--his sister. She was married to her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, on whose death she lived with her brother Agrippa--not without suspicion of incestuous intercourse, which her subsequent licentious life tended to confirm.
came to salute Festus--to pay his respects to him on his accession to the procuratorship.
25:1425:14: Եւ իբրեւ աւուրս բազո՛ւմս հանէին անդ, Փեստոս զեկո՛յց արքայի զՊաւղոսէ՝ եւ ասէ. Այր մի է՛ աստ մնացեալ, կապեալ ՚ի Փելիքսէ[2781]։ [2781] Ոմանք. Հանէին անդր... արքայի վասն Պաւղոսի։
14. Եւ երբ այնտեղ շատ օրեր էին անցկացրել, Փեստոսը արքային տեղեկացրեց Պօղոսի մասին ու ասաց. «Այստեղ Ֆելիքսի կողմից կալանքի տակ առնուած մի մարդ կայ մնացած,
14 Շատ օրեր հոն անցուցին։ Փեստոս Պօղոսին համար թագաւորին իմացուց ու ըսաւ. «Հոս մարդ մը կայ որ Փելիքս բանտարկուած թողուցեր է,
Եւ իբրեւ աւուրս բազումս հանէին անդ, Փեստոս զեկոյց արքայի զՊաւղոսէ եւ ասէ. Այր մի է աստ մնացեալ կապեալ ի Փելիքսէ:

25:14: Եւ իբրեւ աւուրս բազո՛ւմս հանէին անդ, Փեստոս զեկո՛յց արքայի զՊաւղոսէ՝ եւ ասէ. Այր մի է՛ աստ մնացեալ, կապեալ ՚ի Փելիքսէ[2781]։
[2781] Ոմանք. Հանէին անդր... արքայի վասն Պաւղոսի։
14. Եւ երբ այնտեղ շատ օրեր էին անցկացրել, Փեստոսը արքային տեղեկացրեց Պօղոսի մասին ու ասաց. «Այստեղ Ֆելիքսի կողմից կալանքի տակ առնուած մի մարդ կայ մնացած,
14 Շատ օրեր հոն անցուցին։ Փեստոս Պօղոսին համար թագաւորին իմացուց ու ըսաւ. «Հոս մարդ մը կայ որ Փելիքս բանտարկուած թողուցեր է,
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:1414: И как они провели там много дней, то Фест предложил царю дело Павлово, говоря: [здесь] есть человек, оставленный Феликсом в узах,
25:14  ὡς δὲ πλείους ἡμέρας διέτριβον ἐκεῖ, ὁ φῆστος τῶ βασιλεῖ ἀνέθετο τὰ κατὰ τὸν παῦλον λέγων, ἀνήρ τίς ἐστιν καταλελειμμένος ὑπὸ φήλικος δέσμιος,
25:14. ὡς (As) δὲ (moreover) πλείους ( to-beyond ) ἡμέρας (to-days) διέτριβον (they-were-rubbing-through) ἐκεῖ, (thither,"ὁ (the-one) Φῆστος (a-Festos) τῷ (unto-the-one) βασιλεῖ (unto-a-ruler-of) ἀνέθετο ( it-had-placed-up ) τὰ (to-the-ones) κατὰ (down) τὸν (to-the-one) Παῦλον (to-a-Paulos) λέγων (forthing,"Ἀνήρ (A-man) τίς (a-one) ἐστιν (it-be) καταλελιμμένος (having-had-come-to-be-remaindered-down) ὑπὸ (under) Φήλικος (of-a-Felix) δέσμιος, (tied-belonged,"
25:14. et cum dies plures ibi demorarentur Festus regi indicavit de Paulo dicens vir quidam est derelictus a Felice vinctusAnd as they tarried there many days, Festus told the king of Paul, saying: A certain man was left prisoner by Felix.
14. And as they tarried there many days, Festus laid Paul’s case before the king, saying, There is a certain man left a prisoner by Felix:
And when they had been there many days, Festus declared Paul' s cause unto the king, saying, There is a certain man left in bonds by Felix:

14: И как они провели там много дней, то Фест предложил царю дело Павлово, говоря: [здесь] есть человек, оставленный Феликсом в узах,
25:14  ὡς δὲ πλείους ἡμέρας διέτριβον ἐκεῖ, ὁ φῆστος τῶ βασιλεῖ ἀνέθετο τὰ κατὰ τὸν παῦλον λέγων, ἀνήρ τίς ἐστιν καταλελειμμένος ὑπὸ φήλικος δέσμιος,
25:14. et cum dies plures ibi demorarentur Festus regi indicavit de Paulo dicens vir quidam est derelictus a Felice vinctus
And as they tarried there many days, Festus told the king of Paul, saying: A certain man was left prisoner by Felix.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
14: Настоятельной надобности предлагать царю дело Павла Фест, как видно, не имел. Если же сделал это, то, по замечанию Дееписателя, потому, что... надо же было чем-нибудь занять проведенные царем здесь много дней, тем более, что дело это было для царя действительно небезразличное и небезынтересное, причем Фест мог даже надеться услышать от царя, по ознакомлении с этим делом, мнение о нем более правильное и компетентное, нежели какое мог составить сам правитель, еще так мало знавший обычаи и законы иудейские (ср. ст. 26-27).
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
25:14: Declared Paul's cause unto the king - Festus knew that Agrippa was better acquainted with such matters than he was; and he wished, in some sort, to make him a party in this business.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:14: Festus declared Paul's cause - He did this, probably, because Agrippa, being a Jew, would be supposed to he interested in the case. It was natural that this trial should be a topic of conversation, and perhaps Festus might be disposed to ask what was proper to be done in such cases.
Left in bonds - Greek: "a prisoner" - δέσμιος desmios. He was left in custody, probably in the keeping of a soldier, Act 24:23, Act 24:27.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:14: There: Act 24:27
John Gill
25:14 And when they had been there many days,.... Indulging themselves in pleasure, and spending their time in conversing on various subjects; and in order to carry on the conversation, and pass away time,
Festus declared Paul's case unto the king; in the following manner:
saying, there is a certain man left in bonds by Felix; the former governor in Caesarea, meaning Paul.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
25:14 when there many--"several"
days, Festus declared Paul's cause--taking advantage of the presence of one who might be presumed to know such matters better than himself; though the lapse of "several days" ere the subject was touched on shows that it gave Festus little trouble.
25:1525:15: Վասն որոյ իբրեւ չոգայ յԵրուսաղէմ, զգացուցին ինձ քահանայապետքն եւ գլխաւորք Հրէիցն. խնդրէին՝ յինէն առնել նմա պատուհա՛ս[2782]։ [2782] Ոմանք. Եւ խնդրէին յինէն։
15. որի մասին, երբ Երուսաղէմ գնացի, քահանայապետները եւ հրեաների գլխաւորներն ինձ տեղեկացրին: Ինձնից խնդրում էին, որ նրան մահուան վճիռ տամ:
15 Որուն վրայով, երբ Երուսաղէմ գացի, քահանայապետներն ու Հրեաներուն ծերերը իմացուցին ինծի եւ խնդրեցին, որ անոր դէմ դատապարտութեան վճիռ տրուի,
Վասն որոյ իբրեւ չոգայ յԵրուսաղէմ, զգացուցին ինձ քահանայապետքն եւ գլխաւորք Հրէիցն, խնդրէին յինէն առնել նմա պատուհաս:

25:15: Վասն որոյ իբրեւ չոգայ յԵրուսաղէմ, զգացուցին ինձ քահանայապետքն եւ գլխաւորք Հրէիցն. խնդրէին՝ յինէն առնել նմա պատուհա՛ս[2782]։
[2782] Ոմանք. Եւ խնդրէին յինէն։
15. որի մասին, երբ Երուսաղէմ գնացի, քահանայապետները եւ հրեաների գլխաւորներն ինձ տեղեկացրին: Ինձնից խնդրում էին, որ նրան մահուան վճիռ տամ:
15 Որուն վրայով, երբ Երուսաղէմ գացի, քահանայապետներն ու Հրեաներուն ծերերը իմացուցին ինծի եւ խնդրեցին, որ անոր դէմ դատապարտութեան վճիռ տրուի,
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:1515: на которого, в бытность мою в Иерусалиме, [с жалобою] явились первосвященники и старейшины Иудейские, требуя осуждения его.
25:15  περὶ οὖ γενομένου μου εἰς ἱεροσόλυμα ἐνεφάνισαν οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι τῶν ἰουδαίων, αἰτούμενοι κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ καταδίκην·
25:15. περὶ (about) οὗ (of-which) γενομένου ( of-having-had-became ) μου (of-me) εἰς (into) Ἰεροσόλυμα (to-a-Hierosoluma) ἐνεφάνισαν (they-manifested-in-to,"οἱ (the-ones) ἀρχιερεῖς (first-sacreders-of) καὶ (and) οἱ (the-ones) πρεσβύτεροι ( more-eldered ) τῶν (of-the-ones) Ἰουδαίων , ( of-Iouda-belonged ," αἰτούμενοι ( appealing-unto ) κατ' (down) αὐτοῦ (of-it) καταδίκην: (to-a-coursing-down)
25:15. de quo cum essem Hierosolymis adierunt me principes sacerdotum et seniores Iudaeorum postulantes adversus illum damnationemAbout whom, when I was at Jerusalem, the chief priests and the ancients of the Jews came unto me, desiring condemnation against him.
15. about whom, when I was at Jerusalem, the chief priests and the elders of the Jews informed , asking for sentence against him.
About whom, when I was at Jerusalem, the chief priests and the elders of the Jews informed [me], desiring [to have] judgment against him:

15: на которого, в бытность мою в Иерусалиме, [с жалобою] явились первосвященники и старейшины Иудейские, требуя осуждения его.
25:15  περὶ οὖ γενομένου μου εἰς ἱεροσόλυμα ἐνεφάνισαν οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι τῶν ἰουδαίων, αἰτούμενοι κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ καταδίκην·
25:15. de quo cum essem Hierosolymis adierunt me principes sacerdotum et seniores Iudaeorum postulantes adversus illum damnationem
About whom, when I was at Jerusalem, the chief priests and the ancients of the Jews came unto me, desiring condemnation against him.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jw▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
15-21: Фест делает Агриппе довольно обстоятельное сообщение о деле Павла, выставляя попутно на вид и свою личную правдивость (не пренебрегая, однако, и ложью, ср. ст. 20), честность и ревность в ведении этого дела, и преимущества вообще римского судопроизводства сравнительно с тогдашним иудейским.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
25:15: Desiring to have judgment against him - Instead of δικην, judgment, καταδικην, condemnation, sentence of death, is the reading of ABC, and several others, which is probably genuine. This is evidently the meaning of the place, whichever reading we prefer. Nothing could satisfy these men but the death of the apostle. It was not justice they wanted, but his destruction.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:15: About whom ... - See Act 25:1-5.
To have judgment against him - To have him condemned.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:15: when: Act 25:1-3; Est 3:9; Luk 18:3-5, Luk 23:23
John Gill
25:15 About whom, when I was at Jerusalem,.... Quickly after he came to his government:
the chief priests and elders of the Jews informed me; brought an accusation to him, exhibited to him charges against him, presented to him a bill of information, setting forth various crimes he had been guilty of:
desiring to have judgment against him; not barely to have his cause tried, but to have a sentence of condemnation passed upon him; some copies read "condemnation", as the Alexandrian copy, and two of Beza's; and that punishment is designed, and even death itself, is manifest from the following words.
John Wesley
25:15 Desiring judgment against him - As upon a previous conviction, which they falsely pretended.
25:1625:16: Որոց ետու պատասխանի, եթէ չէ՛ օրէն Հռոմայեցւոց շնորհել ումեք զոք, մինչչեւ՛ ամբաստանեալն յանդիման ունիցի զդատախազսն, եւ տեղի պատասխանւոյ առնուցո՛ւ վասն ամբաստանութեանն[2783]։ [2783] Ոմանք. Մինչեւ ամբաստնեալն. կամ՝ յանդիմանեալն յանդիման ունիցի զդատախազն։
16. Նրանց պատասխանեցի. «Հռոմէացիների սովորութիւնը չէ որեւէ մէկին որպէս շնորհ յանձնել ուրիշ մէկի, մինչեւ որ ամբաստանեալը իր դիմացը չունենայ մեղադրողներին եւ ամբաստանութեան դէմ պատասխան տալու պատեհութիւնը չստանայ»:
16 Որոնց պատասխան տուի թէ՝ Հռովմայեցիներու սովորութիւնը չէ մարդ մը կորստեան մատնել, մինչեւ ամբաստանուածն ու ամբաստանողները առջեւը չունենայ եւ ամբաստանեալին պատասխան տալու պատեհութիւն չտրուի։
Որոց ետու պատասխանի եթէ` չէ օրէն Հռովմայեցւոց շնորհել ումեք [103]զոք, մինչչեւ ամբաստանեալն յանդիման ունիցի զդատախազսն, եւ տեղի պատասխանւոյ առնուցու վասն ամբաստանութեանն:

25:16: Որոց ետու պատասխանի, եթէ չէ՛ օրէն Հռոմայեցւոց շնորհել ումեք զոք, մինչչեւ՛ ամբաստանեալն յանդիման ունիցի զդատախազսն, եւ տեղի պատասխանւոյ առնուցո՛ւ վասն ամբաստանութեանն[2783]։
[2783] Ոմանք. Մինչեւ ամբաստնեալն. կամ՝ յանդիմանեալն յանդիման ունիցի զդատախազն։
16. Նրանց պատասխանեցի. «Հռոմէացիների սովորութիւնը չէ որեւէ մէկին որպէս շնորհ յանձնել ուրիշ մէկի, մինչեւ որ ամբաստանեալը իր դիմացը չունենայ մեղադրողներին եւ ամբաստանութեան դէմ պատասխան տալու պատեհութիւնը չստանայ»:
16 Որոնց պատասխան տուի թէ՝ Հռովմայեցիներու սովորութիւնը չէ մարդ մը կորստեան մատնել, մինչեւ ամբաստանուածն ու ամբաստանողները առջեւը չունենայ եւ ամբաստանեալին պատասխան տալու պատեհութիւն չտրուի։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:1616: Я отвечал им, что у Римлян нет обыкновения выдавать какого-- нибудь человека на смерть, прежде нежели обвиняемый будет иметь обвинителей налицо и получит свободу защищаться против обвинения.
25:16  πρὸς οὓς ἀπεκρίθην ὅτι οὐκ ἔστιν ἔθος ῥωμαίοις χαρίζεσθαί τινα ἄνθρωπον πρὶν ἢ ὁ κατηγορούμενος κατὰ πρόσωπον ἔχοι τοὺς κατηγόρους τόπον τε ἀπολογίας λάβοι περὶ τοῦ ἐγκλήματος.
25:16. πρὸς (toward) οὓς ( to-which ) ἀπεκρίθην (I-was-separated-off) ὅτι (to-which-a-one) οὐκ (not) ἔστιν (it-be) ἔθος (a-custom) Ῥωμαίοις ( unto-Rhome-belonged ) χαρίζεσθαί ( to-grant-to ) τινα (to-a-one) ἄνθρωπον (to-a-mankind) πρὶν (ere) ἢ (or) ὁ (the-one) κατηγορούμενος (being-gathered-down-unto) κατὰ (down) πρόσωπον (to-looked-toward) ἔχοι (it-may-hold) τοὺς (to-the-ones) κατηγόρους (to-gatherers-down) τόπον (to-an-occasion) τε (also) ἀπολογίας (of-a-fortheeing-off-unto) λάβοι (it-may-have-had-taken) περὶ (about) τοῦ (of-the-one) ἐγκλήματος. (of-a-calling-in-to)
25:16. ad quos respondi quia non est consuetudo Romanis donare aliquem hominem priusquam is qui accusatur praesentes habeat accusatores locumque defendendi accipiat ad abluenda criminaTo whom I answered: it is not the custom of the Romans to condemn any man, before that he who is accused have his accusers present and have liberty to make his answer, to clear himself of the things laid to his charge.
16. To whom I answered, that it is not the custom of the Romans to give up any man, before that the accused have the accusers face to face, and have had opportunity to make his defence concerning the matter laid against him.
To whom I answered, It is not the manner of the Romans to deliver any man to die, before that he which is accused have the accusers face to face, and have licence to answer for himself concerning the crime laid against him:

16: Я отвечал им, что у Римлян нет обыкновения выдавать какого-- нибудь человека на смерть, прежде нежели обвиняемый будет иметь обвинителей налицо и получит свободу защищаться против обвинения.
25:16  πρὸς οὓς ἀπεκρίθην ὅτι οὐκ ἔστιν ἔθος ῥωμαίοις χαρίζεσθαί τινα ἄνθρωπον πρὶν ἢ ὁ κατηγορούμενος κατὰ πρόσωπον ἔχοι τοὺς κατηγόρους τόπον τε ἀπολογίας λάβοι περὶ τοῦ ἐγκλήματος.
25:16. ad quos respondi quia non est consuetudo Romanis donare aliquem hominem priusquam is qui accusatur praesentes habeat accusatores locumque defendendi accipiat ad abluenda crimina
To whom I answered: it is not the custom of the Romans to condemn any man, before that he who is accused have his accusers present and have liberty to make his answer, to clear himself of the things laid to his charge.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
16: "Ни одного из обвинений, какие я предполагал", судя по настойчивости и озлоблению обвинителей, особенно обвинений политического характера. Единственное такого рода обвинение было настолько несерьезно и главное - бездоказательно, как и все остальные, что слова прокуратура равносильны полному оправданию обвиняемого.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
25:16: It is not the manner of the Romans to deliver any man to die - Χαριζεσθαι τινα ανθρωπον, To Make a Present of any man; gratuitously to give up the life of any man, through favor or caprice. Here is a reference to the subject discussed on Act 25:11.
Before that he which is accused have the accusers face to face, etc. - For this righteous procedure the Roman laws were celebrated over the civilized world. Appian, in his Hist. Roman., says: ου πατριον σφισιν ακριτους καταδικαζεσθαι. It is not their custom to condemn men before they have been heard. And Philo De Praesid. Rom., says: τοτε γαρ κοινους ἑαυτους παρεχοντες δικαϚας εξ ισου, και των κατηγορων και απολογουμενων ακουομενοι, μηδενος ακριτου προκαταγινωσκειν αξιουντες, εβραβευον ουτε προς εχθραν, ουτε προς χαριν, αλλα προς την φυσιν της αληθειας, τα δοξαντα ειναι δικαια. "For then, by giving sentence in common, and hearing impartially both plaintiff and defendant, not thinking it right to condemn any person unheard, they decided as appeared to them to be just; without either enmity or favor, but according to the merits of the case." See Bp. Pearce. England can boast such laws, not only in her statute books, but in constant operation in all her courts of justice. Even the king himself, were he so inclined, could not imprison nor punish a man without the regular procedure of the law; and twelve honest men, before whom the evidence has been adduced, the case argued, and the law laid down and explained, are ultimately to judge whether the man be guilty or not guilty. Here, in this favored country, are no arbitrary imprisonments - no Bastiles - no lettres de cachet. Lex facit Regem: the law makes the king, says Bracton, and the king is the grand executor and guardian of the laws - laws, in the eyes of which the character, property, and life of every subject are sacred.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:16: It is not the manner ... - He here states the reasons which he gave the Jews for not delivering Paul into their hands. In Act 25:4-5, we have an account of the fact that he would not accede to the requests of the Jews; and he here states that the reason of his refusal was that it was contrary to the Roman law. Appian, in his Roman History, says, "It is not their custom to condemn men before they are heard." Philo (DePraesi. Rom.) says the same thing. In Tacitus (History, ii.) it is said, "A defendant is not to be prohibited from adducing all things by which his innocence may be established." It was for this that the equity of the Roman jurisprudence was celebrated throughout the world. We may remark that it is a subject of sincere gratitude to the God of our nation that this privilege is enjoyed in the highest perfection in this land. It is a right which every man has: to be heard; to know the charges against him; to be confronted with the witnesses; to make his defense; and to be tried by the laws, and not by the passions and caprices of people. In this respect our jurisprudence surpasses all that Rome ever enjoyed, and is not inferior to that of the most favored nation of the earth.
To deliver - To give him up as a favor χαρίζεσθαι charizesthai to popular clamor and caprice. Yet our Saviour, in violation of the Roman laws, was thus given up by Pilate, Mat 27:18-25.
Have the accusers face to face - That he may know who they are and hear their accusations. Nothing contributes more to justice than this. Tyrants permit people to be accused without knowing who the accusers are, and without an opportunity of meeting the charges. It is one great principle of modern jurisprudence that the accused may know the accusers, and be permitted to confront the witnesses, and to adduce all the testimony possible in his own defense.
And have licence - Greek: "place of apology" - may have the liberty of defending himself.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:16: It is not: Act 25:4, Act 25:5
and have: Act 26:1; Deu 17:4, Deu 19:17, Deu 19:18; Pro 18:13, Pro 18:17; Joh 7:51
Geneva 1599
25:16 To whom I answered, It is not the manner of the Romans to (c) deliver any man to die, before that he which is accused have the accusers face to face, and have licence to answer for himself concerning the crime laid against him.
(c) The Romans did not used to deliver any man to be punished before, etc.
John Gill
25:16 To whom I answered,.... As follows:
Tit is not the manner of the Romans to deliver any man to die; or to give any man to destruction; to pass sentence of death upon him, without hearing his cause, and purely at the request of another, and merely to gratify him:
before that he which is accused have the accusers face to face; so as to speak to his face, or before him, what they have to charge him with:
and have licence to answer for himself, concerning the crime laid against him; and this was also according to the law of the Jews, Jn 7:51 though Festus, from such an application to him by the chief priests and elders, might conclude that their manner was different, he being ignorant of their laws and customs; but their prejudice to the apostle carried them to act such an illegal part, or at least to desire it might be acted: it is one of the Jewish canons, that it is unlawful for a judge to hear one of the contending parties, before the other is come in.
John Wesley
25:16 It is not the custom of the Romans - How excellent a rule, to condemn no one unheard! A rule, which as it is common to all nations, (courts of inquisition only excepted,) so it ought to direct our proceedings in all affairs, not only in public, but private life.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
25:16 to deliver any man to die--On the word "deliver up," see on Acts 25:11.
25:1725:17: Եւ իբրեւ եկին այսր, ո՛չինչ յապաղեցի, այլ ՚ի վաղիւն նստեալ յատենի՝ հրամայեցի ածե՛լ զայրն[2784]։ [2784] Ոմանք. ՚Ի վաղիւ նստեալ։
17. Եւ երբ այստեղ եկան, ոչնչով չուշացրի, այլ յաջորդ օրն իսկ ատեան նստելով՝ հրամայեցի, որ մարդուն բերեն:
17 Ուստի երբ անոնք ինծի հետ հոս եկան, ամենեւին չուշացուցի, հապա հետեւեալ օրը ատեանը նստելով՝ հրաման ըրի որ մարդը բերեն։
Եւ իբրեւ եկին այսր, ոչինչ յապաղեցի, այլ ի վաղիւն նստեալ յատենի` հրամայեցի ածել զայրն:

25:17: Եւ իբրեւ եկին այսր, ո՛չինչ յապաղեցի, այլ ՚ի վաղիւն նստեալ յատենի՝ հրամայեցի ածե՛լ զայրն[2784]։
[2784] Ոմանք. ՚Ի վաղիւ նստեալ։
17. Եւ երբ այստեղ եկան, ոչնչով չուշացրի, այլ յաջորդ օրն իսկ ատեան նստելով՝ հրամայեցի, որ մարդուն բերեն:
17 Ուստի երբ անոնք ինծի հետ հոս եկան, ամենեւին չուշացուցի, հապա հետեւեալ օրը ատեանը նստելով՝ հրաման ըրի որ մարդը բերեն։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:1717: Когда же они пришли сюда, то, без всякого отлагательства, на другой же день сел я на судейское место и повелел привести того человека.
25:17  συνελθόντων οὗν [αὐτῶν] ἐνθάδε ἀναβολὴν μηδεμίαν ποιησάμενος τῇ ἑξῆς καθίσας ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος ἐκέλευσα ἀχθῆναι τὸν ἄνδρα·
25:17. συνελθόντων ( Of-having-had-came-together ) οὖν (accordingly) ἐνθάδε (in-unto-which-moreover) ἀναβολὴν (to-a-casting-up) μηδεμίαν (to-lest-moreover-one) ποιησάμενος ( having-done-unto ) τῇ (unto-the-one) ἑξῆς (of-held) καθίσας (having-sat-down-to) ἐπὶ (upon) τοῦ (of-the-one) βήματος (of-a-stepping-to) ἐκέλευσα (I-bade-of) ἀχθῆναι (to-have-been-led) τὸν (to-the-one) ἄνδρα: (to-a-man)
25:17. cum ergo huc convenissent sine ulla dilatione sequenti die sedens pro tribunali iussi adduci virumWhen therefore they were come hither, without any delay, on the day following, sitting in the judgment seat, I commanded the man to be brought.
17. When therefore they were come together here, I made no delay, but on the next day sat down on the judgment-seat, and commanded the man to be brought.
Therefore, when they were come hither, without any delay on the morrow I sat on the judgment seat, and commanded the man to be brought forth:

17: Когда же они пришли сюда, то, без всякого отлагательства, на другой же день сел я на судейское место и повелел привести того человека.
25:17  συνελθόντων οὗν [αὐτῶν] ἐνθάδε ἀναβολὴν μηδεμίαν ποιησάμενος τῇ ἑξῆς καθίσας ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος ἐκέλευσα ἀχθῆναι τὸν ἄνδρα·
25:17. cum ergo huc convenissent sine ulla dilatione sequenti die sedens pro tribunali iussi adduci virum
When therefore they were come hither, without any delay, on the day following, sitting in the judgment seat, I commanded the man to be brought.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ all ▾
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:17: Therefore when they were come hither ... - See Act 25:6.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:17: without: Act 25:6
John Gill
25:17 Therefore when they were come hither,.... To Caesarea, namely the chief priests and elders of the Jews:
without any delay on the morrow, I sat on the judgment seat: that is, the next day after they came down, Festus went into the judgment hall, and took his place there, in order to hear this cause; which circumstance he mentions, to show how expeditious he was:
and I commanded the man to be brought forth: from his place of confinement, to the hall, to answer for himself.
25:1825:18: Վասն որոյ մատուցեալ ամբաստանքն, եւ ո՛չ մի ինչ վնաս չարութեան ՚ի մէջ բերէին՝ զորոց եսն կարծէի[2785]. [2785] Ոմանք. Զոր եսն կարծէի։
18. Նրա դէմ ներկայացող ամբաստանողները մէջտեղ չէին բերում չարագործութեան ոչ մի յանցանք, որոնց մասին ես կասկած ունէի.
18 Անոր դատախազներն ալ ներկայանալով, իմ կասկած ըրած յանցանքներէս մէ՛կն ալ յառաջ չբերին.
Վասն որոյ մատուցեալ ամբաստանքն եւ ոչ մի ինչ վնաս չարութեան ի մէջ բերէին զորոց եսն կարծէի:

25:18: Վասն որոյ մատուցեալ ամբաստանքն, եւ ո՛չ մի ինչ վնաս չարութեան ՚ի մէջ բերէին՝ զորոց եսն կարծէի[2785].
[2785] Ոմանք. Զոր եսն կարծէի։
18. Նրա դէմ ներկայացող ամբաստանողները մէջտեղ չէին բերում չարագործութեան ոչ մի յանցանք, որոնց մասին ես կասկած ունէի.
18 Անոր դատախազներն ալ ներկայանալով, իմ կասկած ըրած յանցանքներէս մէ՛կն ալ յառաջ չբերին.
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:1818: Обступив его, обвинители не представили ни одного из обвинений, какие я предполагал;
25:18  περὶ οὖ σταθέντες οἱ κατήγοροι οὐδεμίαν αἰτίαν ἔφερον ὧν ἐγὼ ὑπενόουν πονηρῶν,
25:18. περὶ (about) οὗ (of-which) σταθέντες ( having-been-stood ) οἱ (the-ones) κατήγοροι (gatherers-down) οὐδεμίαν (to-not-moreover-one) αἰτίαν (to-an-appealing-unto) ἔφερον (they-were-bearing) ὧν ( of-which ) ἐγὼ (I) ὑπενόουν (I-was-considering-under-unto) πονηρῶν , ( of-en-necessitated ,"
25:18. de quo cum stetissent accusatores nullam causam deferebant de quibus ego suspicabar malumAgainst whom, when the accusers stood up, they brought no accusation of this which I thought ill of:
18. Concerning whom, when the accusers stood up, they brought no charge of such evil things as I supposed;
Against whom when the accusers stood up, they brought none accusation of such things as I supposed:

18: Обступив его, обвинители не представили ни одного из обвинений, какие я предполагал;
25:18  περὶ οὖ σταθέντες οἱ κατήγοροι οὐδεμίαν αἰτίαν ἔφερον ὧν ἐγὼ ὑπενόουν πονηρῶν,
25:18. de quo cum stetissent accusatores nullam causam deferebant de quibus ego suspicabar malum
Against whom, when the accusers stood up, they brought no accusation of this which I thought ill of:
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ ab▾ ac▾ all ▾
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
25:18: They brought none accusation of such things as I supposed - It was natural for Festus, at the first view of things, to suppose that Paul must be guilty of some very atrocious crime. When he found that he had been twice snatched from the hands of the Jews; that he had been brought to Caesarea, as a prisoner, two years before; that he had been tried once before the Sanhedrin, and once before the governor of the province; that he had now lain two years in bonds; and that the high priest and all the heads of the Jewish nation had united in accusing him, and whose condemnation they loudly demanded; when, I say, he considered all this, it was natural for him to suppose the apostle to be some flagitious wretch; but when he had tried the case, and heard their accusations and his defense, how surprised was he to find that scarcely any thing that amounted to a crime was laid to his charge; and that nothing that was laid to his charge could be proved!
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:18: None accusation ... - No charge as I expected of a breach of the peace; of a violation of the Roman law; of atrocious crime. It was natural that Festus should suppose that they would accuse Paul of some such offence. He had been arraigned before Felix; had been two years in custody; and the Jews were exceedingly violent against him. All this, Festus would presume, must have arisen from some flagrant and open violation of the laws.
John Gill
25:18 Against whom when the accusers stood up,.... As they were obliged to do, whilst they were exhibiting their charges, bearing their testimonies, and producing their proofs; Acts 25:7.
They brought none accusation of such things as I supposed: for by his being left in bonds, and by the information of the chief priests and elders, and their violence against him, he imagined he must be chargeable with some notorious capital crime.
John Wesley
25:18 Such things as I supposed - From their passion and vehemence.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
25:18 as I supposed--"suspected"--crimes punishable by civil law.
25:1925:19: բայց խնդիրս ինչ որ վասն իւրեա՛նց պաշտաման ունէին ընդ նմա. եւ վասն Յիսուսի՛ որումն մեռելոյ, զորմէ ասէր Պաւղոս թէ կենդանի՛ է[2786]։ [2786] Ոմանք. Ինչ վասն իւրեանց... վասն Յիսուսի ուրումն... զորմէ ասէ Պաւ՛՛։
19. այլ ինչ-ինչ խնդիրներ ունէին նրա հետ իրենց պաշտամունքին վերաբերող, ինչպէս նաեւ մի ոմն մեռած Յիսուսի վերաբերեալ, որի մասին Պօղոսն ասում էր, թէ կենդանի է:
19 Հապա մէկ քանի խնդիրներ ունէին անոր հետ իրենց կրօնքին վրայ եւ Յիսուս անունով մեռածի մը վրայ, որուն համար Պօղոս կ’ըսէր թէ կենդանի է։
բայց խնդիրս ինչ որ վասն իւրեանց պաշտաման ունէին ընդ նմա, եւ վասն Յիսուսի որումն մեռելոյ, զորմէ ասէր Պաւղոս թէ կենդանի է:

25:19: բայց խնդիրս ինչ որ վասն իւրեա՛նց պաշտաման ունէին ընդ նմա. եւ վասն Յիսուսի՛ որումն մեռելոյ, զորմէ ասէր Պաւղոս թէ կենդանի՛ է[2786]։
[2786] Ոմանք. Ինչ վասն իւրեանց... վասն Յիսուսի ուրումն... զորմէ ասէ Պաւ՛՛։
19. այլ ինչ-ինչ խնդիրներ ունէին նրա հետ իրենց պաշտամունքին վերաբերող, ինչպէս նաեւ մի ոմն մեռած Յիսուսի վերաբերեալ, որի մասին Պօղոսն ասում էր, թէ կենդանի է:
19 Հապա մէկ քանի խնդիրներ ունէին անոր հետ իրենց կրօնքին վրայ եւ Յիսուս անունով մեռածի մը վրայ, որուն համար Պօղոս կ’ըսէր թէ կենդանի է։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:1919: но они имели некоторые споры с ним об их Богопочитании и о каком-то Иисусе умершем, о Котором Павел утверждал, что Он жив.
25:19  ζητήματα δέ τινα περὶ τῆς ἰδίας δεισιδαιμονίας εἶχον πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ περί τινος ἰησοῦ τεθνηκότος, ὃν ἔφασκεν ὁ παῦλος ζῆν.
25:19. ζητήματα (to-seekings) δέ (moreover) τινα (to-ones) περὶ (about) τῆς (of-the-one) ἰδίας (of-private-belonged) δεισιδαιμονίας (of-a-daimon-diring-unto) εἶχον (they-were-holding) πρὸς (toward) αὐτὸν (to-it) καὶ (and) περί (about) τινος (of-a-one) Ἰησοῦ (of-an-Iesous) τεθνηκότος, (of-having-had-come-to-die,"ὃν (to-which) ἔφασκεν (it-was-asserting,"ὁ (the-one) Παῦλος (a-Paulos,"ζῇν. (to-life-unto)
25:19. quaestiones vero quasdam de sua superstitione habebant adversus eum et de quodam Iesu defuncto quem adfirmabat Paulus vivereBut had certain questions of their own superstition against him, and of one Jesus deceased, whom Paul affirmed to be alive.
19. but had certain questions against him of their own religion, and of one Jesus, who was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive.
But had certain questions against him of their own superstition, and of one Jesus, which was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive:

19: но они имели некоторые споры с ним об их Богопочитании и о каком-то Иисусе умершем, о Котором Павел утверждал, что Он жив.
25:19  ζητήματα δέ τινα περὶ τῆς ἰδίας δεισιδαιμονίας εἶχον πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ περί τινος ἰησοῦ τεθνηκότος, ὃν ἔφασκεν ὁ παῦλος ζῆν.
25:19. quaestiones vero quasdam de sua superstitione habebant adversus eum et de quodam Iesu defuncto quem adfirmabat Paulus vivere
But had certain questions of their own superstition against him, and of one Jesus deceased, whom Paul affirmed to be alive.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
19: "Споры... об их Богопочитании и о каком-то Иисусе умершем, о Котором Павел утверждал, что Он жив..." Выражение звучит равнодушием ко всем этим истинам и желанием показать себя стоящим выше этих "иудейских суеверий", как выражались язычники вообще об откровенной еврейской религии. Учение же Павла о воскресении Христовом передается с нескрываемым издевательством: "peri tino: Ihsou teqnhkotoV, on efascen o PauloV zhn" - о некоем Иисусе умершем, Которого Павел утверждал жить, т. е. делал нечто такое, что выше его сил, каковы вечные и неодолимые законы природы.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
25:19: Questions - of their own superstition - Περι της ιδιας δειδιδαιμονιας; Questions concerning their own religion. Superstition meant something as bad among the Romans as it does among us; and is it likely that Festus, only a procurator, should thus speak to Agrippa, a King, concerning his own religion? He could not have done so without offering the highest insult. The word δεισιδαιμονια must therefore simply mean religion - the national creed, and the national worship, as I have at large proved it to mean, in the observations at the end of Act 17:34.
And of one Jesus, which was dead, etc. - In this way does this poor heathen speak of the death and resurrection of Christ! There are many who profess Christianity that do not appear to be much farther enlightened.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:19: But had certain questions - Certain inquiries, or litigated and disputed subjects; certain points of dispute in which they differed - ζητήματα τινα zē tē mata tina.
Of their own superstition - δεισιδαιμονίας deisidaimonias. This word properly denotes "the worship or fear of demons"; but it was applied by the Greeks and Romans to the worship of their gods. It is the same word which is used in Act 17:22, where it is used in a good sense. See the notes on that place. There are two reasons for thinking that Festus used the word here in a good sense, and not in the sense in which we use the word "superstition":
(1) It was the word by which the worship of the Greeks and Romans, and, therefore, of Festus himself, was denoted, and he would naturally use it in a similar sense in applying it to the Jews. He would describe their worship in such language as he was accustomed to use when speaking of religion.
(2) he knew that Agrippa was a Jew. Festus would not probably speak of the religion of his royal guest as superstition, but would speak of it with respect. He meant, therefore, to say simply that they had certain inquiries about their own religion, but accused him of no crime against the Roman laws.
And of one Jesus, which was dead - Greek: "of one dead Jesus." It is evident that Festus had no belief that Jesus had been raised up, and in this he would expect that Agrippa would concur with him. Paul had admitted that Jesus had been put to death, but he maintained that he had been raised from the dead. As Festus did not believe this, he spoke of it with the utmost contempt. "They had a dispute about one dead Jesus, whom Paul affirmed to be alive." In this manner a Roman magistrate could speak of this glorious truth of the Christian religion, and this shows the spirit with which the great mass of philosophers and statesmen regarded its doctrines.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:19: certain: Act 25:7, Act 18:15, Act 18:19, Act 23:29
superstition: Act 17:22, Act 17:23
which: Act 1:22, Act 2:32, Act 17:31, Act 26:22, Act 26:23; Co1 15:3, Co1 15:4, Co1 15:14-20; Rev 1:18
Geneva 1599
25:19 (5) But had certain questions against him of their own (d) superstition, and of one Jesus, which was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive.
(5) The profane and wicked take an occasion to condemn the true doctrine, because of private controversies and contentions of men between themselves: but the truth nevertheless abides safe and sure in the meantime.
(d) This profane man calls the Jewish religion "superstition", and that before King Agrippa, but it is no wonder: for the rulers of provinces, because of the majesty of the empire of Rome, used to think themselves better than kings.
John Gill
25:19 But had certain questions against him of their own superstition,.... Or religion; as about their law, which they said Paul had spoke against; and about their temple, which they pretended he had polluted; and about the resurrection of the dead, which he asserted, and some denied:
and of one Jesus which was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive; for it seems more was said on each side, than is recorded by Luke: the Jews objected to him among other things, his belief in Jesus of Nazareth, whom they traduced as an impostor and deceiver; Paul on the other hand argued, that he was the true Messiah; and in proof of it, affirmed that though they had put him to death, he was risen from the dead, and so was declared to be the Son of God with power: Festus, it is very likely, had never heard of Jesus before, and therefore speaks of him in this manner; or if he had, he had entertained a contemptible opinion of him, as well as of the Jewish religion; and which he expresses, even in the presence of the king, who had outwardly at least embraced it.
John Wesley
25:19 But had certain questions - How coldly does he mention the things of the last importance! And about one Jesus - Thus does Festus speak of Him, to whom every knee shall bow! Whom Paul affirmed to be alive - And was this a doubtful question? But why, O Festus, didst thou doubt concerning it? Only because thou didst not search into the evidence of it. Otherwise that evidence might have opened to thee, till it had grown up into full conviction; and thy illustrious prisoner have led thee into the glorious liberty of the children of God.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
25:19 questions . . . of their own superstition--rather, "religion" (see on Acts 17:22). It cannot be supposed that Festus would use the word in any discourteous sense in addressing his Jewish guest.
one Jesus--"Thus speaks this miserable Festus of Him to whom every knee shall bow" [BENGEL].
whom Paul affirmed--"kept affirming."
to be alive--showing that the resurrection of the Crucified One had been the burden, as usual, of Paul's pleading. The insignificance of the whole affair in the eyes of Festus is manifest.
25:2025:20: Իբրեւ յանհնարս մտի վասն այնպիսի՛ իրաց քննութեան, ասեմ եթէ կամիցի՞ երթալ յԵրուսաղէմ, եւ ա՛նդր դատել վասն նոցին իրաց[2787]։ [2787] Ոմանք. Մտի ես վասն այսպիսի... եթէ կամիցիս երթալ յԵրուսաղէմ, եւ անդ դա՛՛։
20. Երբ այսպիսի խնդիրների քննութեան համար տարակուսանքի մէջ ընկայ, նրան ասացի, թէ կը կամենա՞ր Երուսաղէմ գնալ եւ այդ խնդիրների համար այնտեղ դատուել:
20 Եւ երբ տարակուսանքի մէջ էի այս բանին քննութեան վրայով, հարցուցի. ‘Կ’ուզե՞ս Երուսաղէմ երթալ եւ հոն այս բաներուն համար դատուիլ’։
Իբրեւ յանհնարս մտի վասն այսպիսի իրաց քննութեան, ասեմ եթէ կամիցի՞ երթալ յԵրուսաղէմ, եւ անդ դատել վասն նոցին իրաց:

25:20: Իբրեւ յանհնարս մտի վասն այնպիսի՛ իրաց քննութեան, ասեմ եթէ կամիցի՞ երթալ յԵրուսաղէմ, եւ ա՛նդր դատել վասն նոցին իրաց[2787]։
[2787] Ոմանք. Մտի ես վասն այսպիսի... եթէ կամիցիս երթալ յԵրուսաղէմ, եւ անդ դա՛՛։
20. Երբ այսպիսի խնդիրների քննութեան համար տարակուսանքի մէջ ընկայ, նրան ասացի, թէ կը կամենա՞ր Երուսաղէմ գնալ եւ այդ խնդիրների համար այնտեղ դատուել:
20 Եւ երբ տարակուսանքի մէջ էի այս բանին քննութեան վրայով, հարցուցի. ‘Կ’ուզե՞ս Երուսաղէմ երթալ եւ հոն այս բաներուն համար դատուիլ’։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:2020: Затрудняясь в решении этого вопроса, я сказал: хочет ли он идти в Иерусалим и там быть судимым в этом?
25:20  ἀπορούμενος δὲ ἐγὼ τὴν περὶ τούτων ζήτησιν ἔλεγον εἰ βούλοιτο πορεύεσθαι εἰς ἱεροσόλυμα κἀκεῖ κρίνεσθαι περὶ τούτων.
25:20. ἀπορούμενος ( Un-traversing-unto ) δὲ (moreover,"ἐγὼ (I,"τὴν (to-the-one) περὶ (about) τούτων (of-the-ones-these) ζήτησιν (to-a-seeking) ἔλεγον (I-was-forthing) εἰ (if) βούλοιτο ( it-may-purpose ) πορεύεσθαι ( to-traverse-of ) εἰς (into) Ἰεροσόλυμα (to-a-Hierosoluma) κἀκεῖ (and-thither) κρίνεσθαι (to-be-separated) περὶ (about) τούτων. (of-the-ones-these)
25:20. haesitans autem ego de huiusmodi quaestione dicebam si vellet ire Hierosolymam et ibi iudicari de istisI therefore being in a doubt of this manner of question, asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem and there be judged of these things.
20. And I, being perplexed how to inquire concerning these things, asked whether he would go to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these matters.
And because I doubted of such manner of questions, I asked [him] whether he would go to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these matters:

20: Затрудняясь в решении этого вопроса, я сказал: хочет ли он идти в Иерусалим и там быть судимым в этом?
25:20  ἀπορούμενος δὲ ἐγὼ τὴν περὶ τούτων ζήτησιν ἔλεγον εἰ βούλοιτο πορεύεσθαι εἰς ἱεροσόλυμα κἀκεῖ κρίνεσθαι περὶ τούτων.
25:20. haesitans autem ego de huiusmodi quaestione dicebam si vellet ire Hierosolymam et ibi iudicari de istis
I therefore being in a doubt of this manner of question, asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem and there be judged of these things.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
20: "Затрудняясь в решении сего вопроса..." Это - ложь: нижеприведенный вопрос Павлу Фест делал не по затруднению в решении столь ясного вопроса, а из желания сделать угодное иудеям (ст. 9). Употребляется эта ложь из желания выставить себя пред Агриппою в лучшем свете.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
25:20: I doubted of such manner of questions - Such as, whether he had broken their law, defiled their temple; or whether this Jesus, who was dead, was again raised to life.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:20: And because I doubted of such manner of questions - See the margin. Because I hesitated about the right way of disposing of them; because I was ignorant of their nature and bearing, I proposed to go to Jerusalem, that the matter might be there more fully investigated. It is obvious, that if Paul was not found guilty of any violation of the laws, he should have been at once discharged. Some interpreters understand this as affirming that he was not satisfied about the question of Paul's innocence, or certain whether he ought to be set at liberty or not.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:20: doubted of such manner of questions: or, was doubtful how to enquire hereof, etc
I asked: Act 25:9
John Gill
25:20 And because I doubted of such manner of questions,.... Or was ignorant of them, and knew not what to make of them, or to say to them, and was at an entire loss what to do in this affair:
I asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these matters; before the Jewish sanhedrim, who best understood them.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
25:20 because I doubted of such manner of questions--The "I" is emphatic. "I," as a Roman judge, being at a loss how to deal with such matters.
25:2125:21: Բայց ՚ի Պաւղոսի բողոքելն՝ զի պահեսցի ՚ի Քաջի՛ արանցն յանդիմանութիւն, հրամայեցի պահե՛լ զնա՝ մինչեւ տա՛ց տանել առ կայսր[2788]։ [2788] Ոմանք. Բայց Պաւղոս ՚ի բողոքելն զի պահեսցի ՚ի Քաջ ար՛՛... տանել զնա առ կայսր։
21. Բայց երբ Պօղոսը բողոքեց, որ ինքը պէտք է պահուի Նորին Գերազանցութեան վճռին ներկայանալու համար, հրամայեցի պահել նրան, մինչեւ որ կայսեր մօտ ուղարկեմ»:
21 Բայց Պօղոս երբ բողոքեց ու պահանջեց որ Վեհափառ Կայսրին դէմ* ելլէ, հրաման ըրի որ զինք պահեն՝ մինչեւ Կայսրին ղրկեմ»։
Բայց ի Պաւղոսի բողոքելն զի պահեսցի ի Քաջի արանցն յանդիմանութիւն, հրամայեցի պահել զնա` մինչեւ տաց տանել առ կայսր:

25:21: Բայց ՚ի Պաւղոսի բողոքելն՝ զի պահեսցի ՚ի Քաջի՛ արանցն յանդիմանութիւն, հրամայեցի պահե՛լ զնա՝ մինչեւ տա՛ց տանել առ կայսր[2788]։
[2788] Ոմանք. Բայց Պաւղոս ՚ի բողոքելն զի պահեսցի ՚ի Քաջ ար՛՛... տանել զնա առ կայսր։
21. Բայց երբ Պօղոսը բողոքեց, որ ինքը պէտք է պահուի Նորին Գերազանցութեան վճռին ներկայանալու համար, հրամայեցի պահել նրան, մինչեւ որ կայսեր մօտ ուղարկեմ»:
21 Բայց Պօղոս երբ բողոքեց ու պահանջեց որ Վեհափառ Կայսրին դէմ* ելլէ, հրաման ըրի որ զինք պահեն՝ մինչեւ Կայսրին ղրկեմ»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:2121: Но как Павел потребовал, чтобы он оставлен был на рассмотрение Августово, то я велел содержать его под стражею до тех пор, как пошлю его к кесарю.
25:21  τοῦ δὲ παύλου ἐπικαλεσαμένου τηρηθῆναι αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν τοῦ σεβαστοῦ διάγνωσιν, ἐκέλευσα τηρεῖσθαι αὐτὸν ἕως οὖ ἀναπέμψω αὐτὸν πρὸς καίσαρα.
25:21. τοῦ (Of-the-one) δὲ (moreover) Παύλου (of-a-Paulos) ἐπικαλεσαμένου ( of-having-called-upon-unto ) τηρηθῆναι (to-have-been-kept-unto) αὐτὸν (to-it) εἰς (into) τὴν (to-the-one) τοῦ (of-the-one) Σεβαστοῦ (of-reverable) διάγνωσιν, (to-an-acquainting-through,"ἐκέλευσα (I-bade-of) τηρεῖσθαι (to-be-kept-unto) αὐτὸν (to-it) ἕως (unto-if-which) οὗ (of-which) ἀναπέμψω (I-might-have-dispatched-up) αὐτὸν (to-it) πρὸς (toward) Καίσαρα. (to-a-Kaisar)
25:21. Paulo autem appellante ut servaretur ad Augusti cognitionem iussi servari eum donec mittam eum ad CaesaremBut Paul, appealing to be reserved unto the hearing of Augustus, I commanded him to be kept, till I might send him to Caesar.
21. But when Paul had appealed to be kept for the decision of the emperor, I commanded him to be kept till I should send him to Caesar.
But when Paul had appealed to be reserved unto the hearing of Augustus, I commanded him to be kept till I might send him to Caesar:

21: Но как Павел потребовал, чтобы он оставлен был на рассмотрение Августово, то я велел содержать его под стражею до тех пор, как пошлю его к кесарю.
25:21  τοῦ δὲ παύλου ἐπικαλεσαμένου τηρηθῆναι αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν τοῦ σεβαστοῦ διάγνωσιν, ἐκέλευσα τηρεῖσθαι αὐτὸν ἕως οὖ ἀναπέμψω αὐτὸν πρὸς καίσαρα.
25:21. Paulo autem appellante ut servaretur ad Augusti cognitionem iussi servari eum donec mittam eum ad Caesarem
But Paul, appealing to be reserved unto the hearing of Augustus, I commanded him to be kept, till I might send him to Caesar.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
21: "На рассмотрение Августово..." - то же, что и на суд Кесаря, обычным титулом которого со времени Октавиана было Август.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
25:21: Unto the hearing of Augustus - Εις την του ΣεβαϚου διαγνωσιν; To the discrimination of the emperor. For, although σεβαϚος is usually translated Augustus, and the Roman emperors generally assumed this epithet, which signifies no more than the venerable, the august, get here it seems to be used merely to express the emperor, without any reference to any of his attributes or titles.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:21: But when he had appealed - Act 25:11.
To be reserved - To be kept; not to be tried at Jerusalem, but to be sent to Rome for trial.
Unto the hearing - Margin, "the judgment." That Augustus might hear and decide the cause.
Of Augustus - The reigning emperor at this time was Nero. The name Augustus Σεβαστός Sebastos properly denotes "what is venerable, or worthy of honor and Rev_erence." It was first applied to Caesar Octavianus, who was the Roman emperor in the time when our Saviour was born, and who is usually nailed Augustus Caesar. But the title continued to be used of his successors in office, as denoting the veneration or Rev_erence which was due to the rank of emperor.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:21: had: Act 25:10, Act 26:32; Ti2 4:16
hearing: or, judgment
Augustus: Act 27:1; Luk 2:1
I commanded: Act 25:12
John Gill
25:21 But when Paul had appealed to be reserved,.... In custody at Caesarea:
unto the hearing of Augustus; to have his cause heard, tried, and judged of, by the Roman Emperor Nero, here called Augustus; for as it was usual for a Roman emperor to be called Caesar, from Julius Caesar, the first of them, so to be called Augustus, from Octavius Augustus, the second emperor: his original surname was Thurinus, but this being objected to him as a reproachful one, he afterwards took the name of Caesar, and then of Augustus; the one by the will of his great uncle, the other by the advice of Munatius Plancus; when some thought he ought to be called Romulus, as if he was the founder of the city, it prevailed that he should rather be called Augustus; not only this surname being new, but more grand, seeing religious places, and in which anything was consecrated by soothsaying, were called "Augusta, ab auctu, vel ab avium gestu, gustuve", according to Ennius (t): in the Greek text the name is Sebastos, which signifies venerable and worshipful.
I commanded him to be kept; in Caesarea, by a centurion, and not sent to Jerusalem:
till I might send him to Caesar: till he could have an opportunity of sending him to Rome, to take his trial before the emperor.
(t) Suetonius in Vit. Octav. c. 7.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
25:21 the hearing of Augustus--the imperial title first conferred by the Roman Senate on Octavius.
25:2225:22: Ագրիպպաս ցՓեստո՛ս ասէ. Կամէի եւ ե՛ս լսել առնն։ Եւ նա ասէ. ՚Ի վաղիւ լուիցես[2789]։ [2789] Ոմանք. Լսել առն... վաղիւ լուիցես։
22. Ագրիպպասը Փեստոսին ասաց. «Ես էլ կը կամենայի այդ մարդուն լսել»: Փեստոսն ասաց. «Վաղը կը լսես»:
22 Ագրիպպաս ըսաւ Փեստոսին. «Ես ալ կ’ուզէի այդ մարդը մտիկ ընել»։ Ան ալ ըսաւ. «Վաղը մտիկ կ’ընես»։
Ագրիպպաս ցՓեստոս ասէ. Կամէի եւ ես լսել առնն: Եւ նա ասէ. Ի վաղիւ լուիցես:

25:22: Ագրիպպաս ցՓեստո՛ս ասէ. Կամէի եւ ե՛ս լսել առնն։ Եւ նա ասէ. ՚Ի վաղիւ լուիցես[2789]։
[2789] Ոմանք. Լսել առն... վաղիւ լուիցես։
22. Ագրիպպասը Փեստոսին ասաց. «Ես էլ կը կամենայի այդ մարդուն լսել»: Փեստոսն ասաց. «Վաղը կը լսես»:
22 Ագրիպպաս ըսաւ Փեստոսին. «Ես ալ կ’ուզէի այդ մարդը մտիկ ընել»։ Ան ալ ըսաւ. «Վաղը մտիկ կ’ընես»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:2222: Агриппа же сказал Фесту: хотел бы и я послушать этого человека. Завтра же, отвечал тот, услышишь его.
25:22  ἀγρίππας δὲ πρὸς τὸν φῆστον, ἐβουλόμην καὶ αὐτὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἀκοῦσαι. αὔριον, φησίν, ἀκούσῃ αὐτοῦ.
25:22. Ἀγρίππας (An-Agrippas) δὲ (moreover) πρὸς (toward) τὸν (to-the-one) Φῆστον (to-a-Festos," Ἐβουλόμην ( I-was-purposing ) καὶ (and) αὐτὸς (it) τοῦ (of-the-one) ἀνθρώπου (of-a-mankind) ἀκοῦσαι. (to-have-heard) Αὔριον, (To-morrow,"φησίν, (it-declareth," ἀκούσῃ ( thou-shall-hear ) αὐτοῦ. (of-it)
25:22. Agrippa autem ad Festum volebam et ipse hominem audire cras inquit audies eumAnd Agrippa said to Festus: I would also hear the man, myself. To-morrow, said he, thou shalt hear him.
22. And Agrippa unto Festus, I also could wish to hear the man myself. Tomorrow, saith he, thou shalt hear him.
Then Agrippa said unto Festus, I would also hear the man myself. To morrow, said he, thou shalt hear him:

22: Агриппа же сказал Фесту: хотел бы и я послушать этого человека. Завтра же, отвечал тот, услышишь его.
25:22  ἀγρίππας δὲ πρὸς τὸν φῆστον, ἐβουλόμην καὶ αὐτὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἀκοῦσαι. αὔριον, φησίν, ἀκούσῃ αὐτοῦ.
25:22. Agrippa autem ad Festum volebam et ipse hominem audire cras inquit audies eum
And Agrippa said to Festus: I would also hear the man, myself. To-morrow, said he, thou shalt hear him.
22. And Agrippa unto Festus, I also could wish to hear the man myself. Tomorrow, saith he, thou shalt hear him.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
22: "Хотел бы и я послушать..." Весьма вероятно, что Агриппа слышал и прежде что-либо об апостоле и о христианстве (XXVI:26), и теперь вполне естественно, что он рад воспользоваться случаем видеть и слышать этого величайшего исповедника и учителя христианства.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
25:22: I would also hear the man myself - A spirit of curiosity, similar to that of Herod, Luk 23:8.
As Herod, the father of this Agrippa, had been so active an instrument in endeavoring to destroy Christianity, having killed James, and was about to have put Peter to death also, had not God sent him to his own place, there is no doubt that Agrippa had heard much about Christianity; and as to St. Paul, his conversion was so very remarkable that his name, in connection with Christianity, was known, not only throughout Judea, but through all Asia Minor and Greece. Agrippa, therefore might naturally wish to see and hear a man of whom he had heard so much.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:22: Then Agrippa said ... - Agrippa doubtless had heard much of the fame of Jesus, and of the new sect of Christians, and probably he was induced by mere curiosity to hear what Paul could say in explanation and defense of Christianity. This wish of Agrippa gave occasion to the noblest defense which was ever made before any tribunal, and to as splendid eloquence as can be found in any language. See Act 26:23.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:22: Act 9:15; Isa 52:15; Mat 10:18; Luk 21:12
Geneva 1599
25:22 (6) Then Agrippa said unto Festus, I would also hear the man myself. To morrow, said he, thou shalt hear him.
(6) That is fulfilled in Paul which the Lord had told to Ananias about him; see (Acts 9:15).
John Gill
25:22 Then Agrippa said to Festus,.... After he had given him the above account:
I would also hear the man myself; Agrippa being a Jew by profession, and knowing more of these things than Festus did, and very likely had heard much concerning Jesus Christ; and if not of the apostle, yet however of the Christian religion; and therefore he was very desirous, not only out of curiosity to see the man, but to hear him; and get some further information and knowledge about the things in dispute, between the Jews and Christians, in which Festus was very ready to gratify him:
tomorrow, said he, thou shall hear him: and sooner things could not well be prepared for an affair of this kind, and for so grand a meeting.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
25:22 I would also hear--"should like to hear."
the man myself--No doubt Paul was fight when he said, "The king knoweth of these things . . . for I am persuaded that none of these things are hidden from him; for this thing was not done in a corner" (Acts 26:26). Hence his curiosity to see and hear the man who had raised such commotion and was remodelling to such an extent the whole Jewish life.
25:2325:23: Եւ ՚ի վաղիւ անդր իբրեւ ե՛կն Ագրիպպաս եւ Բերինիկէ՝ բազում եւ երեւելի՛ սպասուք, եւ մտին յատեանն հանդերձ հազարապետօքն եւ արամբք պատուաւորօք քաղաքին. եւ հրամայեալ Փեստոսի՝ ածի՛ն զՊաւղոս[2790]։ [2790] Ոմանք. Իբրեւ եկին Ագրի՛՛... բազում երեւելի... եւ արամբք պատուականօք քա՛՛։
23. Եւ յաջորդ օրը, երբ Ագրիպպասը եւ Բերենիկէն փառաւոր հանդէսով եկան եւ հազարապետների ու քաղաքի պատուաւոր մարդկանց հետ ատեան մտան, Փեստոսը հրամայեց, որ Պօղոսին բերեն:
23 Հետեւեալ օրը երբ Ագրիպպաս ու Բերինիկէ մեծ հանդէսով եկան ու ատեանը մտան հազարապետներով եւ քաղաքին պատուաւոր մարդոց հետ, Փեստոս ալ հրաման ընելով՝ բերին Պօղոսը։
Եւ ի վաղիւ անդր իբրեւ եկն Ագրիպպաս եւ Բերինիկէ բազում երեւելի սպասուք, եւ մտին յատեանն հանդերձ հազարապետօքն եւ արամբք պատուականօք քաղաքին. եւ հրամայեալ Փեստոսի` ածին զՊաւղոս:

25:23: Եւ ՚ի վաղիւ անդր իբրեւ ե՛կն Ագրիպպաս եւ Բերինիկէ՝ բազում եւ երեւելի՛ սպասուք, եւ մտին յատեանն հանդերձ հազարապետօքն եւ արամբք պատուաւորօք քաղաքին. եւ հրամայեալ Փեստոսի՝ ածի՛ն զՊաւղոս[2790]։
[2790] Ոմանք. Իբրեւ եկին Ագրի՛՛... բազում երեւելի... եւ արամբք պատուականօք քա՛՛։
23. Եւ յաջորդ օրը, երբ Ագրիպպասը եւ Բերենիկէն փառաւոր հանդէսով եկան եւ հազարապետների ու քաղաքի պատուաւոր մարդկանց հետ ատեան մտան, Փեստոսը հրամայեց, որ Պօղոսին բերեն:
23 Հետեւեալ օրը երբ Ագրիպպաս ու Բերինիկէ մեծ հանդէսով եկան ու ատեանը մտան հազարապետներով եւ քաղաքին պատուաւոր մարդոց հետ, Փեստոս ալ հրաման ընելով՝ բերին Պօղոսը։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:2323: На другой день, когда Агриппа и Вереника пришли с великою пышностью и вошли в судебную палату с тысяченачальниками и знатнейшими гражданами, по приказанию Феста приведен был Павел.
25:23  τῇ οὗν ἐπαύριον ἐλθόντος τοῦ ἀγρίππα καὶ τῆς βερνίκης μετὰ πολλῆς φαντασίας καὶ εἰσελθόντων εἰς τὸ ἀκροατήριον σύν τε χιλιάρχοις καὶ ἀνδράσιν τοῖς κατ᾽ ἐξοχὴν τῆς πόλεως, καὶ κελεύσαντος τοῦ φήστου ἤχθη ὁ παῦλος.
25:23. Τῇ (Unto-the-one) οὖν (accordingly) ἐπαύριον (upon-to-morrow) ἐλθόντος (of-having-had-came) τοῦ (of-the-one) Ἀγρίππα (of-an-Agrippas) καὶ (and) τῆς (of-the-one) Βερνίκης (of-a-Bernike) μετὰ (with) πολλῆς (of-much) φαντασίας (of-a-manifesting-unto) καὶ (and) εἰσελθόντων ( of-having-had-came-into ) εἰς (into) τὸ (to-the-one) ἀκροατήριον (to-a-hearerlet) σύν (together) τε (also) χιλιάρχοις (unto-firsts-of-thousand) καὶ (and) ἀνδράσιν (unto-men) τοῖς (unto-the-ones) κατ' (down) ἐξοχὴν (to-a-holding-out) τῆς (of-the-one) πόλεως (of-a-city) καὶ (and) κελεύσαντος (of-having-bade-of) τοῦ (of-the-one) Φήστου (of-a-Festos) ἤχθη (it-was-led) ὁ (the-one) Παῦλος. (a-Paulos)
25:23. altera autem die cum venisset Agrippa et Bernice cum multa ambitione et introissent in auditorium cum tribunis et viris principalibus civitatis et iubente Festo adductus est PaulusAnd on the next day, when Agrippa and Bernice were come with great pomp and had entered into the hall of audience with the tribunes and principal men of the city, at Festus' commandment, Paul was brought forth.
23. So on the morrow, when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with great pomp, and they were entered into the place of hearing, with the chief captains, and the principal men of the city, at the command of Festus Paul was brought in.
And on the morrow, when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with great pomp, and was entered into the place of hearing, with the chief captains, and principal men of the city, at Festus' commandment Paul was brought forth:

23: На другой день, когда Агриппа и Вереника пришли с великою пышностью и вошли в судебную палату с тысяченачальниками и знатнейшими гражданами, по приказанию Феста приведен был Павел.
25:23  τῇ οὗν ἐπαύριον ἐλθόντος τοῦ ἀγρίππα καὶ τῆς βερνίκης μετὰ πολλῆς φαντασίας καὶ εἰσελθόντων εἰς τὸ ἀκροατήριον σύν τε χιλιάρχοις καὶ ἀνδράσιν τοῖς κατ᾽ ἐξοχὴν τῆς πόλεως, καὶ κελεύσαντος τοῦ φήστου ἤχθη ὁ παῦλος.
25:23. altera autem die cum venisset Agrippa et Bernice cum multa ambitione et introissent in auditorium cum tribunis et viris principalibus civitatis et iubente Festo adductus est Paulus
And on the next day, when Agrippa and Bernice were come with great pomp and had entered into the hall of audience with the tribunes and principal men of the city, at Festus' commandment, Paul was brought forth.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
23: "С великою пышностью...", т. е. по-царски, прилично своему сану.

"С тысяченачальниками..." В Кесарии - резиденции прокуратора, правителя такой беспокойной области, какою была тогда Палестина, стояло пять когорт войска и, следовательно, пять тысяченачальников (Флав. О войне Иудейской III:4, 2).

"Знатнейшими гражданами..." - представителями города, в котором сосредоточивалось управление целой провинции. Таким образом, это было многочисленное и блестящее собрание представителей военного и гражданского ведомств Кесарии, с царем и его сестрой и правителем провинции во главе. В это-то блестящее собрание и введен был апостол в узах (XXVI:29).
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
25:23: With great pomp - Μετα πολλης φαντασιας; With much phantasy, great splendor, great parade, superb attendance or splendid retinue: in this sense the Greek word is used by the best writers. Wetstein has very justly remarked, that these children of Herod the Great made this pompous appearance in that very city where, a few years before, their father, for his Pride, was smitten of God, and eaten up by worms! How seldom do the living lay any of God's judgments to heart!
The place of hearing - A sort of audience chamber, in the palace of Festus. This was not a trial of Paul; there were no Jews present to accuse him, and he could not be tried but at Rome, as he had appealed to Caesar. These grandees wished to hear the man speak of his religion, and in his own defense, through a principle of curiosity.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:23: With great pomp - Greek: "with much phantasy" φαντασίας phantasias; with much show, parade, and splendor. It was an occasion on which he could exhibit much of the splendor of royalty, and he chose to do it.
Into the place of hearing - The court-room, or the place where the judges heard and tried causes.
With the chief captains - Greek: the chiliarchs; the commanders of 1, 000 men. It means here that the military officers were assembled. "The principal men of the city." The civil officers, or the men of reputation and influence.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:23: with: Act 12:21; Est 1:4; Ecc 1:2; Isa 5:14, Isa 14:11; Eze 7:24, Eze 30:18, Eze 32:12, Eze 33:28; Dan 4:30; Co1 7:31; Jam 1:11; Pe1 1:24; Jo1 2:16
at: Act 9:15
Geneva 1599
25:23 And on the morrow, when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with great (e) pomp, and was entered into the place of hearing, with the chief captains, and principal men of the city, at Festus' commandment Paul was brought forth.
(e) Gorgeously, like a prince.
John Gill
25:23 And on the morrow, when Agrippa was come,.... Into the hall, or court of judicature:
and Bernice; his sister, along with him:
with great pomp: in rich dress, with the "regalia", or ensigns of royalty carried before them, and attended with a large train and retinue of servants:
and was entered into the place of hearing; the causes that were tried in court, that particular part of the hall, which was assigned for that purpose; for as there were the proper places for the judge and council, and for the plaintiffs and defendants, so for those that came to hear:
with the chief captains; or tribunes, who had the command of the Roman soldiers; and who had each of them a thousand men under them, as their title signifies:
and principal men of the city; that is, of Caesarea; the magistrates, and chief inhabitants of the place:
at Festus's commandment Paul was brought forth; and became a spectacle to a vast number of men, as he himself says; and which in part fulfilled what Christ had foretold to his disciples, that they should be brought before kings and governors for his sake; see 1Cor 4:9.
John Wesley
25:23 With the tribunes and principal men of the city - The chief officers, both military and civil.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
25:23 when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with great pomp--in the same city in which their father, on account of his pride, had perished, eaten up by worms [WETST].
with the chief captains--(See on Acts 21:32). JOSEPHUS [Wars of the Jews, 3.4.2] says that five cohorts, whose full complement was one thousand men, were stationed at CÃ&brvbr;sarea.
principal men of the city--both Jews and Romans. "This was the most dignified and influential audience Paul had yet addressed, and the prediction (Acts 9:15) was fulfilled, though afterwards still more remarkably at Rome (Acts 27:24; Ti2 4:16-17) [WEBSTER and WILKINSON].
25:2425:24: Եւ ասէ Փեստոս. Արքա՛յ Ագրիպպայ՝ եւ ամենայն արք որք ընդ մեզ էք, տեսանէ՞ք զսա. վասն սորա ամենայն ժողովք Հրէից ամբաստա՛ն եղեն ինձ յԵրուսաղէմ, եւ աստ աղաղակէին՝ թէ չէ՛ պարտ դմա կեալ[2791]։ [2791] Ոմանք. Արք որ ընդ մեզ... ամենայն ժողովուրդք Հրէից։
24. Փեստոսն ասաց. «Ագրիպպա՛ս արքայ եւ բոլոր մարդիկդ, որ մեզ հետ էք, սրան տեսնում էք. հրեաների ամբողջ ժողովուրդը թէ՛ Երուսաղէմում եւ թէ՛ այստեղ սրա մասին ամբաստանութիւն էին անում ինձ մօտ եւ աղաղակում, թէ՝ չպէտք է կենդանի մնայ:
24 Այն ատեն Փեստոս ըսաւ. «Ագրիպպա՛ս արքայ եւ դուք որ մեզի հետ էք, ասիկա կը տեսնէք. ասոր վրայով Հրեաներուն բոլոր բազմութիւնը ինծի ներկայացան Երուսաղէմի մէջ եւ հոս ալ ու կ’աղաղակէին թէ՝ ‘Պէտք չէ որ ա՛լ ատիկա ողջ մնայ’։
Եւ ասէ Փեստոս. Արքայ Ագրիպպա, եւ ամենայն արք որք ընդ մեզ էք, տեսանէ՞ք զսա. վասն սորա ամենայն ժողովք Հրէից ամբաստան եղեն ինձ յԵրուսաղէմ եւ աստ, աղաղակէին թէ` չէ պարտ դմա կեալ:

25:24: Եւ ասէ Փեստոս. Արքա՛յ Ագրիպպայ՝ եւ ամենայն արք որք ընդ մեզ էք, տեսանէ՞ք զսա. վասն սորա ամենայն ժողովք Հրէից ամբաստա՛ն եղեն ինձ յԵրուսաղէմ, եւ աստ աղաղակէին՝ թէ չէ՛ պարտ դմա կեալ[2791]։
[2791] Ոմանք. Արք որ ընդ մեզ... ամենայն ժողովուրդք Հրէից։
24. Փեստոսն ասաց. «Ագրիպպա՛ս արքայ եւ բոլոր մարդիկդ, որ մեզ հետ էք, սրան տեսնում էք. հրեաների ամբողջ ժողովուրդը թէ՛ Երուսաղէմում եւ թէ՛ այստեղ սրա մասին ամբաստանութիւն էին անում ինձ մօտ եւ աղաղակում, թէ՝ չպէտք է կենդանի մնայ:
24 Այն ատեն Փեստոս ըսաւ. «Ագրիպպա՛ս արքայ եւ դուք որ մեզի հետ էք, ասիկա կը տեսնէք. ասոր վրայով Հրեաներուն բոլոր բազմութիւնը ինծի ներկայացան Երուսաղէմի մէջ եւ հոս ալ ու կ’աղաղակէին թէ՝ ‘Պէտք չէ որ ա՛լ ատիկա ողջ մնայ’։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:2424: И сказал Фест: царь Агриппа и все присутствующие с нами мужи! вы видите того, против которого всё множество Иудеев приступали ко мне в Иерусалиме и здесь и кричали, что ему не должно более жить.
25:24  καί φησιν ὁ φῆστος, ἀγρίππα βασιλεῦ καὶ πάντες οἱ συμπαρόντες ἡμῖν ἄνδρες, θεωρεῖτε τοῦτον περὶ οὖ ἅπαν τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἰουδαίων ἐνέτυχόν μοι ἔν τε ἱεροσολύμοις καὶ ἐνθάδε, βοῶντες μὴ δεῖν αὐτὸν ζῆν μηκέτι.
25:24. καί (And) φησιν (it-declareth,"ὁ (the-one) Φῆστος (a-Festos,"Ἀγρίππα (Agrippas) βασιλεῦ (Ruler-of) καὶ (and) πάντες ( all ) οἱ (the-ones) συνπαρόντες ( being-beside-together ) ἡμῖν (unto-us) ἄνδρες, (Men,"θεωρεῖτε (ye-should-surveil-unto) τοῦτον (to-the-one-this) περὶ (about) οὗ (of-which) ἅπαν (along-all) τὸ (the-one) πλῆθος (a-repletion) τῶν (of-the-ones) Ἰουδαίων ( of-Iouda-belonged ) ἐνέτυχέν (it-had-actuated-in) μοι (unto-me) ἔν (in) τε (also) Ἰεροσολύμοις (unto-Hierosoluma') καὶ (and) ἐνθάδε, (in-unto-which-moreover," βοῶντες ( hollering-unto ) μὴ (lest) δεῖν (to-bind) αὐτὸν (to-it) ζῇν (to-life-unto) μηκέτι. (lest-if-to-a-one)
25:24. et dixit Festus Agrippa rex et omnes qui simul adestis nobiscum viri videtis hunc de quo omnis multitudo Iudaeorum interpellavit me Hierosolymis petens et hic clamantes non oportere eum vivere ampliusAnd Festus saith: King Agrippa and all ye men who are here present with us, you see this man, about whom all the multitude of the Jews dealt with me at Jerusalem, requesting and crying out that he ought not to live any longer.
24. And Festus saith, King Agrippa, and all men which are here present with us, ye behold this man, about whom all the multitude of the Jews made suit to me, both at Jerusalem and here, crying that he ought not to live any longer.
And Festus said, King Agrippa, and all men which are here present with us, ye see this man, about whom all the multitude of the Jews have dealt with me, both at Jerusalem, and [also] here, crying that he ought not to live any longer:

24: И сказал Фест: царь Агриппа и все присутствующие с нами мужи! вы видите того, против которого всё множество Иудеев приступали ко мне в Иерусалиме и здесь и кричали, что ему не должно более жить.
25:24  καί φησιν ὁ φῆστος, ἀγρίππα βασιλεῦ καὶ πάντες οἱ συμπαρόντες ἡμῖν ἄνδρες, θεωρεῖτε τοῦτον περὶ οὖ ἅπαν τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἰουδαίων ἐνέτυχόν μοι ἔν τε ἱεροσολύμοις καὶ ἐνθάδε, βοῶντες μὴ δεῖν αὐτὸν ζῆν μηκέτι.
25:24. et dixit Festus Agrippa rex et omnes qui simul adestis nobiscum viri videtis hunc de quo omnis multitudo Iudaeorum interpellavit me Hierosolymis petens et hic clamantes non oportere eum vivere amplius
And Festus saith: King Agrippa and all ye men who are here present with us, you see this man, about whom all the multitude of the Jews dealt with me at Jerusalem, requesting and crying out that he ought not to live any longer.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
24: Представляя собранию узника, Фест излагает кратко дело его и цель нового обсуждения этого дела - "чтобы было мне что написать" (26: ст. ). Так, очевидно, сложилось дело бедного Павла, что нечего было о нем даже и написать: надо было отпускать, а не хотелось - "страха ради иудейского", а и обвинять было не в чем. Бедное правосудие! Бедные стражи пресловутого римскою права!

"Все множество иудеев..." - несколько преувеличено, ср. ст. 2: и 15. Возможно, впрочем, что указанных там лиц действительно сопровождала более или менее значительная толпа народа, подкрепляя жалобы и обвинения на Павла и криками требуя осуждения его на смерть.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:24: Have dealt with me - Have appeared before me, desiring me to try him. They have urged me to condemn him.
Crying ... - Compare Act 22:22. They had sought that he should be put to death.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:24: King Agrippa: King Agrippa was the son of Herod Agrippa; who upon the death of his uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, ad 28, succeeded to his dominions, by the favour of the emperor Claudius. Four years afterwards, Claudius removed him from that kingdom to a larger one; giving him the tetrarchy of Philip, that of Lysanias, and the province which Varus governed. Nero afterwards added Julias in Peraea, Tarichaea, and Tiberias. Claudius gave him the power of appointing the high priest among the Jews; and instances of his exercising this power may be seen in Josephus. He was strongly attached to the Romans, and did every thing in his power to pRev_ent the Jews from rebelling; and when he could not pRev_ail, he united his troops to those of Titus, and assisted at the siege of Jerusalem. After the ruin of his country, he retired with his sister Berenice to Rome where he died, aged 70, about ad 90.
about: Act 25:2, Act 25:3, Act 25:7
that he: Act 22:22; Luk 23:21-23
John Gill
25:24 And Festus said, King Agrippa,.... He addressed himself to him in the first place, as being the principal person, and of great dignity, as well as knowledge:
and all men which are here present with us; the chief captains, and principal inhabitants of the city:
ye see this man the prisoner at the bar, meaning Paul:
about whom all the multitude of the Jews have dealt with me: applied unto him, interceded with him, and very importunately pressed and desired him to give judgment against him:
both at Jerusalem and also here; at Caesarea, whither they came from Jerusalem to accuse him:
crying: in a very noisy and clamorous way:
that he ought not to live any longer; as they did before Lysias the chief captain, Acts 22:22 and so in the hearing of Festus; for it was his death they sought, and nothing else would satisfy them.
25:2525:25: Բայց ես ՚ի վերայ հասի, թէ ո՛չինչ է դմա արժանի մահու գործեալ, եւ դորա ինքնին բողո՛ք կալեալ առ Քաջ արանցն, խորհեցայ յղե՛լ[2792]։ [2792] Ոմանք. Ոչինչ է դորա արժա՛՛... առ Քաջի արանցն։
25. Բայց ես վերահասու եղայ, թէ դա մահուան արժանի ոչինչ չի արել. ինքն էլ բողոքած լինելով մարդկանցից Գերազանցին՝ խորհեցի, որ ուղարկեմ նրան:
25 Բայց ես քննեցի եւ հասկցայ թէ անիկա մեռնելու արժանի բան մը ըրած չէ, ինքն ալ Վեհափառ Կայսրին բողոքեց, որոշեցի որ ղրկեմ զանիկա։
Բայց ես ի վերայ հասի թէ ոչինչ է դորա արժանի մահու գործեալ, եւ դորա ինքնին բողոք կալեալ առ Քաջ արանցն, խորհեցայ յղել:

25:25: Բայց ես ՚ի վերայ հասի, թէ ո՛չինչ է դմա արժանի մահու գործեալ, եւ դորա ինքնին բողո՛ք կալեալ առ Քաջ արանցն, խորհեցայ յղե՛լ[2792]։
[2792] Ոմանք. Ոչինչ է դորա արժա՛՛... առ Քաջի արանցն։
25. Բայց ես վերահասու եղայ, թէ դա մահուան արժանի ոչինչ չի արել. ինքն էլ բողոքած լինելով մարդկանցից Գերազանցին՝ խորհեցի, որ ուղարկեմ նրան:
25 Բայց ես քննեցի եւ հասկցայ թէ անիկա մեռնելու արժանի բան մը ըրած չէ, ինքն ալ Վեհափառ Կայսրին բողոքեց, որոշեցի որ ղրկեմ զանիկա։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:2525: Но я нашел, что он не сделал ничего, достойного смерти; и как он сам потребовал суда у Августа, то я решился послать его [к нему].
25:25  ἐγὼ δὲ κατελαβόμην μηδὲν ἄξιον αὐτὸν θανάτου πεπραχέναι, αὐτοῦ δὲ τούτου ἐπικαλεσαμένου τὸν σεβαστὸν ἔκρινα πέμπειν.
25:25. ἐγὼ (I) δὲ (moreover) κατελαβόμην ( I-had-taken-down ) μηδὲν (to-lest-moreover-one) ἄξιον (to-deem-belonged) αὐτὸν (to-it) θανάτου (of-a-death) πεπραχέναι, (to-have-had-come-to-practice,"αὐτοῦ (of-it) δὲ (moreover) τούτου (of-the-one-this) ἐπικαλεσαμένου ( of-having-called-upon-unto ) τὸν (to-the-one) Σεβαστὸν (to-revereable,"ἔκρινα (I-separated) πέμπειν. (to-dispatch)
25:25. ego vero conperi nihil dignum eum morte admisisse ipso autem hoc appellante Augustum iudicavi mittereYet have I found nothing that he hath committed worthy of death. But forasmuch as he himself hath appealed to Augustus, I have determined to send him.
25. But I found that he had committed nothing worthy of death: and as he himself appealed to the emperor I determined to send him.
But when I found that he had committed nothing worthy of death, and that he himself hath appealed to Augustus, I have determined to send him:

25: Но я нашел, что он не сделал ничего, достойного смерти; и как он сам потребовал суда у Августа, то я решился послать его [к нему].
25:25  ἐγὼ δὲ κατελαβόμην μηδὲν ἄξιον αὐτὸν θανάτου πεπραχέναι, αὐτοῦ δὲ τούτου ἐπικαλεσαμένου τὸν σεβαστὸν ἔκρινα πέμπειν.
25:25. ego vero conperi nihil dignum eum morte admisisse ipso autem hoc appellante Augustum iudicavi mittere
Yet have I found nothing that he hath committed worthy of death. But forasmuch as he himself hath appealed to Augustus, I have determined to send him.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jg▾ tr▾ all ▾
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:25: committed: Act 23:9, Act 23:29, Act 26:31; Luk 23:4, Luk 23:14; Joh 18:38
and that: Act 25:11, Act 25:12
Augustus: The honourable title of Σεβαστος [Strong's G4575], or Augustus, that is venerable or august, which was first conferred by the senate on Octavius Caesar, was afterwards assumed by succeeding Roman emperors.
John Gill
25:25 But when I found that he had committed nothing worthy of death,.... Which was a public testimony of the apostle's innocence, to the great mortification of his enemies, some of whom might be present; a like testimony was given of him by Lysias, Acts 23:29.
And that he himself hath appealed unto Augustus; the Emperor Nero; see Acts 25:21.
I have determined to send him; having had the opinion of his council upon it.
25:2625:26: Վասն որոյ ստուգութեամբ ինչ գրել տեառն իմում ո՛չ ունիմ. վասն ա՛յնորիկ ածի զդա առաջի ձեր, եւ մանաւանդ առաջի քոյ արքա՛յ Ագրիպպա. որպէս վերստին քննեալ՝ մարթացի՛ց ինչ գրել[2793]։ [2793] Ոմանք. Վասն այսորիկ ածի... որպէս զի վերստին քննել մարթացից գրել ինչ։
26. Դրա մասին իմ տիրոջը՝ կայսրին ստոյգ բան չունեմ գրելու. այդ պատճառով նրան ձեր առաջ բերեցի եւ, մանաւանդ, քո՛ առաջ, Ագրիպպա՛ս արքայ, որպէսզի վերստին քննութիւն կատարելով՝ կարողանամ մի բան գրել,
26 Անոր համար հաստատ բան մը չունիմ գրելու իմ տիրոջս. ուստի ատիկա ձեր առջեւ բերի եւ մանաւանդ քու առջեւդ, ո՛վ Ագրիպպաս արքայ, որպէս զի քննութիւն ընելէ յետոյ գրելիք մը ունենամ.
Վասն որոյ ստուգութեամբ ինչ գրել տեառն իմում ոչ ունիմ. վասն այնորիկ ածի զդա առաջի ձեր, եւ մանաւանդ առաջի քո, արքայ Ագրիպպա, որպէս զի վերստին քննեալ` մարթացից ինչ գրել:

25:26: Վասն որոյ ստուգութեամբ ինչ գրել տեառն իմում ո՛չ ունիմ. վասն ա՛յնորիկ ածի զդա առաջի ձեր, եւ մանաւանդ առաջի քոյ արքա՛յ Ագրիպպա. որպէս վերստին քննեալ՝ մարթացի՛ց ինչ գրել[2793]։
[2793] Ոմանք. Վասն այսորիկ ածի... որպէս զի վերստին քննել մարթացից գրել ինչ։
26. Դրա մասին իմ տիրոջը՝ կայսրին ստոյգ բան չունեմ գրելու. այդ պատճառով նրան ձեր առաջ բերեցի եւ, մանաւանդ, քո՛ առաջ, Ագրիպպա՛ս արքայ, որպէսզի վերստին քննութիւն կատարելով՝ կարողանամ մի բան գրել,
26 Անոր համար հաստատ բան մը չունիմ գրելու իմ տիրոջս. ուստի ատիկա ձեր առջեւ բերի եւ մանաւանդ քու առջեւդ, ո՛վ Ագրիպպաս արքայ, որպէս զի քննութիւն ընելէ յետոյ գրելիք մը ունենամ.
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:2626: Я не имею ничего верного написать о нем государю; посему привел его пред вас, и особенно пред тебя, царь Агриппа, дабы, по рассмотрении, было мне что написать.
25:26  περὶ οὖ ἀσφαλές τι γράψαι τῶ κυρίῳ οὐκ ἔχω· διὸ προήγαγον αὐτὸν ἐφ᾽ ὑμῶν καὶ μάλιστα ἐπὶ σοῦ, βασιλεῦ ἀγρίππα, ὅπως τῆς ἀνακρίσεως γενομένης σχῶ τί γράψω·
25:26. περὶ (About) οὗ (of-which) ἀσφαλές (to-un-failed) τι (to-a-one) γράψαι (to-have-scribed) τῷ (unto-the-one) κυρίῳ (unto-authority-belonged) οὐκ (not) ἔχω: (I-hold) διὸ (through-which) προήγαγον (I-had-led-before) αὐτὸν (to-it) ἐφ' (upon) ὑμῶν (of-ye) καὶ (and) μάλιστα (most-such) ἐπὶ (upon) σοῦ, (of-THEE,"βασιλεῦ (Ruler-of) Ἀγρίππα, (Agrippas,"ὅπως (unto-which-whither) τῆς (of-the-one) ἀνακρίσεως (of-a-separating-up) γενομένης ( of-having-had-became ) σχῶ (I-might-have-had-held) τί (to-what-one) γράψω: (I-might-have-scribed)
25:26. de quo quid certum scribam domino non habeo propter quod produxi eum ad vos et maxime ad te rex Agrippa ut interrogatione facta habeam quid scribamOf whom I have nothing certain to write to my lord. For which cause, I have brought him forth before you, and especially before thee, O king Agrippa, that, examination being made, I may have what to write.
26. Of whom I have no certain thing to write unto my lord. Wherefore I have brought him forth before you, and specially before thee, king Agrippa, that, after examination had, I may have somewhat to write.
Of whom I have no certain thing to write unto my lord. Wherefore I have brought him forth before you, and specially before thee, O king Agrippa, that, after examination had, I might have somewhat to write:

26: Я не имею ничего верного написать о нем государю; посему привел его пред вас, и особенно пред тебя, царь Агриппа, дабы, по рассмотрении, было мне что написать.
25:26  περὶ οὖ ἀσφαλές τι γράψαι τῶ κυρίῳ οὐκ ἔχω· διὸ προήγαγον αὐτὸν ἐφ᾽ ὑμῶν καὶ μάλιστα ἐπὶ σοῦ, βασιλεῦ ἀγρίππα, ὅπως τῆς ἀνακρίσεως γενομένης σχῶ τί γράψω·
25:26. de quo quid certum scribam domino non habeo propter quod produxi eum ad vos et maxime ad te rex Agrippa ut interrogatione facta habeam quid scribam
Of whom I have nothing certain to write to my lord. For which cause, I have brought him forth before you, and especially before thee, O king Agrippa, that, examination being made, I may have what to write.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
26: "Не имею ничего верного написать о нем..." Возможно, что правитель искренно затруднялся ясно и верно представить сущность дела, что вполне понятно в нем, как иностранце, недавно только прибывшем в эту область и незнакомом с ее постановлениями, характером и обычаями, - хотя из представленных обвинений Павла он и успел вынести твердое убеждение, что по римским законам он не подлежит смертной казни. Естественно было поэтому для него желать слышать мнение нарочито собранных им и особенно Агриппы, как ближе всех знакомого с местными учреждениями и обычаями страны, чтобы составить вполне верное суждение об этом деле, о котором ему надо было писать обстоятельное донесение императору.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
25:26: I have no certain thing to write - Nothing alleged against him has been substantiated.
Unto my Lord - The title Κυριος, Dominus, Lord, both Augustus and Tiberius had absolutely refused; and forbade, even by public edicts, the application of it to themselves. Tiberius himself was accustomed to say that he was lord only of his slaves, emperor or general of the troops, and prince of the senate. See Suetonius, in his life of this prince. The succeeding emperors were not so modest; they affected the title. Nero, the then emperor, would have it; and Pliny the younger is continually giving it to Trajan in his letters.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:26: Of whom - Respecting his character, opinions, and manner of life; and respecting the charges against him.
No certain thing - Nothing definite and well established. They had not accused Paul of any crime against the Roman laws; and Festus professes himself too ignorant of the customs of the Jews to inform the emperor distinctly of the nature of the charges and the subject of trial.
Unto my lord - To the emperor - to Caesar. This name Lord the Emperors Augustus and Tiberius had rejected, and would not suffer it to be applied to them. Suetonius (Life of Augustus, v. 53) says "the appellation of Lord he always abhorred as abominable and execrable." See also Suetonius' Life of Tiberius, v. 27. The emperors that succeeded them, however, admitted the title, and suffered themselves to be called by this name. Nothing would be more satisfactory to Nero, the reigning emperor, than this title.
I might have somewhat to write - As Agrippa was a Jew, and was acquainted with the customs and doctrine of the Jews, Festus supposed that, after hearing Paul, he would be able to inform him of the exact nature of these charges, so that he could present the case intelligibly to the emperor.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:26: specially: Act 26:2, Act 26:3
Geneva 1599
25:26 Of whom I have no certain thing to write unto my (f) lord. Wherefore I have brought him forth before you, and specially before thee, O king Agrippa, that, after examination had, I might have somewhat to write.
(f) To Augustus. Good princes refused this name at the first, that is, to be called lords, but afterwards they allowed it, as we read of Traianus.
John Gill
25:26 Of whom I have no certain thing,.... No certain crime, charge, or accusation; nothing of any moment or consequence, no particular thing, nothing but a heap of confused notions, of I know not who or what:
to write unto my lord; meaning the Roman emperor, under whom he served as governor of Judea:
wherefore I have brought him before you; the whole company then present:
and especially before thee, O King Agrippa; as being not only a man of eminence, dignity, and authority, but of knowledge in such matters, which the Jews accused Paul of; see Acts 26:2.
That after examination had; of Paul, and his case;
I might have somewhat to write; concerning him, and the charges exhibited against him to the emperor.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
25:26 I have no certain--"definite"
thing to write my lord--Nero. "The writer's accuracy should be remarked here. It would have been . . . a mistake to apply this term ("lord") to the emperor a few years earlier. Neither Augustus nor Tiberius would let himself be so called, as implying the relation of master and slave. But it had now come (rather, "was coming") into use as one of the imperial titles" [HACKET].
25:2725:27: Քանզի անպատե՛հ իմն թուի ինձ՝ տալ տանել կապեալ մի, եւ ո՛չինչ վնաս զնմանէ նշանակել։
27. քանի որ ինձ անպատեհ բան է թւում ուղարկել մի բանտարկեալի եւ նրա մասին որեւէ յանցանք չնշել»:
27 Վասն զի ինծի անվայել կ’երեւնայ որ բանտարկեալ մը ղրկեմ եւ անոր վրայ դրուած յանցանքները չիմացնեմ»։
Քանզի անպատեհ իմն թուի ինձ տալ տանել կապեալ մի, եւ ոչինչ վնաս զնմանէ նշանակել:

25:27: Քանզի անպատե՛հ իմն թուի ինձ՝ տալ տանել կապեալ մի, եւ ո՛չինչ վնաս զնմանէ նշանակել։
27. քանի որ ինձ անպատեհ բան է թւում ուղարկել մի բանտարկեալի եւ նրա մասին որեւէ յանցանք չնշել»:
27 Վասն զի ինծի անվայել կ’երեւնայ որ բանտարկեալ մը ղրկեմ եւ անոր վրայ դրուած յանցանքները չիմացնեմ»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
25:2727: Ибо, мне кажется, нерассудительно послать узника и не показать обвинений на него.
25:27  ἄλογον γάρ μοι δοκεῖ πέμποντα δέσμιον μὴ καὶ τὰς κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ αἰτίας σημᾶναι.
25:27. ἄλογον (un-fortheed) γάρ (therefore) μοι (unto-me) δοκεῖ (it-thinketh-unto) πέμποντα (to-dispatching) δέσμιον (to-tied-belonged) μὴ (lest) καὶ (and) τὰς (to-the-ones) κατ' (down) αὐτοῦ (of-it) αἰτίας (to-appealings-unto) σημᾶναι. (to-have-signified)
25:27. sine ratione enim mihi videtur mittere vinctum et causas eius non significareFor it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner and not to signify the things laid to his charge.
27. For it seemeth to me unreasonable, in sending a prisoner, not withal to signify the charges against him.
For it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner, and not withal to signify the crimes [laid] against him:

27: Ибо, мне кажется, нерассудительно послать узника и не показать обвинений на него.
25:27  ἄλογον γάρ μοι δοκεῖ πέμποντα δέσμιον μὴ καὶ τὰς κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ αἰτίας σημᾶναι.
25:27. sine ratione enim mihi videtur mittere vinctum et causas eius non significare
For it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner and not to signify the things laid to his charge.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ all ▾
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
25:27: For it seemeth to me unreasonable, etc. - Every reader must feel the awkward situation in which Festus stood. He was about to send a prisoner to Rome, to appear before Nero, though he had not one charge to support against him; and yet he must be sent, for he had appealed to Caesar. He hoped therefore that Agrippa, who was of the Jewish religion, would be able to discern more particularly the merits of this case; and might, after hearing Paul, direct him how to draw up those letters, which, on sending the prisoner, must be transmitted to the emperor.
This chapter ends as exceptionably as the twenty-first. It should have begun at Act 25:13, and have been continued to the end of the twenty-sixth chapter, or both chapters have been united in one.
1. From St. Paul's appeal to Caesar, we see that it is lawful to avail ourselves, even in the cause of God, of those civil privileges with which his mercy has blessed us. It is often better to fall into the hands of the heathen than into the hands of those who, from mistaken views of religion, have their hearts filled with bitter persecuting zeal. Those who can murder a man, pretendedly for God's sake, because he does not think exactly with them on ceremonial or speculative points of divinity, have no portion of that religion which came down from God.
2. The Jews endeavored by every means to deny the resurrection of our Lord; and it seems to have been one part of their accusation against Paul, that he asserted that the man, Jesus, whom they had crucified, was risen from the dead. On this subject, a pious writer observes: "What a train of errors and miseries does one single instance of deceit draw after it; and what a judgment upon those, who, by corrupting the guards of the sepulchre, the witnesses of the resurrection of our Lord, have kept the whole nation in infidelity!" Thus it often happens in the world that one bad counsel, one single lie or calumny, once established, is the source of infinite evils.
3. The grand maxim of the Roman law and government, to condemn no man unheard, and to confront the accusers with the accused, should be a sacred maxim with every magistrate and minister, and among all private Christians. How many harsh judgments and uncharitable censures would this prevent! Conscientiously practised in all Christian societies, detraction, calumny, tale-bearing, whispering, backbiting, misunderstandings, with every unbrotherly affection, would necessarily be banished from the Church of God.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
25:27: For it seemeth to me unreasonable - Festus felt that he was placed in an embarrassing situation. He was about to send a prisoner to Rome who had been tried by himself, and who had appealed from his jurisdiction, and yet he was ignorant of the charges against him, and of the nature of his offences, if any had been committed. When prisoners were thus sent to Rome to be tried before the emperor, it would be proper that the charges should be all specified, and the evidence stated by which they were supported, Yet Festus could do neither, and it is not wonderful that he felt himself perplexed and embarrassed, and that he was glad to avail himself of the desire which Agrippa had expressed to hear Paul, that he might be able to specify the charges against him.
Withal - Also; at the same time.
To signify - To specify, or make them know. In concluding this chapter, we may observe:
(1) That in the case of Agrippa, we have an instance of the reasons which induce many people to hear the gospel. He had no belief in it; he had no concern for its truth or its promises; but he was led by curiosity to desire to hear a minister of the gospel of Christ. Curiosity thus draws multitudes to the sanctuary. In many instances they remain unaffected and unconcerned. They listen, and are unmoved, and die in their sins. In other instances, like Agrippa, they are almost persuaded to be Christians, Act 26:28. But, like him, they resist the appeals, and die uninterested in the plan of salvation. In some instances they are converted, and their curiosity, like that of Zacchaeus, is made the means of their embracing the Saviour, Luk 19:1-9. Whatever may be the motive which induces people to desire to hear, it is the duty of the ministry cheerfully and thankfully, like Paul, to state the truth, and to defend the Christian religion.
(2) in Festus we have a specimen of the manner in which the great, and the rich, and the proud usually regard Christianity. They esteem it to be a subject in which they have no interest a question about "one dead Jesus," whom Christians affirm to be alive. Whether he be alive or not; whether Christianity be true or false, they suppose is a question which does not pertain to them. Strange that it did not occur to Festus that if he was alive, his religion was true; and that it was possible that it might be from God. And strange that the people of this world regard the Christian religion as a subject in which they have no personal interest, but as one concerning which Christians only should inquire, and in which they alone should feel any concern.
(3) in Paul we have the example of a man unlike both Festus and Agrippa. He felt a deep interest in the subject a subject which pertained as much to them as to him. He was willing not only to look at it, but to stake his life, his reputation, his all, on its truth. He was willing to defend it everywhere, and before any class of people. At the same time that he urged his rights as a Roman citizen, yet it was mainly that he might preach the gospel. At the same time that he was anxious to secure justice to himself, yet his chief anxiety was to declare the truth of God. Before any tribunal; before any class of people; in the presence of princes, nobles, and kings, of Romans and of Jews, he was ready to pour forth irresistible eloquence and argument in defense of the truth. Who would not rather be Paul than either Festus or Agrippa? Who would not rather be a prisoner. like him, than invested with authority like Festus, or clothed in splendor like Agrippa? And who would not rather be a believer of the gospel like Paul, than, like them, to be cold contemners or neglecters of the God that made them, and of the Saviour that died and rose again?
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
25:27: Pro 18:13; Joh 7:51
John Gill
25:27 For it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner,.... A man bound as if he was a malefactor, and guilty of some heinous crimes, to Rome, to be tried before Caesar:
and not withal to signify the crimes laid against him; for which he is a prisoner, and for which he is sent to the emperor: it seemed to Festus an absurd thing, and what might be justly looked upon by his master, a foolish, silly, and stupid piece of conduct, and void of common sense and reason, mere madness and folly; to send him a prisoner, and not signify in his letter to him, what was laid to his charge; and yet this was so dark and obscure, that he could not tell what to make of it, nor what to write to his lord about it; and hoped therefore, upon this re-examination of Paul before Agrippa, he should come to a more certain knowledge of this affair, and be better furnished to give Nero an account of it, to whom the apostle had appealed.