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Zohrap 1805
ՆԱԽԱԴՐՈՒԹԻՒՆ ԳՐՈՑՆ ԵՍԹԵՐԱՅ

Ժամանակ իրացն Եսթերայ եւ Մուրդքէի զոր պատմեն Գիրքս այս, ոմանց առ երկայնաձեռն Արտաշիսիւ թուեցաւ լինել. այլ ես ո՛չ առնում յանձն՝ ասէ Եւսեբի, զի ո՛չ լռէին ասէ զայսպիսի գործս՝ Գիրք Եզրի, որ առ այսու Արտաշիսիւ պատմեն զգործս Եզրայ եւ Նեեմեայ արձակելոց ՚ի Բաբելոնէ յԵրուսաղէմ. յա՛յտ է զի յետոյ ուրեմն առ Ուշեղն կոչեցեալ Արտաշէսիւ հանդիպի ժամանակ իրացս Եսթերայ։ Իսկ զՀաման Ամադովթեանց Ագագեանց, որ էր փառաւոր ՚ի դրան Արտաշիսի, եւ կամէր սպանանել զՄուրդքէ եւ ջնջել զՀրէայսն, ասէ սուրբն Յակոբ Մծբնայ՝ ՚ի գիրսն որ կոչի Զգօն, թէ էր Համան Ամաղեկացի՝ յազգէ՛ Ագագայ զոր ապրեցոյցն Սաւուղ՝ եւ սպան Սամուէլ. եւ զի Ամաղէկն որ ետ պատերազմ ընդ Իսրայէլի՝ հարճորդի էր Եղիփաղու որդւոյ Եսաւայ. եւ զի ա՛ռ Եսաւ կանայս ՚ի Քանանացւոցն, զորս անէծն Նոյ. ՚ի ներքոյ լծոյ ծառայութեան Յակոբայ եդ Իսահակ զԵսաւ։ Զայս քէն ոխութեան ՚ի մտի ունէր Ամաղէկ, եւ պատերազմէր ջնջել զԻսրայէլ. եւ խափանել ՚ի տանէն Եսաւայ զանէծսն Նոյի, եւ յԻսրայէլէ զօրհնութիւնն Իսահակայ։ Իբրեւ հարաւ Ամաղէկ յաղօթսն Մովսիսի, ասաց Աստուած ցՄովսէս զմնացելոցն, թէ ջնջեմ զյիշատակն Ամաղեկայ՝ ՚ի ձեռն որդւոցն Ռաքելի։ Զի նախ Յեսու յորդւոցն Յովսեփայ կոտորեաց զԱմաղէկ. եւ յետոյ զՍաւուղ յորդւոցն Բենիամինի առաքեաց Աստուած սատակել զԱմաղեկ. եւ էր Համանս այս՝ մնացեալ ՚ի տանէն Ագագայ Ամաղեկեանց։ Իսկ Մուրդքէ ՚ի տանէն Սաւուղայ Բենիամինեանց, եւ վասն այնորիկ ո՛չ երկիրպագանէր Մուրդքէ Համանայ. զի գիտէր՝ զի վճռեալ էր Աստուծոյ ջնջել զԱմաղէկ։ Իբրեւ ետես զի անարգեցաւ յԱստուծոյ Սաւուղ ազգական իւր վասն խնայելոյ յԱգագ, երկեաւ նա երկիրպագանել Համանայ, զի մի՛ կրեսցէ պատիժ յԱստուծոյ։ Իսկ Համան զհայրենի վրէժն խնդրել կամեցաւ, կախե՛լ զՄուրդքէ, եւ ջնջել զՀրէայսն։ Այլ Աստուծոյ վճիռն ել ՚ի գլուխ, կախեցաւ որդւովքն Համան՝ որ մնացեալ էր յԱմաղեկայ. եւ ջնջեցաւ յիշատակն Ամաղեկայ որպէս եւ ասացն Աստուած[5194]։

[5194] Մատենագիր նախադրութեանցս՝ որ առ իւրաքանչիւր նախադրութիւն գրոց սովոր է յարել եւ զմանրապատում ցուցակ պարունակելոցն ՚ի նոսա, յայլ եւ այլ գլուխս բաժանեալ, զանց առնէ յոմանս. որպէս եւ յառաջիկայ երիս գիրս, այս է՝ Եսթերայ, Յուդիթայ, եւ Տոբիթայ. որով եւ պակասին գլխահամարք յայսոսիկ գիրս ՚ի լուսանցս բնաբանին նշանակեալք։
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
[Во второй год царствования Артаксеркса великого, в первый день месяца Нисана, сон видел Мардохей, сын Иаиров, Семеев, Кисеев, из колена Вениаминова, Иудеянин, живший в городе Сузах, человек великий, служивший при царском дворце. Он был из пленников, которых Навуходоносор, царь Вавилонский, взял в плен из Иерусалима с Иехониею, царем Иудейским. Сон же его такой: вот ужасный шум, гром и землетрясение и смятение на земле; и вот, вышли два больших змея, готовые драться друг с другом; и велик был вой их, и по вою их все народы приготовились к войне, чтобы поразить народ праведных; и вот день тьмы и мрака, скорбь и стеснение, страдание и смятение великое на земле; и смутился весь народ праведных, опасаясь бед себе, и приготовились они погибнуть и стали взывать к Господу; от вопля их произошла, как бы от малого источника, великая река с множеством воды; и воссиял свет и солнце, и вознеслись смиренные и истребили тщеславных. Мардохей, пробудившись после этого сновидения, {изображавшего}, чт{о} Бог хотел совершить, содержал этот сон в сердце и желал уразуметь его во всех частях его, до ночи. И пребывал Мардохей во дворце вместе с Гавафою и Фаррою, двумя царскими евнухами, оберегавшими дворец, и услышал разговоры их и разведал замыслы их и узнал, что они готовятся наложить руки на царя Артаксеркса, и донес о них царю; а царь пытал этих двух евнухов, и, когда они сознались, были казнены. Царь записал это событие на память, и Мардохей записал об этом событии. И приказал царь Мардохею служить во дворце и дал ему подарки за это. При царе же был {тогда} знатен Аман, сын Амадафов, Вугеянин, и старался он причинить зло Мардохею и народу его за двух евнухов царских.]

Предисловие
Книга Есфирь называется так по имени главной героини своего повествования - евреянки Есфири, сделавшейся персидской царицей - супругой царя "Артаксеркса" и оказавшей в этом звании бессмертную услугу своему народу - спасением от покушения на его истребление царедворцем Аманом. Это замечательное в истории еврейского народа событие было поводом (установлению особого еврейского праздника (Пурим), почему и история Есфири есть вместе история происхождения праздника "Пурим" (Phurîm, жребий). По свидетельству II кн. МаккавейскоЙ, этот праздник праздновался евреями уже в 160: г. до Р. X. (во времена Никанора); упоминает о нем и Иосиф Флавий, и до настоящего времени этот праздник торжественно празднуется евреями в синагогах 13-14: числа месяца адара. Все это в служит доказательством - с другой стороны - действительности события, рассказываемого кн. Есфирь, особенно когда принять во внимание внутренние признаки исторической достоверности повествования, т.е. полное согласие описания нравов и обычаев со всем, что мы знаем об обычаях персов за описываемое время.

Писатель книги точно неизвестен. Климент Александрийский и некоторые раввины усвояют ее Мардохею, Талмуд - великой Синагоге. Принадлежность книги Мардохею как будто подтверждается в гл. К, 20: ст., хотя из этой же главы 31: ст. приходится заключить, что самый конец книги, по-видимому, не принадлежит Мардохею. Во всяком случае Мардохею принадлежит, вероятно, наибольшая часть всей книги. Немало указаний на это можно находить в самой книге: рассказчик, несомненно, жил при дворе, потому что вполне знает персидские обычаи, нравы и двор; говорит о современных ему событиях персидской империи (существовавшей 536-330: до Р. X.), ссылается на летописи мидян и персов (X, 2); рассказ писан, по всем признакам, в Персии, в самых Сузах, что подтверждается и отсутствием ссылок на Иудею и Иерусалим; на принадлежность книги Мардохею могут указывать и другие обстоятельные подробности, напр., при описании пира Агасвера, а также упоминание имен великих сановников и евнухов, жены и детей Амана и т.п.

Помещаемая в числе канонических, книга Есфирь имеет, однако, значительные позднейшие вставки или прибавления, составляющие ее некангоническую часть (в LXX и Вульгате) и не имеющие места в оригинальном (еврейском) тексте. Таких вставок семь: 1) Сон Мардохея и раскрытие заговора против царя (LXX впереди I, 1: ст.;Вульг.: XI-XI1); 2)Указ Амана (упоминаемый в III,12) против иудеев (LXX после III,13;оВульг. XIII,1-7); 3) обращение Мардохея к Есфири (LXX: после IV,8: Вульг.: XV, 13); 4) Молитвы Мардохея и Есфири LXX после IV, 17; Вульг.: XIII, 8-XW); 5) Подробности посещения Есфирью царя Aracвepa (LXX: V, 1-2; Вульг.: XV, 4-19); 6)Указ Мардохея, упоминаемый в VIII, 9: (LXX, после VIII, 12; Вульг.: XVI); 7) Изъяснение сна Мардохея (LXX: после Х гл. с упоминанием о введении праздника Пурим в Египте; Вульг.: X, 4-13).
1-е добавление к книге: сон Мардохея и раскрытие заговора против царя. 1-9. Пир Артаксеркса. 10-22: Отказ царицы Астинь прийти в собрание гостей по зову царя и удаление её царем.
Matthew Henry: Concise Commentary on the Whole Bible - 1706
How the providence of God watched over the Jews that had returned out of captivity to their own land, and what great and kind things were done for them, we read in the two foregoing books; but there were many who staid behind, having not zeal enough for God's house, and the holy land and city, to carry them through the difficulties of a removal thither. These, one would think, should have been excluded the special protection of Providence, as unworthy the name of Israelites; but our God deals not with us according to our folly and weakness. We find in this book that even those Jews who were scattered in the provinces of the heathen were taken care of, as well as those who were gathered in the land of Judea, and were wonderfully preserved, when doomed to destruction and appointed as sheep for the slaughter. Who drew up this story is uncertain. Mordecai was as able as any man to relate, on his own knowledge, the several passages of it; quorum pars magna fuit--for he bore a conspicuous part in it; and that he wrote such an account of them as was necessary to inform his people of the grounds of their observing the feast of Purim we are told (ch. ix. 20, Mordecai wrote these things, and sent them enclosed in letters to all the Jews), and therefore we have reason to think he was the penman of the whole book. It is the narrative of a plot laid against the Jews to cut them all off, and which was wonderfully disappointed by a concurrence of providences. The most compendious exposition of it will be to read it deliberately all together at one time, for the latter events expound the former and show what providence intended in them. The name of God is not found in this book; but the apocryphal addition to it (which is not in the Hebrew, nor was ever received by the Jews into the can on), containing six chapters, begins thus, Then Mordecai said, God has done these things. But, though the name of God be not in it, the finger of God is, directing many minute events for the bringing about of his people's deliverance. The particulars are not only surprising and very entertaining, but edifying and very encouraging to the faith and hope of God's people in the most difficult and dangerous times. We cannot now expect such miracles to be wrought for us as were for Israel when they were brought out of Egypt, but we may expect that in such ways as God here took to defeat Haman's plot he will still protect his people. We are told, I. How Esther came to be queen and Mordecai to be great at court, who were to be the instruments of the intended deliverance, ch. i., ii. II. Upon what provocation, and by what arts, Haman the Amalekite obtained an order for the destruction of all the Jews, ch. iii. III. The great distress the Jews, and their patriots especially, were in thereupon, ch. iv. IV. The defeating of Haman's particular plot against Mordecai's life, ch. v.-vii. V. The defeating of his general plot against the Jews, ch. viii. VI. The care that was taken to perpetuate the remembrance of this, ch. ix., x. The whole story confirms the Psalmist's observation (Ps. xxxvii. 12, 13), The wicked plotteth against the just, and gnasheth upon him with his teeth. The Lord shall laugh at him; he sees that his day is coming.

Several things in this chapter itself are very instructive and of great use; but the design of recording the story of it is to show how way was made for Esther to the crown, in order to her being instrumental to defeat Haman's plot, and this long before the plot was laid, that we may observe and admire the foresight and vast reaches of Providence. "Known unto God are all his works" before-hand. Ahasuerus the king, I. In his height feasts all his great men, ver. 1-9. II. In his heat he divorces his queen, because she would not come to him when he sent for her, ver. 10-22. This shows how God serves his own purposes even by the sins and follies of men, which he would not permit if he know not how to bring good out of them.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
Introduction to the Book of Esther
The son and successor of the famous Persian king Xerxes was Artaxerxes, surnamed Longimanus, or, in Persian, Ardsheer Diraz dest, the long-handed Ardshur. This prince, on coming to the throne, had powerful opponents and competitors in the children of Artabanus, uncle to Xerxes, and in his own brother Hystaspes. The former, and their adherents, he overthrew in a bloody battle; and in the following year obtained a complete victory over his brother, and totally subdued the Bactrians, who had espoused his cause: and thus rendered himself the undisputed possessor of the Persian empire. About his third year, which was 462 before Christ, the history of Esther begins, which, in its connection with the Persian history, is thus ably introduced by Dr. Prideaux: -
"After Artaxerxes had obtained these successes, and thereby firmly settled himself in the peaceable possession of the whole Persian empire, (Esther 1), he appointed a solemn rejoicing on this account: and caused it to be celebrated in the city of Shushan, or Susa, in feastings and shows, for the term of a hundred and eighty days; on the conclusion of which he gave a great feast for all the princes and people that were then in Shushan, for seven days; and Vashti, the queen, at the same time, made a like feast in her apartment for the women. On the seventh day, the king's heart being merry with wine, he commanded the seven chamberlains to bring Queen Vashti before him, with the crown royal on her head, that he might show to the princes and people her beauty. But for her thus to show herself in such an assembly being contrary to the usage of the Persians, and appearing to her, as indeed it was, very indecent, and much unbecoming the modesty of a lady, as well as the dignity of her station, she refused to comply, and would not come; whereon the king, being very much incensed, called his seven counsellors to take advice with them about it, who, fearing this might be a bad example through the whole empire, in encouraging women to contemn and disobey their husbands, advised that the king should put Vashti away for ever from him, and give her royal state to another, that should be better than her; and by his royal edict, give command throughout the whole empire that all wives should pay honor and obedience to their husbands, and that every man should rule absolutely in his own house. Which advice pleasing the king, he commanded it accordingly to be put in execution; and Vashti never more after that came again into the king's presence: for the decree whereby she was removed from him was registered among the laws of the Medes and Persians, and therefore it could never again be altered. After this, orders were given out through the whole empire for the gathering together at the palace at Shushan all the fair virgins in every province, that out of them one might be chosen whom the king should best like to be made queen in her place. At the time when this collection of virgins was made, (Esther 2), there lived in Shushan a certain Jew named Mordecai, who was of the descendants of those who had been carried captive to Babylon with Jeconiah king of Judah, and, by his attendance at the king's gate, seems to have been one of the porters of the royal palace. He, having no children, did bring up Hadassah, his uncle's daughter, and adopted her as his own. This young woman, being very beautiful and fair, was made choice of among other virgins on this occasion; and was carried to the king's palace, and there committed to the care of Hege, the king's chamberlain, who was appointed to have the custody of these virgins; whom she pleased so well by her good carriage, that he showed her favor before all the other virgins under his care; and therefore he assigned her the best apartment of the house, and provided her first with those things that were requisite for her purification: for the custom was, that every virgin thus taken into the palace for thee king's use was to go through a course of purification, by sweet oils and perfumes, for a whole year; and therefore Hadassah, having been, by the favor of the chamberlain, of the earliest provided with these things, was one of the first that was prepared and made ready for the king's bed, and therefore was one of the soonest that was called to it. The term, therefore, of her purification being accomplished, her turn came to go in unto the king; who was so much pleased with her that he often called her by name, which he used not to do but to those only of his women whom he was much delighted with. Esther growing still farther in the king's favor, and gaining his affections beyond all the rest of the women, (Esther 2), he advanced her to higher honor; and on the tenth day of the tenth month, which falls about the end of our year, did put the royal diadem upon her head, and declared her queen in the place of Vashti; and in consequence thereof, made a solemn feast for his princes and servants, which was called Esther's feast; and, in honor of her, at the same time made a release of taxes to the provinces, and gave donatives and presents to all that attended him, according to the grandeur and dignity of his royal estate. Haman, an Amalekite, of the posterity of Agag, who was king of Amalek, in the time of Saul, growing to be the chief favourite of King Artaxerxes, all the king's servants were commanded to pay reverence unto him, and bow before him; and all of them obeyed the king's order but Mordecai the Jew, who, sitting in the king's gate, according to his office, paid not any reverence to Haman at such times as he passed by into the palace, neither bowed he at all to him; at which, being told, he was exceedingly displeased: but scorning to lay hands on one man only, and being informed that he was a Jew, he resolved, in revenge of this affront, to destroy, not only him, but also his whole nation with him; and to this act he was not a little excited by the ancient enmity which was between them and the people of whom he was descended; and therefore, for the accomplishing of this design, on the first day of the first month, that is, in the month Nisan, he called together his diviners, to find out what day would be the most fortunate for the putting this plan into execution: and they having, according to the manner of divination then in use among those Eastern people, cast lots first upon each month, did thereby determine for the thirteenth day of the twelfth month following, called Adar, as the day which they judged would be the most lucky for the accomplishing of what he purposed: whereon he forthwith went in unto the king; and having insinuated to him that there was a certain people dispersed all over his empire who did not keep the king's laws, but followed laws of their own, diverse from the laws of all other people, to the disturbance of the good order of his kingdom, and the breach of that uniformity whereby it ought to be governed; and that, therefore, it was not for the king's profit that they should any longer be suffered; he proposed, and gave counsel that they should be all destroyed and extirpated out of the whole empire of Persia; and urged it as that which was necessary for the establishing of the peace and good order of his government: to which having gained the king's consent, and an order that on the thirteenth day of Adar following, according as was determined by the divination of the lots, it should be put in execution, he called the king's scribes together to write the decree; and it being drawn as he proposed, on the thirteenth day of the same month of Nisan copies thereof were written out, and sent into all the provinces of the empire, commanding the king's lieutenants, governors, and all other his officers in every one of them, to destroy, kill, and cause to perish, all Jews, both young and old, little children and women, in one day, even on the thirteenth day of Adar following; and to take the spoil of them for a prey: which day was full eleven months after the date of the decree. The lot which seems to have pointed out that day appears to have been directed by the special providence of God, that so long a space intervening, there might be time enough to take such measures as should be proper to prevent the mischief intended. It is hard to find a reason for Mordecai's refusing to pay his respect to Haman, which may be sufficient to excuse him for thus exposing himself and all his nation to that destruction which it had like to have drawn upon them. That which is commonly said is, that it was the same adoration which was made to the king of Persia; and that, consisting in the bowing of the knee, and the prostration of the whole body to the ground, it was avoided by Mordecai, upon a notion which he had of its being idolatrous: but this being the common compliment paid to the kings of Persia, by all that were admitted into their presence, it was no doubt paid to this very king by Ezra and Nehemiah, when they had access to him, and after also by Mordecai himself; for otherwise he could not have obtained that admission into his presence, and that advancement in his palace, which was afterwards there granted unto him; and if it were not idolatrous to pay this adoration to the king, neither was it idolatrous to pay it to Haman. The Greeks would not pay this respect to the kings of Persia out of pride; and excepting Themistocles, and two or three others, none of them could ever be brought to it. I will not say that this was the case with Mordecai in respect to Haman: it seems most probable that it was from a cause that was personal in Haman only. Perhaps it was because Haman, being of the race of the Amalekites, he looked upon him as under the curse which God had denounced against that nation; and therefore thought himself obliged not to give that honor to him. And if all the rest of the Jews thought the same, this might seem reason enough to him to extend his wrath against the whole nation, and to meditate the destruction of them all in revenge. But whatever was the cause that induced Mordecai to refuse the payment of this respect to the king's favourite, this provoked that favourite to procure the decree above mentioned, for the utter extirpation of the whole Jewish nation in revenge for it. When Mordecai heard of this decree, he made great lamentation, as did also all the Jews of Shushan with him; and therefore, putting on sackcloth, he sat in this mournful garb without the king's gate, (for he would not be allowed to enter within it in that dress), which being told Esther, she sent to him to know what the matter was. Whereon Mordecai acquainted her with the whole state of the case; and sent her a copy of the decree, that she might fully see the mischief that was intended her people; to absolutely destroy them, and root them out from the face of the earth: and therefore commanded her forthwith to go in unto the king and make supplication for them. At first she excused herself, because of the law, whereby it was ordained that whosoever, whether man or woman, should come in unto the king in the inner court who was not called for, should be put to death, excepting such only to whom the king should hold out the golden scepter in his hand that he might live; and she was afraid of hazarding her life in this cause. Whereon Mordecai, sending to her, again told her, that the decree extended universally to all of her nation, without any exception, and that, if it came to execution, she must not expect to escape more than any other of her people; that Providence seemed to have advanced her on purpose for this work; but if she refused to act her part in it, then deliverance should come some other way, and she and her father's house should perish; for he was fully persuaded that God would not suffer his people to be thus totally destroyed.
"Whereon Esther, resolving to put her life on the hazard for the safety of her people, desired Mordecai that he and all the Jews then in Shushan should fast three days for her, and offer up prayer and humble supplication that God would prosper her in the undertaking: which being accordingly done, on the third day Esther put on her royal apparel and went in unto the king, while he was sitting upon his throne in the inner part of his palace. And as soon as he saw her standing in the court he showed favor unto her, and held out his golden scepter; and Esther, going near and touching the top of it, had thereby her life secured unto her: and when the king asked her what her petition was, at first she only desired that he and Haman would come to a banquet which she had prepared for him.
"And when Haman was called, and the king and he were at the banquet, he asked her again of her petition, promising it should be granted her to the half of his kingdom: but then she desired only that the king and Haman should come again to the like banquet on the next day, intimating that she would then make known her request unto him. Her intention in claiming thus to entertain the king twice at her banquet before she made known her petition unto him was, that thereby she might the more endear herself unto him, and dispose him the better to grant the request which she had to make unto him.
"Haman, being proud of the honor of being thus admitted alone with the king to the queen's banquet, went home to his house much puffed up: but on his return thither, seeing Mordecai sitting at the gate of the palace, and still refusing to bow unto him; this moved his indignation to such a degree, that on his coming to his house, and calling his friends about him to relate to them the great honor that was done to him by the king and queen, and the high advancement which he had obtained in the kingdom, he could not forbear complaining of the disrespect and affront that was offered him by Mordecai. Whereon they advised him to cause a gallows to be built of fifty cubits in height, and next morning to ask the king to have Mordecai hanged thereon: and accordingly he ordered the gallows immediately to be made; and went early the next morning to the palace, for the obtaining of the grant from the king to have Mordecai hanged on it. But that morning the king awaking sooner than ordinary, and not being able to compose himself again to sleep, he called for the book of the records and chronicles of the kingdom, and caused them to be read unto him; wherein finding an account of the conspiracy of Bigthan and Teresh, and that it was discovered by Mordecai the Jew, the king inquired what honor had been done to him for the same. And being told that nothing had been done for him, he inquired who was in the court; and being told that Haman was standing there, he ordered him to be called in, and asked of him what should be done to the man whom the king delighted to honor: whereon Haman, thinking this honor was intended for himself, gave advice that the royal apparel should be brought which the king used to wear, and the horse which he kept for his own riding, and the crown which used to be set upon his head; and that this apparel and horse should be delivered into the hands of one of the king's most noble princes, that he might array therewith the man whom the king delighted to honor, and bring him on horseback through the whole city, and proclaim before him 'Thus shall it be done to the man whom the king delighteth to honor.' Whereon the king commanded him forthwith to take the apparel and horse, and do this to Mordecai the Jew, who sat in the king's gate, in reward for his discovery of the treason of the two eunuchs: all which Haman having been forced to do in obedience to the king's command, he returned with great sorrow to his house, lamenting the disappointment and great mortification he had met with in being thus forced to pay such signal honor to his enemy, whom he had intended to have hanged on the gallows which he had provided for him. And on his relating this to his friends, they all told him, that if this Mordecai were of the seed of the Jews, this bad omen foreboded that he should not prevail against them, but should surely fall before him. While they were thus talking, one of the queen's chamberlains came to Haman's house to hasten him to the banquet: and seeing the gallows which had been set up the night before, fully informed himself of the intent for which it was prepared. On the king's and Haman's sitting down to the banquet, the king asked again of Esther what was her petition, with like promise that it should be granted to her to the half of his kingdom: whereon she humbly prayed the king that her life might be given her on her petition, and her people at her request; for that a design was laid for the destruction of her and all her kindred and nation. At which the king asking, with much anger, who it was that durst do this thing, she told him that Haman then present was the author of the wicked plot; and laid the whole of it open to the king. Whereon the king rose up with much wrath from the banquet, and walked out into the garden adjoining; which Haman perceiving, he fell down before the queen upon the bed on which she was sitting, to supplicate for his life; in which posture the king having found him upon his return, spoke out in great passion, What, will he force the queen before me in the house? At which words the servants present immediately covered his face, as was then the usage to condemned persons; and the chamberlain, who had that day called Haman to the banquet, acquainting the king with the gallows he saw in his house there prepared for Mordecai, who had saved the king's life in detecting the treason of the two eunuchs, the king ordered that he should be forthwith hanged thereon, which was accordingly done; and all his house, goods, and riches, were given to Queen Esther; and she appointed Mordecai to be her steward to manage the same. On the same day the queen made the king acquainted with the relation which Mordecai had unto her; whereon the king took him into his favor, and advanced him to great power, riches, and dignity in the empire; and made him the keeper of his signet, in the same manner as Haman had been before. But still the decree for the destruction of the Jews remaining in its full force, the queen petitioned the king a second time to put away this mischief from them; but, according to the laws of the Medes and Persians, nothing being to be reversed which had been decreed and written in the king's name, and sealed with the king's seal, and the decree procured by Haman against the Jews having been thus written and sealed, it could not be recalled. All therefore that the king could do, in compliance with her request, was, to give the Jews, by a new decrees such a power to defend themselves against such as should assault them, as might render the former decree ineffectual: and for that end he bid Esther and Mordecai draw such a decree in words as strong as could be devised, that so the former might be hindered from being executed, though it could not be annulled. And therefore the king's scribes being again called on the twenty-third day of the third month, a new decree was drawn just two months and ten days after the former; wherein the king granted to the Jews, which were in every city of the Persian empire, full license to gather themselves together and stand for their lives; and to destroy, slay, and cause to perish, all the power of the people and province that should assault them, with their little ones and women, and to take the spoil of them for a prey. And this decree being written in the king's hand, and sealed with his seal, copies thereof were drawn out, and especial messengers were despatched with them into all the provinces of the empire.
"The thirteenth day of Adar drawing near, when the decree obtained by Haman for the destruction of the Jews was to be put into execution, their adversaries everywhere prepared to act against them, according to the contents of it: and the Jews, on the other hand, by virtue of the second decree which was obtained in their favor, by Esther and Mordecai, gathered themselves together in every city where they dwelt, throughout all the provinces of King Artaxerxes, to provide for their safety: so that on the said thirteenth of Adar, through the means of these two different and discordant decrees, a war was commenced between the Jews and their enemies throughout the whole Persian empire. But the rulers of the provinces, and the lieutenants, the deputies, and the other officers of the king, knowing with what power Esther and Mordecai were then invested, through fear of them so favored the Jews, that they prevailed everywhere against those that rose against them; and on that day, throughout the whole empire, slew of their enemies seven thousand five hundred persons; and in the city of Shushan, on that day and the next, eight hundred more; among whom were the ten sons of Haman, whom by a special order from the king they caused all to be hanged; perhaps upon the same gallows on which Haman, their father, had been hanged before. These transactions took place in the thirteenth year of Artaxerxes, about four hundred and fifty-two years before Christ." The reader is requested to refer to the notes on all these passages.
"The Jews, being delivered thus from this dangerous design which threatened them with nothing less than total extirpation, made great rejoicings for it on the two days following, that is, on the fourteenth and fifteenth days of the said month Adar: and by the order of Esther and Mordecai these two days, with the thirteenth that preceded them, were set apart, and consecrated to be annually observed for ever after in commemoration thereof; the thirteenth as a fast, because of the destruction on that day intended to have been brought upon them, and the other two as a feast because of their deliverance from it; and both this fast and feast they constantly observe every year on those days, even to this time. The fast they call the fast of Esther; and the feast, the feast of Purim, from the Persian word Purim, which signifies lots; because it was by the casting of lots that Haman did set out this time for their destruction. This feast is the Bacchanals of the Jews, which they celebrate with all manner of rejoicing, mirth, and jollity; and therein indulge themselves in all manner of luxurious excesses, especially in drinking wine, even to drunkenness; which they think part of the duty of the solemnity, because it was by means of the wine banquet, they say, that Esther made the king's heart merry, and brought him into that good humor which inclined him to grant the request which she made unto him for their deliverance; and therefore they think they ought to make their hearts merry also, when they celebrate the commemoration of it. During this festival the book of Esther is solemnly read in all their synagogues from the beginning to the end; at which they are all to be present, men, women, children, and servants, because all these had their part in this deliverance which Esther obtained for them. And as often as the name of Haman occurs in the reading of this book, the usage is for them all to clap with their hands, and stamp with their feet, and cry out: Let his memory perish.
"This is the last feast of the year among them, for the next that follows is the Passover, which always falls in the middle of the month, which begins the Jewish year."

Ahasuerus makes royal feasts for his nobles and people, Est 1:1-9. Vashti is sent for by the king, but refuses to come, Est 1:10-12. Vashti is disgraced; and a law made for the subjection of women, Est 1:13-22.
The whole history of this book in its connected order, with the occurrences in the Persian empire at that time, will be found in the introduction: to which the reader is referred.
Concerning the author of this book there are several opinions: some attribute the work to Ezra; some to one Joachim, a high priest; others, to the men of the Great Synagogue; and others to Mordecai. This latter is the most likely opinion: nor is that to be disregarded which gives to Mordecai for co-partner Ezra himself; though it is likely that the conclusion, from Est 9:23 to the end of the book, was inserted by another hand, and at a later time. Though some Christians have hesitated to receive the book of Esther into the sacred canon; yet it has always been received by the Jews, not only as perfectly authentic, but also as one of the most excellent of their sacred books. They call it מגילה megillah, The Volume, by way of eminence; and hold it in the highest estimation. That it records the history of a real fact, the observation of the feast of Purim, to the present day, is a sufficient evidence. Indeed, this is one of the strongest evidences that any fact can have, viz., that, to commemorate it, a certain rite, procession, feast, or the like, should have been instituted at the time, which, without intermission, has been continued annually through every generation of that people, and in whatsoever place they or parties of them may have sojourned, to the present day. This is the fact concerning the feast of Purim here mentioned; which the Jews, in all places of their dispersion, have uninterruptedly celebrated, and do still continue to celebrate, from the time of their deliverance from the massacre intended by Haman to the present time. Copies of this book, widely differing from each other, exist in Hebrew, Chaldee, Syriac, Greek, and Latin. All these differ much from the Hebrew text, particularly the Greek and the Chaldee: the former has many additional paragraphs; and the latter, as it exists in the London Polyglot, contains five times more than the Hebrew text. To notice all the various readings, additions, and paraphrases, in the above copies, would require a volume of no inconsiderable magnitude. The reader who is curious may consult the above Polyglot. This book does not appear to be extant in Arabic, or in any other of the Oriental languages, besides the Hebrew and Syriac.
The question may naturally arise, What was the original of this book? or, In what language was it written? Though learned men in general decide in favor of a Hebrew original, yet there are many reasons which might be urged in favor of the Persian. Several of the proper names are evidently of a Persian origin; and no doubt all the others are so; but they are so transformed by passing through the Hebrew, that they are no longer discernible. The Hebrew has even retained some of the Persian words, having done little else than alter the character, e.g., Esther, Mehuman, Mishak, Melzar, Vashti, Shushan, Pur, Darius, Paradise, etc., several of which will be noted in their proper places. The Targum in the London Polyglot is widely different from that in the Complutum, Antwerp, and Paris editions. The principal additions in the Greek are carefully marked in the London Polyglot, but are too long and too numerous to be inserted here. It is a singular circumstance that the name of God does not once occur in the whole of this book as it stands in Hebrew.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
Introduction to Esther
The Book of Esther is entitled by the Jews, "the volume of Esther," or simply "the volume." In ancient times, it was always written on a separate roll, which was read entirely at the Feast of Purim. The Greek translators retained only "Esther," which thus became the ordinary title among Christians.
1. There is much controversy concerning the date of "Esther." The extreme minuteness of the details and vividness of the portraits in "Esther" certainly suggest the hand of a contemporary far more decidedly than any occasional expressions suggest a composer who lived long after the events commemorated. And the tone of the book is in accord with the history which it narrates, and is not unlike that of Zechariah. Therefore, on the whole, there is no sufficient ground for placing the composition of Esther later than that of Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah, or the time of Artaxerxes Longimanus. On the other hand, there is no ground for regarding Esther as earlier than the other post-captivity historical books - much less for placing it in the reign of Xerxes. Assuming Ahasuerus to be Xerxes (see point number 3 below), it may be said that both the opening sentence and the conclusion of the work indicate that the reign of Xerxes was over. Consequently, the earliest date that can reasonably be assigned to the book is 464 B. C.; and it is, on the whole, most probable that it was composed 20 or 30 years later (444-434 B. C.).
2. There are no means of determining who was the author of "Esther." He was not Ezra. He may have been Mordecai, or, more probably, a younger contemporary of Mordecai's.
The author, whoever he was, almost certainly wrote in Persia, where he had access to the royal archives, which contained an account, more or less full, of the transactions he was desirous of recording. Much also must have been derived from personal observation, and from communications with Mordecai and (perhaps) Esther. The book is more of a purely historical book than any other book in Scripture. Its main scope is simply to give an account of the circumstances under which the Feast of Purim was instituted. The absence of the name of God, and the slightness of the religious and didactic elements are marked characteristics. The author's Persian breeding, together probably with other circumstances, has pRev_ented his sharing the ordinary Jewish spirit of local attachment, while at the same time, it has taught him a reticence with respect to the doctrines of his religion very unusual with his countrymen.
The narrative is striking and graphic; the style remarkably chaste and simple; and the sentences clear and unambiguous. The vocabulary, on the contrary, is, as might have been expected, not altogether pure, a certain number of Persian words being employed, and also a few terms characteristic of the later Hebrew or "Chaldee" dialect.
3. The authenticity of the history of Esther has been inpugned; but the main circumstances of the narrative, which at first sight appear improbable, are not so if the especially extravagant and capricious character of the Persian monarch be taken into account. Etymologically, the name Ahasuerus is identical with the Persian "Khshayarsha" and the Greek "Xerxes"; and it is to this particular Persian monarch that the portrait of Ahasuerus exhibits a striking similarity. The chronological notices in the work also exactly fit this monarch's history; and the entire representation of the court and kingdom is suitable to his time and character. That we have no direct profane confirmation of the narrative of Esther must be admitted, for the identity of Mordecai with Matacas (see Est 2:5) is too doubtful to be relied upon; but that we have none, is sufficiently accounted for by the fact that the accounts of the reign of Xerxes after his 6th year, and more particularly, of his domestic life, are scanty in the extreme, the native records being silent, and the Greek writers concerning themselves almost entirely with those public events which bore upon the history of Greece. "Esther" is, in fact, the sole authority for the period and circumstances of which it treats; if untrue, it might have easily been proved to be untrue at the time when it was published, by reference to the extant "book of the chronicles of the kings of Media and Persia," which it quotes Est 2:23; Est 10:2. It has, moreover, always been regarded by the Jews as an authentic account of the great deliverance which they celebrate annually by the feast of Purim.
4. In the Septuagint version occur "additions" to Esther consisting of five principal passages.
Their unauthentencity is very evident. They contradict the original document, and are quite different in tone and style from the rest of the book.
The principal intention of the "additions" is clear enough. They aim at giving a thoroughly religious character to a work in which, as originally written, the religious element was latent or only just perceptible. On the whole we may conclude that the Greek book of Esther, as we have it, was composed in the following way:
1. First, a translation was made of the Hebrew text, honest for the most part, but with a few very short additions and omissions;
2. Then, the markedly religious portions were added, the opening passage, the prayers of Mordecai and Esther, the exordium to Est 5:1-14, the religious touches in Est 6:1, Est 6:13; and the concluding verses of Est 10:1-3.
3. Finally, the "letters of Ahasuerus" were composed by a writer more familiar than most Hellenists with the true spirit of the Greek tongue, and these, being accepted as genuine, were inserted in Est 3:1-15 and Est. 8.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
This Book, which derives its name from the person whose history it chiefly relates, is termed in Hebrew, מגלה [Strong's H4039] אסתר [Strong's H635], megillath Esther, "the volume of Esther." Concerning its author there are various opinions: some attribute it to Ezra; some to Joachim, the son of Joshua the high priest; others to the men of the great synagogue; and others to Mordecai, which seems the most probable opinion. The events here related probably refer to the time of Artaxerxes Longimanus, who, according to Prideaux, was the Ahasuerus of Esther, agreeably to Josephus (Ant. 1 xi. c. 6), the Septuagint version, and the apocryphal additions to this book. The history, therefore, comes in between the sixth and seventh chapters of Ezr 6:22, commencing about am 3540, and continuing through a period of twelve years. it relates the royal feast of Ahasuerus; the disgrace of Vashti (Esther 1); the elevation of Esther to the Persian throne; the essential service rendered to the king by Mordecai, in detecting a plot against his life (Esther 2); the promotion of Haman, and his purposed destruction of the Jews (Est 3:1-15); the consequent affliction of the Jews, and the measures pursued by them (Esther 4); the defeat of Haman's plot, through the instrumentality of Esther, against Mordecai (Esther 5-7); and also the defeat of his general plot against the Jews (Esther 8, Est 9:1-15); the institution of the feast of Purim to commemorate this deliverance (-32); and the advancement of Mordecai (Est 10:1-3); and though some Christians have hesitated to receive this book into the sacred canon, yet it has always been received by the Jews, not only as perfectly authentic, but also as one of the most excellent of their sacred books. That it is a genuine and faithful description of a real fact, the observation of the feast of Purim, to the present day, is a sufficient evidence; since it is impossible, and in fact inconceivable, that a nation should institute, and afterwards continue to celebrate without interruption, through every generation of that people, in a long succession of ages, in whatever places they may have sojourned, this solemn annual festival, merely because one of their nation had written an agreeable fable or romance. It has been remarked, as an objection to this book, that the name of God no where occurs in it: His superintending providence, however, is frequently illustrated. It is shewn, indeed, in every part of the work; disconcerting evil designs, and producing great events, by means seemingly inadequate. It also presents an interesting description of mortified pride, and of malice baffled to the destruction of its possessors; and exhibits a very lively representation of the vexations and troubles, the anxieties, treachery, and dissimulation of a corrupt court.

Est 1:1, Ahasuerus makes royal feasts; Est 1:10, Vashti, sent for, refuses to come; Est 1:13, Ahasuerus, by the counsel of Memucan, puts away Vashti, and makes the decree of men's sovereignty.

Carl Friedrich Keil and Franz Delitzsch
The Banquet of King Ahashverosh and the Divorce of Queen Vashti - Esther 1
Ahashverosh, king of Persia, gave, in the third year of his reign, a banquet to the grandees of his kingdom then assembled in Susa, for the purpose of showing them the greatness and glory of his kingdom; while the queen at the same time made a feast for the women in the royal palace (Esther 1:1-9). On the seventh day of the feast, the king, "when his heart was merry with wine," sent a message by his chief courtiers to the queen, commanding her to appear before him, to show the people and the princes her beauty, and on her refusal to come, was greatly incensed against her (Esther 1:10-12). Upon inquiring of his astrologers and princes what ought in justice to be done to the queen on account of this disobedience, they advised him to divorce Vashti by an irrevocable decree, and to give her dignity to another and better; also to publish this decree throughout the whole kingdom (Esther 1:13-20). This advice pleasing the king, it was acted upon accordingly (Esther 1:21 and Esther 1:22).
John Gill
INTRODUCTION TO ESTHER 1
This chapter relates, how that Ahasuerus, a great king of Persia, made a feast, first for the grandees of his kingdom, and then for his people, as his queen did for the women, Esther 1:1, who being sent for by him, and she refusing to come, was, by the advice of one of his counsellors, divorced from him, and an order made and published throughout his dominions, that every man should bear rule in his own house, Esther 1:10.
1:11:1: Արտաշէս կալաւ ՚ի Հնդկաց աշխարհէն մինչեւ յԵթովպիա հարիւր քսան եւ եւթն գաւառ[5201]. [5201] ՚Ի բազումս պակասի. Աշխարհէն մինչեւ յԵթովպիա հարիւր։
1 Այս դէպքերից յետոյ, Արտաշէսի օրօք, այս Արտաշէսը տիրում էր Հնդկաստանից մինչեւ Եթովպիա՝ հարիւր քսանեօթը գաւառի, -
1 Ասուերոս թագաւորը, որ Հնդկաստանէն մինչեւ Եթովպիա հարիւր քսանեօթը գաւառի վրայ կը թագաւորէր՝
Եւ եղեւ [4]յետ բանիցս այսոցիկ յաւուրս Արտաշիսի, (որ եւ այս Արտաշէս`` կալաւ ի Հնդկաց աշխարհէն մինչեւ յԵթովպիա հարեւր քսան եւ եւթն գաւառ:

1:1: Արտաշէս կալաւ ՚ի Հնդկաց աշխարհէն մինչեւ յԵթովպիա հարիւր քսան եւ եւթն գաւառ[5201].
[5201] ՚Ի բազումս պակասի. Աշխարհէն մինչեւ յԵթովպիա հարիւր։
1 Այս դէպքերից յետոյ, Արտաշէսի օրօք, այս Արտաշէսը տիրում էր Հնդկաստանից մինչեւ Եթովպիա՝ հարիւր քսանեօթը գաւառի, -
1 Ասուերոս թագաւորը, որ Հնդկաստանէն մինչեւ Եթովպիա հարիւր քսանեօթը գաւառի վրայ կը թագաւորէր՝
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:11:1: И было [после сего] во дни Артаксеркса, этот Артаксеркс царствовал над ста двадцатью семью областями от Индии и до Ефиопии,
1:1 [a] ἔτους ετος year δευτέρου δευτερος second βασιλεύοντος βασιλευω reign Ἀρταξέρξου αρταξερξης the μεγάλου μεγας great; loud τῇ ο the μιᾷ εις.1 one; unit τοῦ ο the Νισα νισα dream εἶδεν οραω view; see Μαρδοχαῖος μαρδοχαιος the τοῦ ο the Ιαϊρου ιαιρος Iairos; Ieros τοῦ ο the Σεμεϊου σεμειας the Κισαιου κισαιας from; out of φυλῆς φυλη tribe Βενιαμιν βενιαμιν Beniamin; Veniamin [b] ἄνθρωπος ανθρωπος person; human Ιουδαῖος ιουδαιος Judean οἰκῶν οικεω dwell ἐν εν in Σούσοις σουσα the πόλει πολις city ἄνθρωπος ανθρωπος person; human μέγας μεγας great; loud θεραπεύων θεραπευω cure; minister to ἐν εν in τῇ ο the αὐλῇ αυλη courtyard; fold τοῦ ο the βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king [c] ἦν ειμι be δὲ δε though; while ἐκ εκ from; out of τῆς ο the αἰχμαλωσίας αιχμαλωσια captivity ἧς ος who; what ᾐχμαλώτευσεν αιχμαλωτευω capture Ναβουχοδονοσορ ναβουχοδονοσορ the βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king Βαβυλῶνος βαβυλων Babylōn; Vavilon ἐξ εκ from; out of Ιερουσαλημ ιερουσαλημ Jerusalem μετὰ μετα with; amid Ιεχονιου ιεχονιας Iechonias; Iekhonias τοῦ ο the βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king τῆς ο the Ιουδαίας ιουδαια Ioudaia; Iuthea [d] καὶ και and; even τοῦτο ουτος this; he αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him τὸ ο the ἐνύπνιον ενυπνιον dream καὶ και and; even ἰδοὺ ιδου see!; here I am φωναὶ φωνη voice; sound καὶ και and; even θόρυβος θορυβος noise; uproar βρονταὶ βροντη thunder καὶ και and; even σεισμός σεισμος earthquake τάραχος ταραχος stir; disturbance ἐπὶ επι in; on τῆς ο the γῆς γη earth; land [e] καὶ και and; even ἰδοὺ ιδου see!; here I am δύο δυο two δράκοντες δρακων dragon μεγάλοι μεγας great; loud ἕτοιμοι ετοιμος ready; prepared προῆλθον προερχομαι come before; go ahead ἀμφότεροι αμφοτερος both παλαίειν παλαιω and; even ἐγένετο γινομαι happen; become αὐτῶν αυτος he; him φωνὴ φωνη voice; sound μεγάλη μεγας great; loud [f] καὶ και and; even τῇ ο the φωνῇ φωνη voice; sound αὐτῶν αυτος he; him ἡτοιμάσθη ετοιμαζω prepare πᾶν πας all; every ἔθνος εθνος nation; caste εἰς εις into; for πόλεμον πολεμος battle ὥστε ωστε as such; that πολεμῆσαι πολεμεω battle δικαίων δικαιος right; just ἔθνος εθνος nation; caste [g] καὶ και and; even ἰδοὺ ιδου see!; here I am ἡμέρα ημερα day σκότους σκοτος dark καὶ και and; even γνόφου γνοφος gloom θλῖψις θλιψις pressure καὶ και and; even στενοχωρία στενοχωρια distress κάκωσις κακωσις bad treatment καὶ και and; even τάραχος ταραχος stir; disturbance μέγας μεγας great; loud ἐπὶ επι in; on τῆς ο the γῆς γη earth; land [h] καὶ και and; even ἐταράχθη ταρασσω stir up; trouble δίκαιον δικαιος right; just πᾶν πας all; every ἔθνος εθνος nation; caste φοβούμενοι φοβεω afraid; fear τὰ ο the ἑαυτῶν εαυτου of himself; his own κακὰ κακος bad; ugly καὶ και and; even ἡτοιμάσθησαν ετοιμαζω prepare ἀπολέσθαι απολλυμι destroy; lose καὶ και and; even ἐβόησαν βοαω scream; shout πρὸς προς to; toward τὸν ο the θεόν θεος God [i] ἀπὸ απο from; away δὲ δε though; while τῆς ο the βοῆς βοη scream αὐτῶν αυτος he; him ἐγένετο γινομαι happen; become ὡσανεὶ ωσανει from; away μικρᾶς μικρος little; small πηγῆς πηγη well; fountain ποταμὸς ποταμος river μέγας μεγας great; loud ὕδωρ υδωρ water πολύ πολυς much; many [k] φῶς φως light καὶ και and; even ὁ ο the ἥλιος ηλιος sun ἀνέτειλεν ανατελλω spring up; rise καὶ και and; even οἱ ο the ταπεινοὶ ταπεινος humble ὑψώθησαν υψοω elevate; lift up καὶ και and; even κατέφαγον κατεσθιω consume; eat up τοὺς ο the ἐνδόξους ενδοξος glorious [l] καὶ και and; even διεγερθεὶς διεγειρω arouse; rouse Μαρδοχαῖος μαρδοχαιος the ἑωρακὼς οραω view; see τὸ ο the ἐνύπνιον ενυπνιον dream τοῦτο ουτος this; he καὶ και and; even τί τις.1 who?; what? ὁ ο the θεὸς θεος God βεβούλευται βουλευω intend; deliberate ποιῆσαι ποιεω do; make εἶχεν εχω have; hold αὐτὸ αυτος he; him ἐν εν in τῇ ο the καρδίᾳ καρδια heart καὶ και and; even ἐν εν in παντὶ πας all; every λόγῳ λογος word; log ἤθελεν θελω determine; will ἐπιγνῶναι επιγινωσκω recognize; find out αὐτὸ αυτος he; him ἕως εως till; until τῆς ο the νυκτός νυξ night [m] καὶ και and; even ἡσύχασεν ησυχαζω tranquil; keep quiet Μαρδοχαῖος μαρδοχαιος in τῇ ο the αὐλῇ αυλη courtyard; fold μετὰ μετα with; amid Γαβαθα γαβαθα and; even Θαρρα θαρρα the δύο δυο two εὐνούχων ευνουχος eunuch τοῦ ο the βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king τῶν ο the φυλασσόντων φυλασσω guard; keep τὴν ο the αὐλὴν αυλη courtyard; fold [n] ἤκουσέν ακουω hear τε τε both; and αὐτῶν αυτος he; him τοὺς ο the λογισμοὺς λογισμος account καὶ και and; even τὰς ο the μερίμνας μεριμνα anxiety αὐτῶν αυτος he; him ἐξηρεύνησεν εξερευναω fully explore καὶ και and; even ἔμαθεν μανθανω learn ὅτι οτι since; that ἑτοιμάζουσιν ετοιμαζω prepare τὰς ο the χεῖρας χειρ hand ἐπιβαλεῖν επιβαλλω impose; cast on Ἀρταξέρξῃ αρταξερξης the βασιλεῖ βασιλευς monarch; king καὶ και and; even ὑπέδειξεν υποδεικνυμι give an example; indicate τῷ ο the βασιλεῖ βασιλευς monarch; king περὶ περι about; around αὐτῶν αυτος he; him [o] καὶ και and; even ἐξήτασεν εξεταζω verify ὁ ο the βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king τοὺς ο the δύο δυο two εὐνούχους ευνουχος eunuch καὶ και and; even ὁμολογήσαντες ομολογεω acknowledge; agree to ἀπήχθησαν απαγω lead off; lead away [p] καὶ και and; even ἔγραψεν γραφω write ὁ ο the βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king τοὺς ο the λόγους λογος word; log τούτους ουτος this; he εἰς εις into; for μνημόσυνον μνημοσυνον remembrance καὶ και and; even Μαρδοχαῖος μαρδοχαιος write περὶ περι about; around τῶν ο the λόγων λογος word; log τούτων ουτος this; he [q] καὶ και and; even ἐπέταξεν επιτασσω order ὁ ο the βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king Μαρδοχαίῳ μαρδοχαιος cure; minister to ἐν εν in τῇ ο the αὐλῇ αυλη courtyard; fold καὶ και and; even ἔδωκεν διδωμι give; deposit αὐτῷ αυτος he; him δόματα δομα gift περὶ περι about; around τούτων ουτος this; he [r] καὶ και and; even ἦν ειμι be Αμαν αμαν glorious ἐνώπιον ενωπιος in the face; facing τοῦ ο the βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king καὶ και and; even ἐζήτησεν ζητεω seek; desire κακοποιῆσαι κακοποιεω do bad τὸν ο the Μαρδοχαῖον μαρδοχαιος and; even τὸν ο the λαὸν λαος populace; population αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him ὑπὲρ υπερ over; for τῶν ο the δύο δυο two εὐνούχων ευνουχος eunuch τοῦ ο the βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king [s] καὶ και and; even ἐγένετο γινομαι happen; become μετὰ μετα with; amid τοὺς ο the λόγους λογος word; log τούτους ουτος this; he ἐν εν in ταῖς ο the ἡμέραις ημερα day Ἀρταξέρξου αρταξερξης this; he ὁ ο the Ἀρταξέρξης αρταξερξης from; away τῆς ο the Ἰνδικῆς ινδικη hundred εἴκοσι εικοσι twenty ἑπτὰ επτα seven χωρῶν χωρα territory; estate ἐκράτησεν κρατεω seize; retain
1:1 וַ wa וְ and יְהִ֖י yᵊhˌî היה be בִּ bi בְּ in ימֵ֣י ymˈê יֹום day אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹ֑ושׁ ʔᵃḥašwērˈôš אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹושׁ Ahasuerus ה֣וּא hˈû הוּא he אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹ֗ושׁ ʔᵃḥašwērˈôš אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹושׁ Ahasuerus הַ ha הַ the מֹּלֵךְ֙ mmōlēḵ מלך be king מֵ mē מִן from הֹ֣דּוּ hˈōddû הֹדּוּ India וְ wᵊ וְ and עַד־ ʕaḏ- עַד unto כּ֔וּשׁ kˈûš כּוּשׁ Cush שֶׁ֛בַע šˈevaʕ שֶׁבַע seven וְ wᵊ וְ and עֶשְׂרִ֥ים ʕeśrˌîm עֶשְׂרִים twenty וּ û וְ and מֵאָ֖ה mēʔˌā מֵאָה hundred מְדִינָֽה׃ mᵊḏînˈā מְדִינָה district
1:1. in diebus Asueri qui regnavit ab India usque Aethiopiam super centum viginti septem provinciasIn the days of Assuerus, who reigned from India to Ethiopia over a hundred and twenty seven provinces:
1. Now it came to pass in the days of Ahasuerus, ( this is Ahasuerus which reigned, from India even unto Ethiopia, over an hundred and seven and twenty provinces:)
1:1. In the days of Artaxerxes, who reigned from India to Ethiopia over one hundred twenty-seven provinces,
1:1. Now it came to pass in the days of Ahasuerus, (this [is] Ahasuerus which reigned, from India even unto Ethiopia, [over] an hundred and seven and twenty provinces:)
Now it came to pass in the days of Ahasuerus, ( this [is] Ahasuerus which reigned, from India even unto Ethiopia, [over] an hundred and seven and twenty provinces:

1:1: И было [после сего] во дни Артаксеркса, этот Артаксеркс царствовал над ста двадцатью семью областями от Индии и до Ефиопии,
1:1 [a]
ἔτους ετος year
δευτέρου δευτερος second
βασιλεύοντος βασιλευω reign
Ἀρταξέρξου αρταξερξης the
μεγάλου μεγας great; loud
τῇ ο the
μιᾷ εις.1 one; unit
τοῦ ο the
Νισα νισα dream
εἶδεν οραω view; see
Μαρδοχαῖος μαρδοχαιος the
τοῦ ο the
Ιαϊρου ιαιρος Iairos; Ieros
τοῦ ο the
Σεμεϊου σεμειας the
Κισαιου κισαιας from; out of
φυλῆς φυλη tribe
Βενιαμιν βενιαμιν Beniamin; Veniamin

[b]
ἄνθρωπος ανθρωπος person; human
Ιουδαῖος ιουδαιος Judean
οἰκῶν οικεω dwell
ἐν εν in
Σούσοις σουσα the
πόλει πολις city
ἄνθρωπος ανθρωπος person; human
μέγας μεγας great; loud
θεραπεύων θεραπευω cure; minister to
ἐν εν in
τῇ ο the
αὐλῇ αυλη courtyard; fold
τοῦ ο the
βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king

[c]
ἦν ειμι be
δὲ δε though; while
ἐκ εκ from; out of
τῆς ο the
αἰχμαλωσίας αιχμαλωσια captivity
ἧς ος who; what
ᾐχμαλώτευσεν αιχμαλωτευω capture
Ναβουχοδονοσορ ναβουχοδονοσορ the
βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king
Βαβυλῶνος βαβυλων Babylōn; Vavilon
ἐξ εκ from; out of
Ιερουσαλημ ιερουσαλημ Jerusalem
μετὰ μετα with; amid
Ιεχονιου ιεχονιας Iechonias; Iekhonias
τοῦ ο the
βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king
τῆς ο the
Ιουδαίας ιουδαια Ioudaia; Iuthea

[d]
καὶ και and; even
τοῦτο ουτος this; he
αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him
τὸ ο the
ἐνύπνιον ενυπνιον dream
καὶ και and; even
ἰδοὺ ιδου see!; here I am
φωναὶ φωνη voice; sound
καὶ και and; even
θόρυβος θορυβος noise; uproar
βρονταὶ βροντη thunder
καὶ και and; even
σεισμός σεισμος earthquake
τάραχος ταραχος stir; disturbance
ἐπὶ επι in; on
τῆς ο the
γῆς γη earth; land

[e]
καὶ και and; even
ἰδοὺ ιδου see!; here I am
δύο δυο two
δράκοντες δρακων dragon
μεγάλοι μεγας great; loud
ἕτοιμοι ετοιμος ready; prepared
προῆλθον προερχομαι come before; go ahead
ἀμφότεροι αμφοτερος both
παλαίειν παλαιω and; even
ἐγένετο γινομαι happen; become
αὐτῶν αυτος he; him
φωνὴ φωνη voice; sound
μεγάλη μεγας great; loud

[f]
καὶ και and; even
τῇ ο the
φωνῇ φωνη voice; sound
αὐτῶν αυτος he; him
ἡτοιμάσθη ετοιμαζω prepare
πᾶν πας all; every
ἔθνος εθνος nation; caste
εἰς εις into; for
πόλεμον πολεμος battle
ὥστε ωστε as such; that
πολεμῆσαι πολεμεω battle
δικαίων δικαιος right; just
ἔθνος εθνος nation; caste

[g]
καὶ και and; even
ἰδοὺ ιδου see!; here I am
ἡμέρα ημερα day
σκότους σκοτος dark
καὶ και and; even
γνόφου γνοφος gloom
θλῖψις θλιψις pressure
καὶ και and; even
στενοχωρία στενοχωρια distress
κάκωσις κακωσις bad treatment
καὶ και and; even
τάραχος ταραχος stir; disturbance
μέγας μεγας great; loud
ἐπὶ επι in; on
τῆς ο the
γῆς γη earth; land

[h]
καὶ και and; even
ἐταράχθη ταρασσω stir up; trouble
δίκαιον δικαιος right; just
πᾶν πας all; every
ἔθνος εθνος nation; caste
φοβούμενοι φοβεω afraid; fear
τὰ ο the
ἑαυτῶν εαυτου of himself; his own
κακὰ κακος bad; ugly
καὶ και and; even
ἡτοιμάσθησαν ετοιμαζω prepare
ἀπολέσθαι απολλυμι destroy; lose
καὶ και and; even
ἐβόησαν βοαω scream; shout
πρὸς προς to; toward
τὸν ο the
θεόν θεος God

[i]
ἀπὸ απο from; away
δὲ δε though; while
τῆς ο the
βοῆς βοη scream
αὐτῶν αυτος he; him
ἐγένετο γινομαι happen; become
ὡσανεὶ ωσανει from; away
μικρᾶς μικρος little; small
πηγῆς πηγη well; fountain
ποταμὸς ποταμος river
μέγας μεγας great; loud
ὕδωρ υδωρ water
πολύ πολυς much; many

[k]
φῶς φως light
καὶ και and; even
ο the
ἥλιος ηλιος sun
ἀνέτειλεν ανατελλω spring up; rise
καὶ και and; even
οἱ ο the
ταπεινοὶ ταπεινος humble
ὑψώθησαν υψοω elevate; lift up
καὶ και and; even
κατέφαγον κατεσθιω consume; eat up
τοὺς ο the
ἐνδόξους ενδοξος glorious

[l]
καὶ και and; even
διεγερθεὶς διεγειρω arouse; rouse
Μαρδοχαῖος μαρδοχαιος the
ἑωρακὼς οραω view; see
τὸ ο the
ἐνύπνιον ενυπνιον dream
τοῦτο ουτος this; he
καὶ και and; even
τί τις.1 who?; what?
ο the
θεὸς θεος God
βεβούλευται βουλευω intend; deliberate
ποιῆσαι ποιεω do; make
εἶχεν εχω have; hold
αὐτὸ αυτος he; him
ἐν εν in
τῇ ο the
καρδίᾳ καρδια heart
καὶ και and; even
ἐν εν in
παντὶ πας all; every
λόγῳ λογος word; log
ἤθελεν θελω determine; will
ἐπιγνῶναι επιγινωσκω recognize; find out
αὐτὸ αυτος he; him
ἕως εως till; until
τῆς ο the
νυκτός νυξ night

[m]
καὶ και and; even
ἡσύχασεν ησυχαζω tranquil; keep quiet
Μαρδοχαῖος μαρδοχαιος in
τῇ ο the
αὐλῇ αυλη courtyard; fold
μετὰ μετα with; amid
Γαβαθα γαβαθα and; even
Θαρρα θαρρα the
δύο δυο two
εὐνούχων ευνουχος eunuch
τοῦ ο the
βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king
τῶν ο the
φυλασσόντων φυλασσω guard; keep
τὴν ο the
αὐλὴν αυλη courtyard; fold

[n]
ἤκουσέν ακουω hear
τε τε both; and
αὐτῶν αυτος he; him
τοὺς ο the
λογισμοὺς λογισμος account
καὶ και and; even
τὰς ο the
μερίμνας μεριμνα anxiety
αὐτῶν αυτος he; him
ἐξηρεύνησεν εξερευναω fully explore
καὶ και and; even
ἔμαθεν μανθανω learn
ὅτι οτι since; that
ἑτοιμάζουσιν ετοιμαζω prepare
τὰς ο the
χεῖρας χειρ hand
ἐπιβαλεῖν επιβαλλω impose; cast on
Ἀρταξέρξῃ αρταξερξης the
βασιλεῖ βασιλευς monarch; king
καὶ και and; even
ὑπέδειξεν υποδεικνυμι give an example; indicate
τῷ ο the
βασιλεῖ βασιλευς monarch; king
περὶ περι about; around
αὐτῶν αυτος he; him

[o]
καὶ και and; even
ἐξήτασεν εξεταζω verify
ο the
βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king
τοὺς ο the
δύο δυο two
εὐνούχους ευνουχος eunuch
καὶ και and; even
ὁμολογήσαντες ομολογεω acknowledge; agree to
ἀπήχθησαν απαγω lead off; lead away

[p]
καὶ και and; even
ἔγραψεν γραφω write
ο the
βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king
τοὺς ο the
λόγους λογος word; log
τούτους ουτος this; he
εἰς εις into; for
μνημόσυνον μνημοσυνον remembrance
καὶ και and; even
Μαρδοχαῖος μαρδοχαιος write
περὶ περι about; around
τῶν ο the
λόγων λογος word; log
τούτων ουτος this; he

[q]
καὶ και and; even
ἐπέταξεν επιτασσω order
ο the
βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king
Μαρδοχαίῳ μαρδοχαιος cure; minister to
ἐν εν in
τῇ ο the
αὐλῇ αυλη courtyard; fold
καὶ και and; even
ἔδωκεν διδωμι give; deposit
αὐτῷ αυτος he; him
δόματα δομα gift
περὶ περι about; around
τούτων ουτος this; he

[r]
καὶ και and; even
ἦν ειμι be
Αμαν αμαν glorious
ἐνώπιον ενωπιος in the face; facing
τοῦ ο the
βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king
καὶ και and; even
ἐζήτησεν ζητεω seek; desire
κακοποιῆσαι κακοποιεω do bad
τὸν ο the
Μαρδοχαῖον μαρδοχαιος and; even
τὸν ο the
λαὸν λαος populace; population
αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him
ὑπὲρ υπερ over; for
τῶν ο the
δύο δυο two
εὐνούχων ευνουχος eunuch
τοῦ ο the
βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king

[s]
καὶ και and; even
ἐγένετο γινομαι happen; become
μετὰ μετα with; amid
τοὺς ο the
λόγους λογος word; log
τούτους ουτος this; he
ἐν εν in
ταῖς ο the
ἡμέραις ημερα day
Ἀρταξέρξου αρταξερξης this; he
ο the
Ἀρταξέρξης αρταξερξης from; away
τῆς ο the
Ἰνδικῆς ινδικη hundred
εἴκοσι εικοσι twenty
ἑπτὰ επτα seven
χωρῶν χωρα territory; estate
ἐκράτησεν κρατεω seize; retain
1:1
וַ wa וְ and
יְהִ֖י yᵊhˌî היה be
בִּ bi בְּ in
ימֵ֣י ymˈê יֹום day
אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹ֑ושׁ ʔᵃḥašwērˈôš אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹושׁ Ahasuerus
ה֣וּא hˈû הוּא he
אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹ֗ושׁ ʔᵃḥašwērˈôš אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹושׁ Ahasuerus
הַ ha הַ the
מֹּלֵךְ֙ mmōlēḵ מלך be king
מֵ מִן from
הֹ֣דּוּ hˈōddû הֹדּוּ India
וְ wᵊ וְ and
עַד־ ʕaḏ- עַד unto
כּ֔וּשׁ kˈûš כּוּשׁ Cush
שֶׁ֛בַע šˈevaʕ שֶׁבַע seven
וְ wᵊ וְ and
עֶשְׂרִ֥ים ʕeśrˌîm עֶשְׂרִים twenty
וּ û וְ and
מֵאָ֖ה mēʔˌā מֵאָה hundred
מְדִינָֽה׃ mᵊḏînˈā מְדִינָה district
1:1. in diebus Asueri qui regnavit ab India usque Aethiopiam super centum viginti septem provincias
In the days of Assuerus, who reigned from India to Ethiopia over a hundred and twenty seven provinces:
1:1. In the days of Artaxerxes, who reigned from India to Ethiopia over one hundred twenty-seven provinces,
1:1. Now it came to pass in the days of Ahasuerus, (this [is] Ahasuerus which reigned, from India even unto Ethiopia, [over] an hundred and seven and twenty provinces:)
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾ catholic_pdv▾ kjv_1900▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ kad▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ mh▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
1. Добавление 1-е. В истории сна Мардохея надлежит прежде всего отметить следующее противоречие: рассказчик говорит, что сон представился Мардохею "во второй год" Артаксеркса, причем Мардохей именуется уже как "служивший при царском дворце". Между тем, по еврейскому тексту II, 16, ср. 19: ст. - Есфирь была взята к царю лишь "в седьмой год его царствования", когда и Мардохей был приближен ко двору и мог оказать известную услугу царю разоблачением затеянного против него заговора. Разрешить недоумение, вызываемое этим противоречием, возможно - или допущением ошибки в указании года царствования Артаксеркса, или допущением другой обстановки, при которой Мардохей мог узнать и довести до сведения царя заговор против него, или же, наконец, предположением более значительного промежутка времени между сном и заговором.

История заговора по различным спискам представляется в четверояком виде (еврейский текст, 2: греческих и Иосифа Флавия). По еврейскому тексту, II, 21-23, заговор служит причиной приближения Мардохея ко двору, между тем как по основному греческому тексту (добавление 1: -е) Мардохей был уже при дворе и сам, а не через царицу, доносит о заговоре царю. Иосиф Флавий в общем следует этому греческому тексту, дополняя его, однако, сообщением, что Мардохей не сам узнает о заговоре, а через некоего Варнаваза, слугу-иудея одного из заговорщиков. Другие греческие варианты допускают также повторение заговора, допуская первый во 2-м году Артаксеркса, а второй - в 7-м и стараясь, таким образом, примирить разногласие и противоречие текстов с указанными различными датами и представлениями дела заговора, или принимают какой-либо один, устраняя другой.

Мардохей - имя персидское, означающее поклонник Меродаха. У Ездры,2: и Неем VII, 7: - Мардохей упоминается в числе пришедших с Зоровавелем из плена Навуходоносора. В добавлении Мардохей называется также anJropoV megaV ("человек великий"), т.е. великий по силе и значению для иудеев (ср. X, 3; у Флавия XI, 6. 2: - он обозначается как человек twn prwtwn para toiV 'IoudaioiV. В еврейском тексте имя Мардохея впервые выступает со II, 5-6: ст.

Народ праведный - праведный народ, т.е. иудеи.

Подробное изъяснение сна Мардохея дается в особом 7-м добавлении к книге (после X главы), к которому мы и отсылаем читателя.

"Желал уразуметь его во всех частях его, до ночи" т.е. до следующей ночи, целый день.

Аман - по III,1: основного текста - Агагит - יךגגא ךה. Греческие текста в отличие отеврейского называют его то Македонянином, то Вугеянином (BougaioV). Последнее, однако, не есть ни имя народа, ни имя местности, ни тем менее собственное имя. Это скорее прозвище (BougaioV), значение которого - "большой хвастун". Что же касается наименования Амана 'Агагит, то долгое время думали на этом основании, что Аман был амаликитянин, ибо один из царей амаликитский назывался Агатом. И так как уже в древности имена Исава, Амалика были принимаемы за обозначения язычников Европы, то LXX и переводят еврейское 'агата через Makedwn, македонянин. Однако имя Амана, как и имя его отца, имеет миде-персидское происхождение. И мы знаем также теперь из надписей Карзабадских, что страна Агата сосгавпяпадейстаительно часть Мидии - новое обстоятельство, показывающее даже в мельчайших подробностях историческое значение кн. Есфирь. Отсюда видно, что возражение, делаемое против Бсф XVI, 10: - по Вульгате - и заимствуемое из того, что в этом месте Аман поименован 'духом и родом македонянин" (эгаггю et gente macedo), не имеет значения. Этому месту не противоречат (как это утверждали) lit, 1,10; VIII, 3; К, 6. 24. Слово "македонянин" в XVI гл. -происходит от того, что греческие переводчики, по которым был сделан латинский пвревсдХМ гл., напрасно передали здесь, как и в К, 23: - слово "згагитянин" через "македонянин" (Вигуру, Руков. по чтению и изуч. Библии, кн. Есф).

Имена евнухов-заговорщиков неодинаковы по различным редакциям, В принятом греческом тексте они именуются Гавафа и Фарра (GabaJa и Qaa); у Иосифа Флавия - BagaJwoV и QeodestoV; ПО другим в j'AorwiyiK) ивебешбе. Вульгата вместо Гора Ы имеет Bagatha.

1. Имя царя по еврейскому тексту - ששטורףוששךצא , по одной из греческих вариаций Артафр^тк -Артаксеркс, по другим - 'Aauripos (ср. Тов XIV, 15; Езд IV, 6; Дан IX, 1), по Вульгате -Ass jerus. Спорно то, какой царь действительно должен быть здесь подразумеваем. Во всяком случае, наиболее достоверно, что речь здесь может быть только или об Артаксерксе Лонгимане или Ксерксе. Наименование этого "Артаксеркса! великим в 1: добавлении (tou megalou) надлежит понимать как обычное обозначение персидских царей, а не как собственное отличие Артаксеркса. Последние изыскания привели к мысли, что этот 'Артаксеркс' есть не кто иной, как Агасвер (Ксеркс I, 485-465: г., сынДария I, сына Гистаспа). 'Одним из самых первых результатов чтения персидских надписей, - говорит один из исследователей (Опперт), - было отождествление Агасвера (Ассуера) с Ксерксом. Уже Гротефенд более полувека тому назад высказал это мнение, и успехи науки не оставили даже тени сомнения в истинности его. И библейский образ 'Артаксеркса как нельзя более сходен с 'Агасвером истории и обстоятельствами его правления. Так, все, что говорится о пространстве Персидской империи -1,1; X, 1, об обычаях двора, о капризном, сластолюбивом, жестоком, мстительном, сумасбродном нраве Агасаера - все это наиболее приложимо к Ксерксу в описании его Геродотом.

127: областей, от Индии до Эфиопии, над которыми царствовал Артаксеркс, не следует смешивать с 20-ю сатрапиями, учрежденными Дарием, сыном Гистаспа, е своем государстве. В основе первых, для деления их, лежали географические и этнографические особенности, между тем как сатрапии были более общими административными единицами, для облегчения взыскания податей.
Matthew Henry: Concise Commentary on the Whole Bible - 1706
The Feast of Ahasuerus. B. C. 519.

1 Now it came to pass in the days of Ahasuerus, (this is Ahasuerus which reigned, from India even unto Ethiopia, over an hundred and seven and twenty provinces:) 2 That in those days, when the king Ahasuerus sat on the throne of his kingdom, which was in Shushan the palace, 3 In the third year of his reign, he made a feast unto all his princes and his servants; the power of Persia and Media, the nobles and princes of the provinces, being before him: 4 When he showed the riches of his glorious kingdom and the honour of his excellent majesty many days, even a hundred and fourscore days. 5 And when these days were expired, the king made a feast unto all the people that were present in Shushan the palace, both unto great and small, seven days, in the court of the garden of the king's palace; 6 Where were white, green, and blue, hangings, fastened with cords of fine linen and purple to silver rings and pillars of marble: the beds were of gold and silver, upon a pavement of red, and blue, and white, and black, marble. 7 And they gave them drink in vessels of gold, (the vessels being diverse one from another,) and royal wine in abundance, according to the state of the king. 8 And the drinking was according to the law; none did compel: for so the king had appointed to all the officers of his house, that they should do according to every man's pleasure. 9 Also Vashti the queen made a feast for the women in the royal house which belonged to king Ahasuerus.
Which of the kings of Persia this Ahasuerus was the learned are not agreed. Mordecai is said to have been one of those that were carried captive from Jerusalem (ch. ii. 5, 6), whence it should seem that this Ahasuerus was one of the first kings of that empire. Dr. Lightfoot thinks that he was that Artaxerxes who hindered the building of the temple, who is called also Ahasuerus (Ezra iv. 6, 7), after his great-grandfather of the Medes, Dan. ix. 1. We have here an account,
I. Of the vast extent of his dominion. In the time of Darius and Cyrus there were but 120 princes ( Dan. vi. 1); now there were 127, from India to Ethiopia, v. 1. It had become an over-grown kingdom, which in time would sink with its own weight, and, as usual, would lose its provinces as fast as it got them. If such vast power be put into a bad hand, it is able to do so much the more mischief; but, if into a good hand, it is able to do so much the more good. Christ's kingdom is, or shall be, far larger than this, when the kingdoms of the world shall all become his; and it shall be everlasting.
II. Of the great pomp and magnificence of his court. When he found himself fixed in his throne, the pride of his heart rising with the grandeur of his kingdom, he made a most extravagant feast, wherein he put himself to vast expense and trouble only to show the riches of his glorious kingdom and the honour of his excellent majesty, v. 4. This was vain glory, an affection of pomp to no purpose at all; for none questioned the riches of his kingdom, nor offered to vie with him for honour. If he had shown the riches of his kingdom and the honour of his majesty, as some of his successors did, in contributing largely towards the building of the temple and the maintaining of the temple service (Ezra vi. 8, vii. 22), it would have turned to a much better account. Two feasts Ahasuerus made:-- 1. One for his nobles and princes, which lasted a hundred and eighty days, v. 3, 4. Not that he feasted the same persons every day for all that time, but perhaps the nobles and princes of one province one day, of another province another day, while thus he and his constant attendants fared sumptuously every day. The Chaldee paraphrast (who is very bold in his additions to the story of this book) says that there had been a rebellion among his subjects and that this feast was kept for joy of the quashing of it. 2. Another was made for all the people, both great and small, which lasted seven days, some one day and some another; and, because no house would hold them, they were entertained in the court of the garden, v. 5. The hangings with which the several apartments were divided or the tents which were there pitched for the company, were very fine and rich; so were the beds or benches on which they sat, and the pavement under their feet, v. 6. Better is a dinner of herbs with quietness, and the enjoyment of one's self and a friend, than this banquet of wine with all the noise and tumult that must needs attend it.
III. Of the good order which in some respects was kept there notwithstanding. We do not find this like Belshazzar's feast, in which dunghill-gods were praised and the vessels of the sanctuary profaned, Dan. v. 3, 4. Yet the Chaldee paraphrase says that the vessels of the sanctuary were used in this feast, to the great grief of the pious Jews. It was not like Herod's feast, which reserved a prophet's head for the last dish. Two things which are laudable we may gather from the account here given of this feast:-- 1. That there was no forcing of healths, nor urging of them: The drinking was according to the law, probably some law lately made; none did compel, no, not by continual proposing of it (as Josephus explains it); they did not send the glass about, but every man drank as he pleased (v. 8), so that if there were any that drank to excess it was their own fault, a fault which few would commit when the king's order put an honour upon sobriety. This caution of a heathen prince, even when he would show his generosity, may shame many who are called Christians, who think they do not sufficiently show their good housekeeping, nor bid their friends welcome, unless they make them drunk, and, under pretence of sending the health round, send the sin round, and death with it. There is a woe to those that do so; let them read it and tremble, Hab. ii. 15, 16. It is robbing men of their reason, their richest jewel, and making them fools, the greatest wrong that can be. 2. That there was no mixed dancing; for the gentlemen and ladies were entertained asunder, not as in the feast of Belshazzar, whose wives and concubines drank with him (Dan. v. 2), or that of Herod, whose daughter danced before him. Vashti feasted the women in her own apartment; not openly in the court of the garden, but in the royal house, v. 9. Thus, while the king showed the honour of his majesty, she and her ladies showed the honour of their modesty, which is truly the majesty of the fair sex.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:1: Now it came to pass - The Ahasuerus of the Romans, the Artaxerxes of the Greeks and Ardsheer of the Persians, are the same. Some think that this Ahasuerus was Darius, the son of Hystaspes; but Prideaux and others maintain that he was Artaxerxes Longimanus.
Reigned from India even unto Ethiopia - This is nearly the same account that is given by Xenophon. How great and glorious the kingdom of Cyrus was beyond all the kingdoms of Asia, was evident from this: Ὡρισθῃ μεν πρως ἑῳ τῃ Ερυθρᾳ θαλαττῃ· προς αρκτον δε τῳ Ευξεινῳ ποντῳ· προς ἑσπεραν δε Κυπρῳ και Αιγυπτῳ· προς μεσημβριαν δε Αιθιοπιᾳ. "It was bounded on the east by the Red Sea; on the north by the Euxine Sea; on the west by Cyprus and Egypt; and on the south by Ethiopia." - Cyrop. lib. viii., p. 241, edit. Steph. 1581.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:1: Ahasuerus - . Xerxes, the son of Darius Hystaspis. His empire is rightly described as from India even unto Ethiopia. The satrapies of Darius Hystaspis reached 29 in number, and the nations under Xerxes were about 60. The 127 "provinces" include probably sub-satrapies and other smaller divisions of the great governments.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:1: Ahasuerus: Prideaux has shewn satisfactorily that Ahasuerus was the Artaxerxes Longimanus of the Greeks, agreeably to the Septuagint and Josephus. See note on Ezr 6:14. Ezr 4:6; Dan 9:1
from India: Est 8:9; Isa 18:1, Isa 37:9
an hundred: Dan 6:1
Carl Friedrich Keil and Franz Delitzsch
1:1
The banquet. Esther 1:1-3 mark a period. משׁתּה עשׂה, which belongs to ויהי, does not follow till Esther 1:3, and even then the statement concerning the feast is again interrupted by a long parenthesis, and not taken up again and completed till Esther 1:5. On the use of ויהי in historical narratives at the beginning of relations having, as in the present instance and Ruth 1:1, no reference to a preceding narrative, see the remark on Josh 1:1. Even when no express reference to any preceding occurrence takes place, the historian still puts what he has to relate in connection with other historical occurrences by an "and it came to pass." Ahashverosh is, as has already been remarked on Ezra 4, Xerxes, the son of Darius Hystaspis. Not only does the name אחשׁורושׁ point to the Old-Persian name Ks'ayars'a (with א prosthetic), but the statements also concerning the extent of the kingdom (Esther 1:1; Esther 10:1), the manners and customs of the country and court, the capricious and tyrannical character of Ahashverosh, and the historical allusions are suitable only and completely to Xerxes, so that, after the discussions of Justi in Eichhorn's Repert. xv. pp. 3-38, and Baumgarten, de fide, etc., pp. 122-151, no further doubt on the subject can exist. As an historical background to the occurrences to be delineated, the wide extent of the kingdom ruled by the monarch just named is next described: "He is that Ahashverosh who reigned from India to Ethiopia over 127 provinces." מדינה ... שׁבע is not an accusative dependent on מלך, he ruled 127 provinces, for מלך, to reign, is construed with על or בּ, but is annexed in the form of a free apposition to the statement: "from India to Cush;" as also in Esther 8:9. הדּוּ is in the Old-Persian cuneiform inscriptions, Hidhu; in Zend, Hendu; in Sanscrit, Sindhu, i.e., dwellers on the Indus, for Sindhu means in Sanscrit the river Indus; comp. Roediger in Gesenius, Thes. Append. p. 83, and Lassen, Indische Alterthumsk. i. p. 2. כּוּשׁ is Ethiopia. This was the extent of the Persian empire under Xerxes. Mardonius in Herod. 7:9 names not only the Sakers and Assyrians, but also the Indians and Ethiopians as nations subject to Xerxes. Comp. also Herod. 7:97, 98, and 8:65, 69, where the Ethiopians and Indians are reckoned among the races who paid tribute to the Persian king and fought in the army of Xerxes. The 127 מדינות, provinces, are governmental districts, presided over, according to Esther 8:9, by satraps, pechahs, and rulers. This statement recalls that made in Dan 6:2, that Darius the Mede set over his kingdom 120 satraps. We have already shown in our remarks on Dan 6:2 that this form of administration is not in opposition to the statement of Herod. iii. 89f., that Darius Hystaspis divided the kingdom for the purpose of taxation into twenty ἀρχαί which were called σατραπηΐ́αι. The satrapies into which Darius divided the kingdom generally comprised several provinces. The first satrapy, e.g., included Mysia and Lydia, together with the southern part of Phrygia; the fourth, Syria and Phoenicia, with the island of Cyprus. The Jewish historians, on the other hand, designate a small portion of this fourth satrapy, viz., the region occupied by the Jewish community (Judah and Benjamin, with their chief city Jerusalem), as מדינה, Ezra 2:1; Neh 1:3; Neh 7:6; Neh 11:3. Consequently the satrapies of Darius mentioned in Herodotus differ from the medinoth of Dan 6:2, and Esther 1:1; Esther 8:9. The 127 medinoth are a division of the kingdom into geographical regions, according to the races inhabiting the different provinces; the list of satrapies in Herodotus, on the contrary, is a classification of the nations and provinces subject to the empire, determined by the tribute imposed on them.
Esther 1:2
The words: in those days, take up the chronological statement of Esther 1:1, and add thereto the new particular: when King Ahashverosh sat on the throne of his kingdom in the citadel of Susa. שׁבת does not involve the notion of quiet and peaceable possession after the termination of wars (Clericus, Rambach), but that of being seated on the throne with royal authority. Thus the Persian kings are always represented upon a raised seat or throne, even on journeys and in battle. According to Herod. vii. 102, Xerxes watched the battle of Thermopylae sitting upon his throne. And Plutarch (Themistocl. c. 13) says the same of the battle of Salamis. Further examples are given by Baumg. l.c. p. 85f. On the citadel of Susa, see Neh 1:1, and remarks on Dan 8:2.
Esther 1:3
"In the third year of his reign he made a feast to all his princes and his servants, when the forces of Persia and Media, the nobles and princes of the provinces, were before him." משׁתּה עשׂה, to make, to prepare, i.e., to give, a feast; comp. Gen 21:8. The princes and the servants are, all who were assembled about him in Susa. These are specified in the words which follow as חיל פ. We might supply ל before חיל from the preceding words, (viz.) the forces, etc.; but this would not suit the לפניו at the end of the verse. For this word shows that an independent circumstantial clause begins with חיל, which is added to call attention to the great number of princes and servants assembled at Susa (Bertheau): the forces of Persia ... were before him: when they were before him. By חיל, the host, the forces, Bertheau thinks the body-guard of the king, which, according to Herod. vii. 40, consisted of 2000 selected horsemen, 2000 lancers, and 10,000 infantry, is intended. There is, however, no adequate reason for limiting חיל to the body-guard. It cannot, indeed, be supposed that the whole military power of Persia and Media was with the king at Susa; but חיל without כּל can only signify an lite of the army, perhaps the captains and leaders as representing it, just as "the people" is frequently used for "the representatives of the people." The Persians and Medes are always named together as the two kindred races of the ruling nation. See Dan 6:9, who, however, as writing in the reign of Darius the Mede, places the Medes first and the Persians second, while the contrary order is observed here when the supremacy had been transferred to the Persians by Cyrus. On the form פּרס, see rem. on Ezra 1:1. After the mention of the forces, the Partemim, i.e., nobles, magnates (see on Dan 1:3), and the princes of the provinces are named as the chief personages of the civil government.
Esther 1:4-6
"When he showed the glorious riches of his kingdom and the excellent honour of his greatness many days, one hundred and eighty days." This verse has been understood by most expositors as stating that the king magnificently and splendidly entertained all the grandees mentioned in Esther 1:3 for a full half-year, and gave them a banquet which lasted 180 days. Clericus supposes proceedings to have been so arranged, that the proceres omnium provinciarum were not entertained at one and the same time, but alii post alios, because all could not be absent together per sex menses a suis provinciis. Bertheau, however, thinks that the historian did not purpose to give an exact and graphic description of the proceeding, but only to excite astonishment, and that they who are astonished will not inquire as to the manner in which all took place. The text, however, does not say, that the feast lasted 180 days, and hence offers no occasion for such a view, which is founded on a mistaken comprehension of Esther 1:4, which combines וגו בּהראתו with משׁתּה עשׂה of Esther 1:3, while the whole of Esther 1:4 is but a further amplification of the circumstantial clause: when the forces, etc., were before him; the description of the banquet not following till Esther 1:5, where, however, it is joined to the concluding words of Esther 1:4 : "when these (180) days were full, the king made a feast to all the people that were found in the citadel of Susa, from great to small, seven days, in the court of the garden of the king's house." This verse is thus explained by Bertheau: after the soldiers, nobles, and princes of the district had been entertained for six months, all the male inhabitants of Susa were also entertained in a precinct of the palace garden, the women being feasted by Vashti the queen in the palace (Esther 1:9), It is, however, obvious, even from Esther 1:11, which says that on the seventh day of this banquet the king commanded the queen to appear "to show the people and the princes her beauty," that such a view of the occurrence is inadmissible. For this command presupposes, that the people and princes were assembled at the king's banquet; while, according to the view of Bertheau and older expositors, who insist on two banquets, one lasting 180 days, the other seven, the latter was given to the male inhabitants of Susa only. The princes and people of the whole kingdom did not, however, dwell in Susa. These princes and people, to whom the queen was to show her beauty, are undoubtedly the princes and servants of the king, the forces of Persia and Media, and the nobles and princes of the provinces enumerated in Esther 1:3. With this agrees also the description of the guests invited to the seven days feast. בּשׁוּשׁן הנּמצאים כּל־העם does not signify "all the inhabitants of Susa," but all then present, i.e., then assembled in the citadel of Susa. הנּמצאים used of persons means, those who for some purpose are found or present in any place, in distinction from its usual inhabitants; comp. 1Chron 29:17; 2Chron 34:32; Ezra 8:25; and העם does not here signify people in the sense of population, but people who are met in a certain place, and is used both here and Neh 12:38 of an assembly of nobles and princes. קטן ועד למגּדול, moreover, does not mean old and young, but high and low, the greater and lesser servants (עבדים) of the king, and informs us that of those assembled at Susa, both princes and servants participated without exception in the banquet.
This view of Esther 1:3-5 is confirmed by the consideration, that if the seven days banquet were a different one from that mentioned in Esther 1:3, there could be no reason for naming the latter, which would then be not only entirely unconnected with the narrative, but for which no object at all would be stated; for בּהראתו cannot be translated, as in the Vulgate, by ut ostenderet, because, as Bertheau justly remarks, ב cannot indicate a purpose. From all these reasons it is obvious, that the feast of which further particulars are given in Esther 1:5-8 is the same משׁתּה which the king, according to Esther 1:3, gave to his שׂרים and עבדים, and that the text, rightly understood, says nothing of two consecutive banquets. The sense of Esther 1:3-5 is accordingly as follows: King Ahasuerus gave to his nobles and princes, when he had assembled them before him, and showed them the glorious riches of his kingdom and the magnificence of his greatness for 180 days, after these 180 days, to all assembled before him in the fortress of Susa, a banquet which lasted seven days. The connection of the more particular description of this banquet, by means of the words: when these (the previously named 180) days were over, following upon the accessory clause, Esther 1:4, is anacoluthistic, and the anacoluthon has given rise to the misconception, by which Esther 1:5 is understood to speak of a second banquet differing from the משׁתּה of Esther 1:3. The purpose for which the king assembled the grandees of his kingdom around him in Susa fore a whole half-year is not stated, because this has no connection with the special design of the present book. If, however, we compare the statement of Herod. vii. 8, that Xerxes, after the re-subjection of Egypt, summoned the chief men of his kingdom to Susa to take counsel with them concerning the campaign against Greece, it is obvious, that the assembly for 180 days in Susa, of the princes and nobles mentioned in the book of Esther, took place for the purpose of such consultation. When, too, we compare the statement of Herod. vii. 20, that Xerxes was four years preparing for this war, we receive also a corroboration of the particular mentioned in Esther 1:3, that he assembled his princes and nobles in the third year of his reign. In this view "the riches of his kingdom," etc., mentioned in Esther 1:4, must not be understood of the splendour and magnificence displayed in the entertainment of his guests, but referred to the greatness and resources of the realm, which Xerxes descanted on to his assembled magnates for the purpose of showing them the possibility of carrying into execution his contemplated campaign against Greece. The banquet given them after the 180 days of consultation, was held in the court of the garden of the royal palace. בּיתן is a later form of בּית, which occurs only here and Esther 7:7-8. חצר, court, is the space in the park of the royal castle which was prepared for the banquet. The fittings and furniture of this place are described in Esther 1:6. "White stuff, variegated and purple hangings, fastened with cords of byssus and purple to silver rings and marble pillars; couches of gold and silver upon a pavement of malachite and marble, mother-of-pearl and tortoise-shell." The description consists of mere allusions to, or exclamations at, the splendour of the preparations. In the first half of the verse the hangings of the room, in the second, the couches for the guests, are noticed. חוּר from חור means a white tissue of either linen or cotton. Bertheau supposes that the somewhat larger form of ch is intended to denote, even by the size of letter employed, the commencement of the description. כּרפּס, occurring in Sanscrit, Persian, Armenian, and Arabic, in Greek κάρπασος, means originally cotton, in Greek, according to later authorities, a kind of fine flax, here undoubtedly a cotton texture of various colours. תּכלת, deep blue, purple. The hangings of the space set apart were of these materials. Blue and white were, according to Curtius Esther 6:6, Esther 6:4, the royal colours of the Persians; comp. M. Duncker, Gesch. des Alterthums, ii. pp. 891 and 951 of the third edition, in which is described also the royal table, p. 952. The hangings were fastened (אחוּז) with cords of white byssus and purple to rings and pillars of white marble. מטּות, couches (divans) of gold and silver, i.e., covered with cloth woven of gold and silver thread, were prepared for the guests at the feast. These couches were placed upon a tesselated, mosaic-like floor; the tesselation being composed of stones of various colours. בּהט, in Arabic a mock stone, in lxx σμαραγδίτης, a spurious emerald, i.e., a green-coloured stone resembling the emerald, probably malachite or serpentine. שׁשׁ is white marble; דּר, Arabic darrun, darratun, pearl, lxx πίννινος λίθος, a pearl-like stone, perhaps mother-of-pearl. סחרת, a kind of dark-coloured stone (from סחר = שׁחר, to be dark), black, black marble with shield-like spots (all three words occur only here).
Esther 1:7-8
The entertainment: "And drinks poured into vessels of gold! and vessels differing from vessels, and royal wine in abundance, according to the hand of a king. (Esther 1:8) And the drinking was according to law; nine did compel: for so the king had appointed to all the officers of his house to do according to every one's pleasure." השׁקות, inf. Hiph., to give to drink, to hand drinks, is used substantively. The golden drinking vessels were of various kinds, and each differing in form from another. Great variety in drinking vessels pertained to the luxury of Persians; comp. Xenoph. Cyrop. viii. 8, 18. מלכוּת יין is wine from the royal cellar, therefore costly wine. Many interpreters understand it of the Chalybonian wine, which the Persian kings used to drink. See rem. on Ezek 27:18. המּלך כּיד, according to the hand of the king, i.e., according to royal bounty; comp. 3Kings 10:13. The words: "the drinking was according to law, none did compel," are generally understood to say, that the king abolished for this banquet, the prevailing custom of pledging his guests. According to Grecian information (see Baumgarten, p. 12f.), an exceedingly large quantity of wine was drunk at Persian banquets. This sense of the words is not, however, quite certain. The argument of Baumgarten, Si hic mos vulgaris fuisset in epulis regiis, sine dubio haec omnia non commemorata essent, no more holds good than his further remark: formulam illam אנס אין כּדּת non puto adhibitam fuisse, nisi jam altera contraria אנס כּדּת solemnis esset facta. The historian can have noticed this only because it was different from the Jewish custom. Bertheau also justly remarks: "We are not told in the present passage, that the king, on this occasion, exceptionally permitted moderation, especially to such of his guests as were, according to their ancestral customs, addicted to moderation, and who would else have been compelled to drink immoderately. For the words with which this verse concludes, which they imply also a permission to each to drink as little as he chose, are specially intended to allow every one to take much. על יסּד, to appoint concerning, i.e., to enjoin, comp. 1Chron 9:22. בּית רב, those over the house, i.e., the court officials.
Geneva 1599
1:1 Now it came to pass in the days of (a) Ahasuerus, (this [is] Ahasuerus which reigned, from India even unto Ethiopia, [over] an (b) hundred and seven and twenty provinces:)
The Argument - Because of the variety of names, by which they used to call their kings, and the number of years in which the Hebrews and the Greeks vary, various authors write concerning that Ahasuerus but is seems in (Dan 6:1, Dan 9:1) that he was Darius king of the Medes and son of Astyages also called Ahasuerus which was a name of honour and signified great and chief as chief head. In this is declared the great mercies of God toward his church: who never fails them in their greatest dangers, but when all hope of worldly help fades, he stirs up some, by whom he sends comfort and deliverance. In this also is described the ambition, pride and cruelty of the wicked when they come to honour and their sudden fall when they are at their highest and how God preserves and prefers them who are zealous of his glory and have a care and love for their brethren.
(a) Also called Darius, who was now the favourite monarch and had the government of the Medes, Persians and Chaldeans. Some think he was Darius Hystaspis also called Artaxerxes.
(b) (Dan 6:1) makes mention of only 120 leaving out the number that are imperfect as the scripture uses in various places.
John Gill
1:1 Now it came to pass in the days of Ahasuerus,.... Who he was is not easy to say; almost all the kings of Persia are so named by one or another writer. He cannot be the Ahasuerus in Dan 9:1, he was Astyages, the father of Cyaxares or Darius the Mede; but this must be one who had his royal palace in Shushan, which was never the royal city of the Medes, but of the Persians only; nor does he seem to be the Ahasuerus in Ezra 4:6, who is thought to be Cambyses, the son and successor of Cyrus; since, according to the canon of Ptolemy, he reigned but eight years, whereas this Ahasuerus at least reigned twelve, Esther 3:7, though indeed some account for it by his reigning in his father's lifetime; besides, Cambyses was always an enemy to the Jews, as this was not; and yet this way go many of the Jewish writers (n) and so a very learned man, Nicolaus Abram (o); according to Bishop Usher (p), this was Darius Hystaspis, who certainly was a friend to the Jewish nation; but he is rather the Artaxerxes of Ezra and Nehemiah; and so says the Midrash (q). Dr. Prideaux (r) thinks Ahasuerus was Artaxerxes Longimanus, which is the sense of Josephus (s), and who is thought by many to be the Artaxerxes in the foresaid books. Capellus (t) is of opinion, that Darius Ochus is meant, to which Bishop Patrick inclines; but I rather think, with Vitringa (u) and others (w), that Xerxes is the Ahasuerus that was the husband of Esther here spoken of; so the Arabic writers (x); and as he was the son and successor of Darius Hystaspis, if he is meant by Artaxerxes in the preceding books, the history of which is carried to the thirty second year of his reign, Neh 13:6 and who reigned but four years more; this book of Esther stands in right order of time to carry on the history of the Jewish affairs in the Persian monarchy; and Mr. Broughton (y) owns, that the name of Xerxes, in Greek, agrees with Achasuerus in Hebrew; and in Esther 10:1 his name is Achashresh, which, with the Greeks, is Axeres or Xerxes (z):
this is Ahasuerus, which reigned from India even unto Ethiopia; properly so called; the Ethiopians had been subdued by Cambyses the son and successor of Cyrus (a), and the Indians by Darius Hystaspis the father of Xerxes (b); and both, with other great nations, were retained in subjection to him (c); and many of both, as well as of other nations, were with him in his expedition into Greece (d):
over an hundred and twenty and seven provinces; there were now seven provinces more under his jurisdiction than were in the times of Darius the Mede, Dan 6:1.
(n) Targum & Jarchi in loc. Seder Olam Rabba, c. 29. Zuta, p. 108. (o) Pharus Vet. Test. l. 11. c. 12. p. 305. (p) Annal. Vet. Test. p. 160. so Broughton, Works, p. 38, 259, 581. (q) Midrash Esther, fol. 86. 2. (r) Connection, &c. par. 1. B. 4. p. 252, &c. (s) Antiqu. l. 11. c. 6. sect. 1. and so Suidas in voce (t) Chronolog. Sacr. p. 294. (u) Hypotypos. Hist. Sacr. p. 110. (w) Schichart. de Festo Purim. Rainold. Praelect. 144. p. 231. Alsted. Chronolog. p. 126, 181. (x) In Abulpharag. Hist. Dynast. p. 87. (y) Ut supra. (Broughton, Works, p. 38, 259, 581.) (z) Vid. Hiller. Arcan. Keri & Ketib, p. 87. & Onomastic. Sacr. p. 639. (a) Herodot. Thalia, sive, l. 3. c. 97. (b) lb. Melpomene, sive, l. 4. c. 44. (c) lb. Polymnia, sive, l. 7. c. 9. (d) lb. c. 65, 69, 70.
John Wesley
1:1 Ahasuerus - Many suppose this to be Darius Hystapas, for his kingdom was thus vast, and he subdued India, as Herodotus reports: and one of his wives was called Atossa, differing little from Hadassah, which is Esther's other name, Esther 2:7. Provinces - So seven new provinces were added to those hundred and twenty mentioned, Dan 6:1.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:1 AHASUERUS MAKES ROYAL FEASTS. (Est. 1:1-22)
Ahasuerus--It is now generally agreed among learned men that the Ahasuerus mentioned in this episode is the Xerxes who figures in Grecian history.
1:21:2: ՚ի նմի՛ն աւուրս յորս նստաւ ՚ի Սիսիս քաղաքի։
2 երբ նա Սուսա քաղաքում նստեց գահին,
2 Իր թագաւորութեան երրորդ տարին՝ Շուշան մայրաքաղաքին մէջ կոչունք մը տուաւ բոլոր իշխաններուն ու ծառաներուն։
[5]ի նմին աւուրս յորս նստաւ ի Սիսիս քաղաքի:

1:2: ՚ի նմի՛ն աւուրս յորս նստաւ ՚ի Սիսիս քաղաքի։
2 երբ նա Սուսա քաղաքում նստեց գահին,
2 Իր թագաւորութեան երրորդ տարին՝ Շուշան մայրաքաղաքին մէջ կոչունք մը տուաւ բոլոր իշխաններուն ու ծառաներուն։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:21:2: в то время, как царь Артаксеркс сел на царский престол свой, что в Сузах, городе престольном,
1:2 ἐν εν in αὐταῖς αυτος he; him ταῖς ο the ἡμέραις ημερα day ὅτε οτε when ἐθρονίσθη θρονιζω the βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king Ἀρταξέρξης αρταξερξης in Σούσοις σουσα the πόλει πολις city
1:2 בַּ ba בְּ in † הַ the יָּמִ֖ים yyāmˌîm יֹום day הָ hā הַ the הֵ֑ם hˈēm הֵם they כְּ kᵊ כְּ as שֶׁ֣בֶת׀ šˈeveṯ ישׁב sit הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֣לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹ֗ושׁ ʔᵃḥašwērˈôš אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹושׁ Ahasuerus עַ֚ל ˈʕal עַל upon כִּסֵּ֣א kissˈē כִּסֵּא seat מַלְכוּתֹ֔ו malᵊḵûṯˈô מַלְכוּת kingship אֲשֶׁ֖ר ʔᵃšˌer אֲשֶׁר [relative] בְּ bᵊ בְּ in שׁוּשַׁ֥ן šûšˌan שׁוּשַׁן Susa הַ ha הַ the בִּירָֽה׃ bbîrˈā בִּירָה citadel
1:2. quando sedit in solio regni sui Susa civitas regni eius exordium fuitWhen he sat on the throne of his kingdom, the city Susan was the capital of his kingdom.
2. that in those days, when the king Ahasuerus sat on the throne of his kingdom, which was in Shushan the palace,
1:2. when he sat on the throne of his kingdom, the city of Susa was the root of his kingdom.
1:2. [That] in those days, when the king Ahasuerus sat on the throne of his kingdom, which [was] in Shushan the palace,
That in those days, when the king Ahasuerus sat on the throne of his kingdom, which [was] in Shushan the palace:

1:2: в то время, как царь Артаксеркс сел на царский престол свой, что в Сузах, городе престольном,
1:2
ἐν εν in
αὐταῖς αυτος he; him
ταῖς ο the
ἡμέραις ημερα day
ὅτε οτε when
ἐθρονίσθη θρονιζω the
βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king
Ἀρταξέρξης αρταξερξης in
Σούσοις σουσα the
πόλει πολις city
1:2
בַּ ba בְּ in
הַ the
יָּמִ֖ים yyāmˌîm יֹום day
הָ הַ the
הֵ֑ם hˈēm הֵם they
כְּ kᵊ כְּ as
שֶׁ֣בֶת׀ šˈeveṯ ישׁב sit
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֣לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹ֗ושׁ ʔᵃḥašwērˈôš אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹושׁ Ahasuerus
עַ֚ל ˈʕal עַל upon
כִּסֵּ֣א kissˈē כִּסֵּא seat
מַלְכוּתֹ֔ו malᵊḵûṯˈô מַלְכוּת kingship
אֲשֶׁ֖ר ʔᵃšˌer אֲשֶׁר [relative]
בְּ bᵊ בְּ in
שׁוּשַׁ֥ן šûšˌan שׁוּשַׁן Susa
הַ ha הַ the
בִּירָֽה׃ bbîrˈā בִּירָה citadel
1:2. quando sedit in solio regni sui Susa civitas regni eius exordium fuit
When he sat on the throne of his kingdom, the city Susan was the capital of his kingdom.
1:2. when he sat on the throne of his kingdom, the city of Susa was the root of his kingdom.
1:2. [That] in those days, when the king Ahasuerus sat on the throne of his kingdom, which [was] in Shushan the palace,
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾ catholic_pdv▾ kjv_1900▾
jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
2. Действие происходит "в Сузах, городе престольном, где царь обыкновенно проводил несколько месяцев года.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:2: Sat on the throne of his kingdom - Having subdued all his enemies, and brought universal peace to his empire. See the commencement of the introduction.
Shushan the palace - The ancient city of Susa, now called Shuster by the Persians. This, with Ecbatana and Babylon, was a residence of the Persian kings. The word הבירה habbirah, which we render the palace, should be rendered the city, εν Σουσοις τῃ πολει, as in the Septuagint.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:2: sat: Sa2 7:1; Kg1 1:46; Dan 4:4
Shushan: Est 2:3, Est 3:15, Est 4:16, Est 9:12-15; Neh 1:1; Dan 8:2
Geneva 1599
1:2 [That] in those days, when the king Ahasuerus (c) sat on the throne of his kingdom, which [was] in Shushan the palace,
(c) That is, had rest and quietness.
John Gill
1:2 That in those days, when the King Ahasuerus sat on the throne of his kingdom,.... Not only was placed upon it, but settled in it; after Xerxes had subdued Egypt, in the second year of his reign (e), and enjoyed great peace and tranquillity:
which was in Shushan the palace; that is, the throne of his kingdom was in Shushan, the royal city of the kings of Persia; of which see Gill on Neh 1:1, Dan 8:2.
(e) Herodot. ib. (Thalia, sive, l. 3.) c. 7.
John Wesley
1:2 Sat - Was settled in the peaceable possession of it. Shushan - The chief or royal city. Shushan might be the proper name of the palace, which thence was given to the whole city. Here the kings of Persia used to keep their courts in winter, as at Exbatana in summer.
1:31:3: Յամին երրորդի թագաւորութեանն իւրում. արա՛ր թագաւորն կոչունս սիրելեաց իւրոց եւ մեծամեծաց, եւ այլո՛ց եւս ազգաց՝ Պարսից եւ Մարաց՝ եւ ամենայն իշխանաց նախարարացն։
3 իր թագաւորութեան երրորդ տարում խնջոյքի հրաւիրեց իր սիրելիներին ու մեծամեծներին, նաեւ այլ ազգերի՝ պարսիկների ու մարերի բոլոր նախարարներին եւ իշխաններին:
3 Եւ Մարերու ու Պարսիկներու մեծերը*, նախարարներն ու գաւառներու իշխանները անոր առջեւ էին։
յամին երրորդի թագաւորութեանն իւրոյ, արար [6]թագաւորն կոչունս սիրելեաց իւրոց եւ մեծամեծաց, եւ այլոց եւս ազգաց Պարսից եւ Մարաց, եւ ամենայն իշխանաց նախարարացն:

1:3: Յամին երրորդի թագաւորութեանն իւրում. արա՛ր թագաւորն կոչունս սիրելեաց իւրոց եւ մեծամեծաց, եւ այլո՛ց եւս ազգաց՝ Պարսից եւ Մարաց՝ եւ ամենայն իշխանաց նախարարացն։
3 իր թագաւորութեան երրորդ տարում խնջոյքի հրաւիրեց իր սիրելիներին ու մեծամեծներին, նաեւ այլ ազգերի՝ պարսիկների ու մարերի բոլոր նախարարներին եւ իշխաններին:
3 Եւ Մարերու ու Պարսիկներու մեծերը*, նախարարներն ու գաւառներու իշխանները անոր առջեւ էին։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:31:3: в третий год своего царствования он сделал пир для всех князей своих и для служащих при нем, для главных начальников войска Персидского и Мидийского и для правителей областей своих,
1:3 ἐν εν in τῷ ο the τρίτῳ τριτος third ἔτει ετος year βασιλεύοντος βασιλευω reign αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him δοχὴν δοχη reception ἐποίησεν ποιεω do; make τοῖς ο the φίλοις φιλος friend καὶ και and; even τοῖς ο the λοιποῖς λοιπος rest; remains ἔθνεσιν εθνος nation; caste καὶ και and; even τοῖς ο the Περσῶν περσης and; even Μήδων μηδος Mēdos; Mithos ἐνδόξοις ενδοξος glorious καὶ και and; even τοῖς ο the ἄρχουσιν αρχων ruling; ruler τῶν ο the σατραπῶν σατραπης satrap; viceroy
1:3 בִּ bi בְּ in שְׁנַ֤ת šᵊnˈaṯ שָׁנָה year שָׁלֹושׁ֙ šālôš שָׁלֹשׁ three לְ lᵊ לְ to מָלְכֹ֔ו mālᵊḵˈô מלך be king עָשָׂ֣ה ʕāśˈā עשׂה make מִשְׁתֶּ֔ה mištˈeh מִשְׁתֶּה drinking לְ lᵊ לְ to כָל־ ḵol- כֹּל whole שָׂרָ֖יו śārˌāʸw שַׂר chief וַ wa וְ and עֲבָדָ֑יו ʕᵃvāḏˈāʸw עֶבֶד servant חֵ֣יל׀ ḥˈêl חַיִל power פָּרַ֣ס pārˈas פָּרַס Persia וּ û וְ and מָדַ֗י māḏˈay מָדַי Media הַֽ hˈa הַ the פַּרְתְּמִ֛ים ppartᵊmˈîm פַּרְתְּמִים nobles וְ wᵊ וְ and שָׂרֵ֥י śārˌê שַׂר chief הַ ha הַ the מְּדִינֹ֖ות mmᵊḏînˌôṯ מְדִינָה district לְ lᵊ לְ to פָנָֽיו׃ fānˈāʸw פָּנֶה face
1:3. tertio igitur anno imperii sui fecit grande convivium cunctis principibus et pueris suis fortissimis Persarum et Medorum inclitis et praefectis provinciarum coram seNow in the third year of his reign he made a great feast for all the princes, and for his servants, for the most mighty of the Persians, and the nobles of the Medes, and the governors of the provinces in his sight,
3. in the third year of his reign, he made a feast unto all his princes and his servants; the power of Persia and Media, the nobles and princes of the provinces, being before him:
1:3. And so, in the third year of his reign, he made a great feast for all the leaders and his servants, for the most powerful among the Persians and the distinguished among the Medes, and for the rulers of the provinces before him,
1:3. In the third year of his reign, he made a feast unto all his princes and his servants; the power of Persia and Media, the nobles and princes of the provinces, [being] before him:
In the third year of his reign, he made a feast unto all his princes and his servants; the power of Persia and Media, the nobles and princes of the provinces, [being] before him:

1:3: в третий год своего царствования он сделал пир для всех князей своих и для служащих при нем, для главных начальников войска Персидского и Мидийского и для правителей областей своих,
1:3
ἐν εν in
τῷ ο the
τρίτῳ τριτος third
ἔτει ετος year
βασιλεύοντος βασιλευω reign
αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him
δοχὴν δοχη reception
ἐποίησεν ποιεω do; make
τοῖς ο the
φίλοις φιλος friend
καὶ και and; even
τοῖς ο the
λοιποῖς λοιπος rest; remains
ἔθνεσιν εθνος nation; caste
καὶ και and; even
τοῖς ο the
Περσῶν περσης and; even
Μήδων μηδος Mēdos; Mithos
ἐνδόξοις ενδοξος glorious
καὶ και and; even
τοῖς ο the
ἄρχουσιν αρχων ruling; ruler
τῶν ο the
σατραπῶν σατραπης satrap; viceroy
1:3
בִּ bi בְּ in
שְׁנַ֤ת šᵊnˈaṯ שָׁנָה year
שָׁלֹושׁ֙ šālôš שָׁלֹשׁ three
לְ lᵊ לְ to
מָלְכֹ֔ו mālᵊḵˈô מלך be king
עָשָׂ֣ה ʕāśˈā עשׂה make
מִשְׁתֶּ֔ה mištˈeh מִשְׁתֶּה drinking
לְ lᵊ לְ to
כָל־ ḵol- כֹּל whole
שָׂרָ֖יו śārˌāʸw שַׂר chief
וַ wa וְ and
עֲבָדָ֑יו ʕᵃvāḏˈāʸw עֶבֶד servant
חֵ֣יל׀ ḥˈêl חַיִל power
פָּרַ֣ס pārˈas פָּרַס Persia
וּ û וְ and
מָדַ֗י māḏˈay מָדַי Media
הַֽ hˈa הַ the
פַּרְתְּמִ֛ים ppartᵊmˈîm פַּרְתְּמִים nobles
וְ wᵊ וְ and
שָׂרֵ֥י śārˌê שַׂר chief
הַ ha הַ the
מְּדִינֹ֖ות mmᵊḏînˌôṯ מְדִינָה district
לְ lᵊ לְ to
פָנָֽיו׃ fānˈāʸw פָּנֶה face
1:3. tertio igitur anno imperii sui fecit grande convivium cunctis principibus et pueris suis fortissimis Persarum et Medorum inclitis et praefectis provinciarum coram se
Now in the third year of his reign he made a great feast for all the princes, and for his servants, for the most mighty of the Persians, and the nobles of the Medes, and the governors of the provinces in his sight,
1:3. And so, in the third year of his reign, he made a great feast for all the leaders and his servants, for the most powerful among the Persians and the distinguished among the Medes, and for the rulers of the provinces before him,
1:3. In the third year of his reign, he made a feast unto all his princes and his servants; the power of Persia and Media, the nobles and princes of the provinces, [being] before him:
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾ catholic_pdv▾ kjv_1900▾
jfb▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ all ▾
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:3: In the third year - In this year, 483 B. C., Xerxes assembled the governors of provinces at Susa, in connection with his contemplated expedition against Greece.
The nobles - literally, "the first men." The Hebrew word used is one adopted from the Persian.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:3: am 3542, bc 462
he made: Est 2:18; Gen 40:20; Kg1 3:15; Dan 5:1; Mar 6:21
of Persia: Est 1:14; Ezr 1:2; Isa 21:2; Jer 51:11; Dan 5:28, Dan 8:20
the nobles: Dan 3:2, Dan 3:3, Dan 6:1, Dan 6:6, Dan 6:7
John Gill
1:3 In the third year of his reign he made a feast unto all his princes, and his servants,.... The nobles and officers in his court; on what account this was cannot be said with certainty, whether the first day of it was his birthday, or the day of his coming to the throne, on which day Xerxes used to make a feast annually, as Herodotus relates (f):
the power of Persia and Media; the mighty men therein, the potentates thereof; or the "army", the principal officers of it:
the nobles and princes of the provinces being with him. The first word Aben Ezra declares his ignorance of, whether it is Hebrew or Persian; Jarchi interprets it governors; and the persons intended by both seem to be the deputy governors of the one hundred and twenty seven provinces who were present at this feast. Xerxes, having reduced Egypt, meditated a war with Greece, to which he was pressed by Mardonius, a relation of his; upon which he summoned the chief men of his kingdom, to have their advice about it (g), which perhaps was taken at this time; for it was in the third year of his reign he resolved upon the war, and began to make preparations for it; and it was usual, at banquets and feasts, that the Persians debated their most important affairs (h).
(f) lb. (Herodot.) Calliope, sive, l. 9. c. 109. (g) Ib. l. 7. c. 8. (h) lb. Clio, sive, l. 1. c. 133.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:3 made a feast unto all his princes and his servants--Banquets on so grand a scale, and extending over so great a period, have been frequently provided by the luxurious monarchs of Eastern countries, both in ancient and modern times. The early portion of this festive season, however, seems to have been dedicated to amusement, particularly an exhibition of the magnificence and treasures of the court, and it was closed by a special feast of seven days' continuance, given within the gardens of the royal palace. The ancient palace of Susa has been recently disinterred from an incumbent mass of earth and ruins; and in that palace, which is, beyond all doubt, the actual edifice referred to in this passage, there is a great hall of marble pillars. "The position of the great colonnade corresponds with the account here given. It stands on an elevation in the center of the mound, the remainder of which we may well imagine to have been occupied, after the Persian fashion, with a garden and fountains. Thus the colonnade would represent the 'court of the garden of the king's palace' with its 'pillars of marble.' I am even inclined to believe the expression, 'Shushan the palace,' applies especially to this portion of the existing ruins, in contradistinction to the citadel and the city of Shushan" [LOFTUS, Chaldaea and Susiana].
1:41:4: Եւ իբրեւ եցո՛յց նոցա զմեծութիւն թագաւորութեանն իւրոյ, եւ զփառաւորս ուրախութեան վայելչութեանն զաւուրս հարիւր եւ ութսուն[5202]։ [5202] ՚Ի բազումս պակասի. Վայելչութեանն զաւուրս հարիւր եւ ութսուն։
4 Նա հարիւր ութսուն օր նրանց ցոյց տուեց իր թագաւորութեան հարստութիւնը՝ իր ուրախութեան ու վայելչութեան փառքը:
4 Այն ատեն շատ օրեր, այսինքն հարիւր ութսուն օր, իր թագաւորութեան փառաւոր հարստութիւնն ու իր մեծութեան պատուական շքեղութիւնը ցուցուց։
Եւ իբրեւ եցոյց`` նոցա զմեծութիւն թագաւորութեանն իւրոյ, եւ զփառս ուրախութեան վայելչութեանն զաւուրս հարեւր եւ ութսուն:

1:4: Եւ իբրեւ եցո՛յց նոցա զմեծութիւն թագաւորութեանն իւրոյ, եւ զփառաւորս ուրախութեան վայելչութեանն զաւուրս հարիւր եւ ութսուն[5202]։
[5202] ՚Ի բազումս պակասի. Վայելչութեանն զաւուրս հարիւր եւ ութսուն։
4 Նա հարիւր ութսուն օր նրանց ցոյց տուեց իր թագաւորութեան հարստութիւնը՝ իր ուրախութեան ու վայելչութեան փառքը:
4 Այն ատեն շատ օրեր, այսինքն հարիւր ութսուն օր, իր թագաւորութեան փառաւոր հարստութիւնն ու իր մեծութեան պատուական շքեղութիւնը ցուցուց։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:41:4: показывая великое богатство царства своего и отличный блеск величия своего {в течение} многих дней, ста восьмидесяти дней.
1:4 καὶ και and; even μετὰ μετα with; amid ταῦτα ουτος this; he μετὰ μετα with; amid τὸ ο the δεῖξαι δεικνυω show αὐτοῖς αυτος he; him τὸν ο the πλοῦτον πλουτος wealth; richness τῆς ο the βασιλείας βασιλεια realm; kingdom αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him καὶ και and; even τὴν ο the δόξαν δοξα glory τῆς ο the εὐφροσύνης ευφροσυνη celebration τοῦ ο the πλούτου πλουτος wealth; richness αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him ἐπὶ επι in; on ἡμέρας ημερα day ἑκατὸν εκατον hundred ὀγδοήκοντα ογδοηκοντα eighty
1:4 בְּ bᵊ בְּ in הַרְאֹתֹ֗ו harʔōṯˈô ראה see אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker] עֹ֨שֶׁר֙ ʕˈōšer עֹשֶׁר riches כְּבֹ֣וד kᵊvˈôḏ כָּבֹוד weight מַלְכוּתֹ֔ו malᵊḵûṯˈô מַלְכוּת kingship וְ wᵊ וְ and אֶ֨ת־ ʔˌeṯ- אֵת [object marker] יְקָ֔ר yᵊqˈār יְקָר preciousness תִּפְאֶ֖רֶת tifʔˌereṯ תִּפְאֶרֶת splendour גְּדוּלָּתֹ֑ו gᵊḏûllāṯˈô גְּדוּלָּה greatness יָמִ֣ים yāmˈîm יֹום day רַבִּ֔ים rabbˈîm רַב much שְׁמֹונִ֥ים šᵊmônˌîm שְׁמֹנֶה eight וּ û וְ and מְאַ֖ת mᵊʔˌaṯ מֵאָה hundred יֹֽום׃ yˈôm יֹום day
1:4. ut ostenderet divitias gloriae regni sui ac magnitudinem atque iactantiam potentiae suae multo tempore centum videlicet et octoginta diebusThat he might shew the riches of the glory of his kingdom, and the greatness, and boasting of his power, for a long time, to wit, for a hundred and fourscore days.
4. when he shewed the riches of his glorious kingdom and the honour of his excellent majesty many days, even an hundred and fourscore days.
1:4. so that he might show the glorious riches of his kingdom, as well as its greatness, and so boast of his power, for a long time, namely, one hundred and eighty days.
1:4. When he shewed the riches of his glorious kingdom and the honour of his excellent majesty many days, [even] an hundred and fourscore days.
When he shewed the riches of his glorious kingdom and the honour of his excellent majesty many days, [even] an hundred and fourscore days:

1:4: показывая великое богатство царства своего и отличный блеск величия своего {в течение} многих дней, ста восьмидесяти дней.
1:4
καὶ και and; even
μετὰ μετα with; amid
ταῦτα ουτος this; he
μετὰ μετα with; amid
τὸ ο the
δεῖξαι δεικνυω show
αὐτοῖς αυτος he; him
τὸν ο the
πλοῦτον πλουτος wealth; richness
τῆς ο the
βασιλείας βασιλεια realm; kingdom
αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him
καὶ και and; even
τὴν ο the
δόξαν δοξα glory
τῆς ο the
εὐφροσύνης ευφροσυνη celebration
τοῦ ο the
πλούτου πλουτος wealth; richness
αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him
ἐπὶ επι in; on
ἡμέρας ημερα day
ἑκατὸν εκατον hundred
ὀγδοήκοντα ογδοηκοντα eighty
1:4
בְּ bᵊ בְּ in
הַרְאֹתֹ֗ו harʔōṯˈô ראה see
אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker]
עֹ֨שֶׁר֙ ʕˈōšer עֹשֶׁר riches
כְּבֹ֣וד kᵊvˈôḏ כָּבֹוד weight
מַלְכוּתֹ֔ו malᵊḵûṯˈô מַלְכוּת kingship
וְ wᵊ וְ and
אֶ֨ת־ ʔˌeṯ- אֵת [object marker]
יְקָ֔ר yᵊqˈār יְקָר preciousness
תִּפְאֶ֖רֶת tifʔˌereṯ תִּפְאֶרֶת splendour
גְּדוּלָּתֹ֑ו gᵊḏûllāṯˈô גְּדוּלָּה greatness
יָמִ֣ים yāmˈîm יֹום day
רַבִּ֔ים rabbˈîm רַב much
שְׁמֹונִ֥ים šᵊmônˌîm שְׁמֹנֶה eight
וּ û וְ and
מְאַ֖ת mᵊʔˌaṯ מֵאָה hundred
יֹֽום׃ yˈôm יֹום day
1:4. ut ostenderet divitias gloriae regni sui ac magnitudinem atque iactantiam potentiae suae multo tempore centum videlicet et octoginta diebus
That he might shew the riches of the glory of his kingdom, and the greatness, and boasting of his power, for a long time, to wit, for a hundred and fourscore days.
1:4. so that he might show the glorious riches of his kingdom, as well as its greatness, and so boast of his power, for a long time, namely, one hundred and eighty days.
1:4. When he shewed the riches of his glorious kingdom and the honour of his excellent majesty many days, [even] an hundred and fourscore days.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾ catholic_pdv▾ kjv_1900▾
jw▾ jg▾ tr▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
4. Продолжительность пира - без всякого преувеличения - указывается в 180: дней. Это был, точнее, целый ряд пиров, открывавшихся для новых и новых гостей царя, притекавших по его зову из самых отдаленных областей огромного царства Геродот дает замечательное подтверждение атому, сообщая, что, готовясь к походу в Грецию, после покорения Елюта, Ксеркс пригласил к своему двору всех вельможей своего царства для совещания с ними по поводу этой войны, и на приготовление к ней употребил четыре года.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:4: The riches of his glorious kingdom - Luxury was the characteristic of the Eastern monarchs, and particularly of the Persians. In their feasts, which were superb and of long continuance, they made a general exhibition of their wealth, grandeur, etc., and received the highest encomiums from their poets and flatterers. Their ostentation on such occasions passed into a proverb: hence Horace: -
Persicos odi, puer, apparatus:
Displicent nexae philyra coronae;
Mitte sectari, rosa quo locorum
Sera moretur.
I tell thee, boy, that I detest
The grandeur of a Persian feast;
Nor for me the linden's rind
Shall the flowery chaplet bind.
Then search not where the curious rose
Beyond his season loitering grows.
Francis.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:4: When he: Isa 39:2; Eze 28:5; Dan 4:30
the riches: Psa 76:1-4, Psa 145:5, Psa 145:12, Psa 145:13; Dan 2:37-44, Dan 7:9-14; Mat 4:8, Mat 6:13; Rom 9:23; Eph 1:18; Col 1:27; Rev 4:11
excellent: Ch1 29:11, Ch1 29:12, Ch1 29:25; Job 40:10; Psa 21:5, Psa 45:3, Psa 93:1; Dan 4:36, Dan 5:18; Pe2 1:16, Pe2 1:17
John Gill
1:4 When he showed the riches of his glorious kingdom,.... Xerxes was the fourth king of the Persian monarchy, and was "far richer than all" that went before him, all their riches coming into his hands, Dan 11:2, and now that prophecy began to be fulfilled, "that by his strength, through his riches, he should stir up all against the realm of Grecia"; which he began to do in the third year of his reign, and for which these his nobles might be called together, as to have their advice, so to animate them to come in the more readily into the expedition, by showing them the riches he was possessed of; for to none of the kings of Persia does this largeness of riches better belong than to Xerxes:
and the honour of his excellent majesty; the grandeur he lived in, the pomp and splendour of his court; he was the most grand and magnificent of all the kings of the Medes and Persians (i):
and this he did many days, even an hundred and fourscore days; to which seven more being added, as in the following verse, it made one hundred and eighty seven, the space of full six months; though some think the feast did not last so long, only seven days, and that the one hundred and eighty days were spent in preparing for it; but the Persian feasts were very long, large, and sumptuous. Dr. Frye (k) says, this custom of keeping an annual feast one hundred and eighty days still continues in Persia. Cheus (l), a Chinese emperor, used frequently to make a feast which lasted one hundred and twenty days; though it cannot be well thought that the same individual persons here were feasted so long, but, when one company was sufficiently treated, they removed and made way for another; and so it continued successively such a number of days as here related, which was six months, or half a year; a year then in use consisting of three hundred and sixty days, as was common with the Jews, and other nations, and so the Persians (m).
(i) Pausan. Laconica, sive, l. 3. p. 165. (k) Travels, p. 348. apud Patrick in loc. (l) In Martin. Sinic. Hist. l. 3. p. 78. (m) Prideaux's Connect. par. 1. p. 197.
John Wesley
1:4 Many days - Making every day a magnificent feast, either for all his princes, or for some of them, who might come to the feast successively, as the king ordered them to do. The Persian feasts are much celebrated in authors, for their length and luxury.
1:51:5: Եւ յորժամ յա՛նգ ելանէին աւուրք հարսանեացն. դարձեալ միւսանգամ հրամա՛ն ետ կոչել ՚ի հարսանիսն զռամիկ քաղաքակիցս իւր ՚ի գաւիթ տանն արքունի զաւուրս վեց[5203]։ [5203] Ոմանք. Զռամիկ քաղաքացիս։
5 Երբ խնջոյքի օրերն աւարտուեցին, յաջորդ անգամ կրկին հրաման տուեց խնջոյքի կանչելու իր ռամիկ քաղաքացիներին արքունի տան գաւթում:
5 Երբ այն օրերը լմնցան, թագաւորը Շուշան մայրաքաղաքին մէջ գտնուող բոլոր ժողովուրդին, մեծէն մինչեւ պզտիկին, թագաւորական պալատին պարտէզին գաւիթին մէջ եօթը օր կոչունք տուաւ։
Եւ յորժամ յանգ ելանէին [7]աւուրք հարսանեացն, դարձեալ միւսանգամ հրաման ետ կոչել ի հարսանիսն զռամիկ քաղաքացիսն իւր ի գաւիթ տանն արքունի զաւուրս վեց:

1:5: Եւ յորժամ յա՛նգ ելանէին աւուրք հարսանեացն. դարձեալ միւսանգամ հրամա՛ն ետ կոչել ՚ի հարսանիսն զռամիկ քաղաքակիցս իւր ՚ի գաւիթ տանն արքունի զաւուրս վեց[5203]։
[5203] Ոմանք. Զռամիկ քաղաքացիս։
5 Երբ խնջոյքի օրերն աւարտուեցին, յաջորդ անգամ կրկին հրաման տուեց խնջոյքի կանչելու իր ռամիկ քաղաքացիներին արքունի տան գաւթում:
5 Երբ այն օրերը լմնցան, թագաւորը Շուշան մայրաքաղաքին մէջ գտնուող բոլոր ժողովուրդին, մեծէն մինչեւ պզտիկին, թագաւորական պալատին պարտէզին գաւիթին մէջ եօթը օր կոչունք տուաւ։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:51:5: По окончании сих дней, сделал царь для народа своего, находившегося в престольном городе Сузах, от большого до малого, пир семидневный на садовом дворе дома царского.
1:5 ὅτε οτε when δὲ δε though; while ἀνεπληρώθησαν αναπληροω fill up; fulfill αἱ ο the ἡμέραι ημερα day τοῦ ο the γάμου γαμος wedding ἐποίησεν ποιεω do; make ὁ ο the βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king πότον ποτος.1 drinking bout; drink τοῖς ο the ἔθνεσιν εθνος nation; caste τοῖς ο the εὑρεθεῖσιν ευρισκω find εἰς εις into; for τὴν ο the πόλιν πολις city ἐπὶ επι in; on ἡμέρας ημερα day ἓξ εξ six ἐν εν in αὐλῇ αυλη courtyard; fold οἴκου οικος home; household τοῦ ο the βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king
1:5 וּ û וְ and בִ vi בְּ in מְלֹ֣ואת׀ mᵊlˈôṯ מלא be full הַ ha הַ the יָּמִ֣ים yyāmˈîm יֹום day הָ hā הַ the אֵ֗לֶּה ʔˈēlleh אֵלֶּה these עָשָׂ֣ה ʕāśˈā עשׂה make הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֡לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king לְ lᵊ לְ to כָל־ ḵol- כֹּל whole הָ hā הַ the עָ֣ם ʕˈām עַם people הַ ha הַ the נִּמְצְאִים֩ nnimṣᵊʔîm מצא find בְּ bᵊ בְּ in שׁוּשַׁ֨ן šûšˌan שׁוּשַׁן Susa הַ ha הַ the בִּירָ֜ה bbîrˈā בִּירָה citadel לְ lᵊ לְ to מִ mi מִן from גָּ֧דֹול ggˈāḏôl גָּדֹול great וְ wᵊ וְ and עַד־ ʕaḏ- עַד unto קָטָ֛ן qāṭˈān קָטָן small מִשְׁתֶּ֖ה mištˌeh מִשְׁתֶּה drinking שִׁבְעַ֣ת šivʕˈaṯ שֶׁבַע seven יָמִ֑ים yāmˈîm יֹום day בַּ ba בְּ in חֲצַ֕ר ḥᵃṣˈar חָצֵר court גִּנַּ֥ת ginnˌaṯ גַּנָּה garden בִּיתַ֖ן bîṯˌan בִּיתָן palace הַ ha הַ the מֶּֽלֶךְ׃ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
1:5. cumque implerentur dies convivii invitavit omnem populum qui inventus est Susis a maximo usque ad minimum et septem diebus iussit convivium praeparari in vestibulo horti et nemoris quod regio cultu et manu consitum eratAnd when the days of the feast were expired, he invited all the people that were found in Susan, from the greatest to the least: and commanded a feast to be made seven days in the court of the garden, and of the wood, which was planted by the care and the hand of the king.
5. And when these days were fulfilled, he king made a feast unto all the people that were present in Shushan the palace, both great and small, seven days, in the court of the garden of the king’s palace;
1:5. And when the days of the feast were nearly completed, he invited all the people, who had been found in Susa, from the greatest even to the least, and he commanded a feast to be prepared, for seven days, in the court of the garden and the arboretum, which had been planted by the care and by the hand of the king.
1:5. And when these days were expired, the king made a feast unto all the people that were present in Shushan the palace, both unto great and small, seven days, in the court of the garden of the king’s palace;
And when these days were expired, the king made a feast unto all the people that were present in Shushan the palace, both unto great and small, seven days, in the court of the garden of the king' s palace:

1:5: По окончании сих дней, сделал царь для народа своего, находившегося в престольном городе Сузах, от большого до малого, пир семидневный на садовом дворе дома царского.
1:5
ὅτε οτε when
δὲ δε though; while
ἀνεπληρώθησαν αναπληροω fill up; fulfill
αἱ ο the
ἡμέραι ημερα day
τοῦ ο the
γάμου γαμος wedding
ἐποίησεν ποιεω do; make
ο the
βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king
πότον ποτος.1 drinking bout; drink
τοῖς ο the
ἔθνεσιν εθνος nation; caste
τοῖς ο the
εὑρεθεῖσιν ευρισκω find
εἰς εις into; for
τὴν ο the
πόλιν πολις city
ἐπὶ επι in; on
ἡμέρας ημερα day
ἓξ εξ six
ἐν εν in
αὐλῇ αυλη courtyard; fold
οἴκου οικος home; household
τοῦ ο the
βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king
1:5
וּ û וְ and
בִ vi בְּ in
מְלֹ֣ואת׀ mᵊlˈôṯ מלא be full
הַ ha הַ the
יָּמִ֣ים yyāmˈîm יֹום day
הָ הַ the
אֵ֗לֶּה ʔˈēlleh אֵלֶּה these
עָשָׂ֣ה ʕāśˈā עשׂה make
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֡לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
לְ lᵊ לְ to
כָל־ ḵol- כֹּל whole
הָ הַ the
עָ֣ם ʕˈām עַם people
הַ ha הַ the
נִּמְצְאִים֩ nnimṣᵊʔîm מצא find
בְּ bᵊ בְּ in
שׁוּשַׁ֨ן šûšˌan שׁוּשַׁן Susa
הַ ha הַ the
בִּירָ֜ה bbîrˈā בִּירָה citadel
לְ lᵊ לְ to
מִ mi מִן from
גָּ֧דֹול ggˈāḏôl גָּדֹול great
וְ wᵊ וְ and
עַד־ ʕaḏ- עַד unto
קָטָ֛ן qāṭˈān קָטָן small
מִשְׁתֶּ֖ה mištˌeh מִשְׁתֶּה drinking
שִׁבְעַ֣ת šivʕˈaṯ שֶׁבַע seven
יָמִ֑ים yāmˈîm יֹום day
בַּ ba בְּ in
חֲצַ֕ר ḥᵃṣˈar חָצֵר court
גִּנַּ֥ת ginnˌaṯ גַּנָּה garden
בִּיתַ֖ן bîṯˌan בִּיתָן palace
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּֽלֶךְ׃ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
1:5. cumque implerentur dies convivii invitavit omnem populum qui inventus est Susis a maximo usque ad minimum et septem diebus iussit convivium praeparari in vestibulo horti et nemoris quod regio cultu et manu consitum erat
And when the days of the feast were expired, he invited all the people that were found in Susan, from the greatest to the least: and commanded a feast to be made seven days in the court of the garden, and of the wood, which was planted by the care and the hand of the king.
1:5. And when the days of the feast were nearly completed, he invited all the people, who had been found in Susa, from the greatest even to the least, and he commanded a feast to be prepared, for seven days, in the court of the garden and the arboretum, which had been planted by the care and by the hand of the king.
1:5. And when these days were expired, the king made a feast unto all the people that were present in Shushan the palace, both unto great and small, seven days, in the court of the garden of the king’s palace;
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾ catholic_pdv▾ kjv_1900▾
jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
5-8. Все рассказываемое о величии царей персидских, о великом богатстве царства их и красоте дворцовых украшений - достаточно подтверждается результатом раскопок, произведенных на месте Суз, в 1884-1886: годах.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:5: A feast unto all the people - The first was a feast for the nobles in general; this, for the people of the city at large.
In the court of the garden - As the company was very numerous that was to be received, no apartments in the palace could be capable of containing them; therefore the court of the garden was chosen.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:5: Feasts on this extensive scale were not unusual in the East. Cyrus is said on one occasion to have feasted "all the Persians." Even ordinarily, the later Persian monarchs entertained 15, 000 persons at their table.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:5: present: Heb. found
seven days: Ch2 7:8, Ch2 7:9, Ch2 30:21-25
John Gill
1:5 And when these days were ended,.... The one hundred and eighty, in which the nobles, princes, and great men of the kingdom were feasted:
the king made a feast unto all the people that were present in Shushan the palace, both unto great and small; of every age, rank, state and condition of life; these were the common people, whether inhabitants of the city or country people there on business, whether natives or foreigners; according to the Targum, there were Israelites there, but not Mordecai and his family; yea, it is said in the Midrash (n), that they were all Jews, and that their number was 18,500; but this is not probable; it is very likely there were some Jews among them, as there were many in the army of Xerxes, when he made his expedition into Greece, according to the poet Choerilus (o); which is not to be wondered at, since there were so many of them in his dominions, and they men of valour and fidelity, and to whose nation he was so kind and favourable: and this feast was kept
seven days in the court of the garden of the king's palace; which no doubt was very large, and sufficient to hold such a number as was assembled together on this occasion, when there was not room enough for them in the palace. There is in history an account of a Persian king that supped with 15,000 men, and in the supper spent forty talents (p).
(n) Midrash Esther, fol. 94. 1. (o) Apud Joseph. contr. Apion. l. 1. c. 22. (p) Ctesias & Dinon in Athenaei Deipnosoph. l. 4.
1:61:6: Եւ էր զարդարեալ բեհեզովք եւ կերպասովք՝ զորս էր կարգեալ եւ կազմեալս զլարեօ՛քն ծիրանեօք եւ բեհեզովք. եւ զորս էր կարգեալ ՚ի խոյակսն ոսկիս, եւ ՚ի ծիրանիս ուր կային ՚ի վերայ սեանցն պատուականաց. եւ ՚ի խարսխացն ոսկեղինաց որ կային գահոյք բազումք ոսկեղէնք եւ արծաթեղէնք ընդելուզեալք մարգարտովք եւ ակամբք պատուականօք՝ լցեալս պաստառւօք. եւ գոյնագոյն նկարօք, եւ պատուական հանդերձիւք ՚ի վերայ վարդայատակ գաւթին[5204]. [5204] Ոմանք. Որ էր զարդա՛՛. եւ ոմանք. Եւ յոր էր զար՛՛... եւ կերպասեօք... եւ զորս էր կապեալ ՚ի խոյա՛՛... լցեալս պաստառուք. կամ՝ պաստառօք։ Ոսկան. Ոյք կային ՚ի վերայ սեան՛՛։ Այլք. Ուր կային գահոյք։
6 Գաւիթը զարդարուած էր բեհեզներով ու կերպասներով, որոնք շարուած ու կապուած էին ծիրանի ու բեհեզի հիւսածոյ թելերով՝ ամրացուած ոսկէ խոյակներին: Կային նաեւ ծիրանագոյն պաստառներ գեղեցիկ սիւների ու ոսկեղէն խարիսխների վրայ: Գաւթի վարդագոյն յատակի վրայ կային մարգարիտներով ու թանկարժէք քարերով ընդելուզուած բազում ոսկէ եւ արծաթէ գահաւորակներ՝ ծածկուած նկարազարդ երփներանգ պաստառներով եւ պատուական զարդանախշերով:
6 Ճերմակ բեհեզէ, կերպասէ ու կապուտակէ վարագոյրներ՝ բարակ քթանէ եւ ծիրանեգոյն չուաններով ու արծաթէ օղակներով՝ մարմարիոն սիւներէ կախուած էին եւ պորփիւրէ, ճերմակ մարմարիոնէ, ալապաստրէ ու սեւ մարմարիոնէ յատակի վրայ ոսկիէ ու արծաթէ նստարաններ շարուած էին։
Եւ էր զարդարեալ բեհեզովք եւ կերպասովք` զորս էր կարգեալ եւ կազմեալ զլարովքն ծիրանեօք եւ բեհեզովք, եւ զորս էր կապեալ ի խոյակսն ոսկիս, եւ ի ծիրանիս` որ կային ի վերայ սեանցն պատուականաց եւ ի խարսխացն ոսկեղինաց. ուր կային գահոյք բազումք ոսկեղէնք եւ արծաթեղէնք ընդելուզեալք մարգարտօք եւ ակամբք պատուականօք` լցեալս պաստառօք եւ գոյնագոյն նկարուք եւ պատուական հանդերձիւք ի վերայ վարդայատակ գաւթին:

1:6: Եւ էր զարդարեալ բեհեզովք եւ կերպասովք՝ զորս էր կարգեալ եւ կազմեալս զլարեօ՛քն ծիրանեօք եւ բեհեզովք. եւ զորս էր կարգեալ ՚ի խոյակսն ոսկիս, եւ ՚ի ծիրանիս ուր կային ՚ի վերայ սեանցն պատուականաց. եւ ՚ի խարսխացն ոսկեղինաց որ կային գահոյք բազումք ոսկեղէնք եւ արծաթեղէնք ընդելուզեալք մարգարտովք եւ ակամբք պատուականօք՝ լցեալս պաստառւօք. եւ գոյնագոյն նկարօք, եւ պատուական հանդերձիւք ՚ի վերայ վարդայատակ գաւթին[5204].
[5204] Ոմանք. Որ էր զարդա՛՛. եւ ոմանք. Եւ յոր էր զար՛՛... եւ կերպասեօք... եւ զորս էր կապեալ ՚ի խոյա՛՛... լցեալս պաստառուք. կամ՝ պաստառօք։ Ոսկան. Ոյք կային ՚ի վերայ սեան՛՛։ Այլք. Ուր կային գահոյք։
6 Գաւիթը զարդարուած էր բեհեզներով ու կերպասներով, որոնք շարուած ու կապուած էին ծիրանի ու բեհեզի հիւսածոյ թելերով՝ ամրացուած ոսկէ խոյակներին: Կային նաեւ ծիրանագոյն պաստառներ գեղեցիկ սիւների ու ոսկեղէն խարիսխների վրայ: Գաւթի վարդագոյն յատակի վրայ կային մարգարիտներով ու թանկարժէք քարերով ընդելուզուած բազում ոսկէ եւ արծաթէ գահաւորակներ՝ ծածկուած նկարազարդ երփներանգ պաստառներով եւ պատուական զարդանախշերով:
6 Ճերմակ բեհեզէ, կերպասէ ու կապուտակէ վարագոյրներ՝ բարակ քթանէ եւ ծիրանեգոյն չուաններով ու արծաթէ օղակներով՝ մարմարիոն սիւներէ կախուած էին եւ պորփիւրէ, ճերմակ մարմարիոնէ, ալապաստրէ ու սեւ մարմարիոնէ յատակի վրայ ոսկիէ ու արծաթէ նստարաններ շարուած էին։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:61:6: Белые, бумажные и яхонтового цвета шерстяные ткани, прикрепленные виссонными и пурпуровыми шнурами, {висели} на серебряных кольцах и мраморных столбах.
1:6 κεκοσμημένῃ κοσμεω adorn; trim βυσσίνοις βυσσινος fine linen καὶ και and; even καρπασίνοις καρπασινος in; on σχοινίοις σχοινιον cord βυσσίνοις βυσσινος fine linen καὶ και and; even πορφυροῖς πορφυρεος in; on κύβοις κυβος of gold; golden καὶ και and; even ἀργυροῖς αργυρεος of silver ἐπὶ επι in; on στύλοις στυλος pillar παρίνοις παρινος and; even λιθίνοις λιθινος stone κλῖναι κλινη bed χρυσαῖ χρυσεος of gold; golden καὶ και and; even ἀργυραῖ αργυρεος of silver ἐπὶ επι in; on λιθοστρώτου λιθοστρωτος flagstone σμαραγδίτου σμαραγδιτης stone καὶ και and; even πιννίνου πιννινος and; even παρίνου παρινος stone καὶ και and; even στρωμναὶ στρωμνη diaphanous ποικίλως ποικιλως circling; in a circle ῥόδα ροδον sprinkle
1:6 ח֣וּר׀ ḥˈûr חוּר linen כַּרְפַּ֣ס karpˈas כַּרְפַּס linen וּ û וְ and תְכֵ֗לֶת ṯᵊḵˈēleṯ תְּכֵלֶת purple wool אָחוּז֙ ʔāḥûz אחז seize בְּ bᵊ בְּ in חַבְלֵי־ ḥavlê- חֶבֶל cord ב֣וּץ vˈûṣ בּוּץ byssus וְ wᵊ וְ and אַרְגָּמָ֔ן ʔargāmˈān אַרְגָּמָן purple-wool עַל־ ʕal- עַל upon גְּלִ֥ילֵי gᵊlˌîlê גָּלִיל pivot כֶ֖סֶף ḵˌesef כֶּסֶף silver וְ wᵊ וְ and עַמּ֣וּדֵי ʕammˈûḏê עַמּוּד pillar שֵׁ֑שׁ šˈēš שֵׁשׁ alabaster מִטֹּ֣ות׀ miṭṭˈôṯ מִטָּה couch זָהָ֣ב zāhˈāv זָהָב gold וָ wā וְ and כֶ֗סֶף ḵˈesef כֶּסֶף silver עַ֛ל ʕˈal עַל upon רִֽצְפַ֥ת rˈiṣᵊfˌaṯ רִצְפָה pavement בַּהַט־ bahaṭ- בַּהַט [uncertain] וָ wā וְ and שֵׁ֖שׁ šˌēš שֵׁשׁ alabaster וְ wᵊ וְ and דַ֥ר ḏˌar דַּר pavement וְ wᵊ וְ and סֹחָֽרֶת׃ sōḥˈāreṯ סֹחֶרֶת pavement
1:6. et pendebant ex omni parte tentoria aerii coloris et carpasini et hyacinthini sustentata funibus byssinis atque purpureis qui eburneis circulis inserti erant et columnis marmoreis fulciebantur lectuli quoque aurei et argentei super pavimentum zmaragdino et pario stratum lapide dispositi erant quod mira varietate pictura decorabatAnd there were hung up on every side sky coloured, and green, and violet hangings, fastened with cords of silk, and of purple, which were put into rings of ivory, and were held up with marble pillars. The beds also were of gold and silver, placed in order upon a floor paved with porphyry and white marble: which was embellished with painting of wonderful variety.
6. white , green, and blue, fastened with cords of fine linen and purple to silver rings and pillars of marble: the couches were of gold and silver, upon a pavement of red, and white, and yellow, and black marble.
1:6. And, in every direction, tents the color of the sky and of flax as well as hyacinth were hung up, suspended by cords of linen and even purple, which had been placed through rings of ivory and were held up with marble columns. The couches also, of gold and silver, had been arranged over a pavement of emerald-green, bearing scattered jewels, which was decorated with a wonderful variety of images.
1:6. [Where were] white, green, and blue, [hangings], fastened with cords of fine linen and purple to silver rings and pillars of marble: the beds [were of] gold and silver, upon a pavement of red, and blue, and white, and black, marble.
Where were white, green, and blue, [hangings], fastened with cords of fine linen and purple to silver rings and pillars of marble: the beds [were of] gold and silver, upon a pavement of red, and blue, and white, and black, marble:

1:6: Белые, бумажные и яхонтового цвета шерстяные ткани, прикрепленные виссонными и пурпуровыми шнурами, {висели} на серебряных кольцах и мраморных столбах.
1:6
κεκοσμημένῃ κοσμεω adorn; trim
βυσσίνοις βυσσινος fine linen
καὶ και and; even
καρπασίνοις καρπασινος in; on
σχοινίοις σχοινιον cord
βυσσίνοις βυσσινος fine linen
καὶ και and; even
πορφυροῖς πορφυρεος in; on
κύβοις κυβος of gold; golden
καὶ και and; even
ἀργυροῖς αργυρεος of silver
ἐπὶ επι in; on
στύλοις στυλος pillar
παρίνοις παρινος and; even
λιθίνοις λιθινος stone
κλῖναι κλινη bed
χρυσαῖ χρυσεος of gold; golden
καὶ και and; even
ἀργυραῖ αργυρεος of silver
ἐπὶ επι in; on
λιθοστρώτου λιθοστρωτος flagstone
σμαραγδίτου σμαραγδιτης stone
καὶ και and; even
πιννίνου πιννινος and; even
παρίνου παρινος stone
καὶ και and; even
στρωμναὶ στρωμνη diaphanous
ποικίλως ποικιλως circling; in a circle
ῥόδα ροδον sprinkle
1:6
ח֣וּר׀ ḥˈûr חוּר linen
כַּרְפַּ֣ס karpˈas כַּרְפַּס linen
וּ û וְ and
תְכֵ֗לֶת ṯᵊḵˈēleṯ תְּכֵלֶת purple wool
אָחוּז֙ ʔāḥûz אחז seize
בְּ bᵊ בְּ in
חַבְלֵי־ ḥavlê- חֶבֶל cord
ב֣וּץ vˈûṣ בּוּץ byssus
וְ wᵊ וְ and
אַרְגָּמָ֔ן ʔargāmˈān אַרְגָּמָן purple-wool
עַל־ ʕal- עַל upon
גְּלִ֥ילֵי gᵊlˌîlê גָּלִיל pivot
כֶ֖סֶף ḵˌesef כֶּסֶף silver
וְ wᵊ וְ and
עַמּ֣וּדֵי ʕammˈûḏê עַמּוּד pillar
שֵׁ֑שׁ šˈēš שֵׁשׁ alabaster
מִטֹּ֣ות׀ miṭṭˈôṯ מִטָּה couch
זָהָ֣ב zāhˈāv זָהָב gold
וָ וְ and
כֶ֗סֶף ḵˈesef כֶּסֶף silver
עַ֛ל ʕˈal עַל upon
רִֽצְפַ֥ת rˈiṣᵊfˌaṯ רִצְפָה pavement
בַּהַט־ bahaṭ- בַּהַט [uncertain]
וָ וְ and
שֵׁ֖שׁ šˌēš שֵׁשׁ alabaster
וְ wᵊ וְ and
דַ֥ר ḏˌar דַּר pavement
וְ wᵊ וְ and
סֹחָֽרֶת׃ sōḥˈāreṯ סֹחֶרֶת pavement
1:6. et pendebant ex omni parte tentoria aerii coloris et carpasini et hyacinthini sustentata funibus byssinis atque purpureis qui eburneis circulis inserti erant et columnis marmoreis fulciebantur lectuli quoque aurei et argentei super pavimentum zmaragdino et pario stratum lapide dispositi erant quod mira varietate pictura decorabat
And there were hung up on every side sky coloured, and green, and violet hangings, fastened with cords of silk, and of purple, which were put into rings of ivory, and were held up with marble pillars. The beds also were of gold and silver, placed in order upon a floor paved with porphyry and white marble: which was embellished with painting of wonderful variety.
1:6. And, in every direction, tents the color of the sky and of flax as well as hyacinth were hung up, suspended by cords of linen and even purple, which had been placed through rings of ivory and were held up with marble columns. The couches also, of gold and silver, had been arranged over a pavement of emerald-green, bearing scattered jewels, which was decorated with a wonderful variety of images.
1:6. [Where were] white, green, and blue, [hangings], fastened with cords of fine linen and purple to silver rings and pillars of marble: the beds [were of] gold and silver, upon a pavement of red, and blue, and white, and black, marble.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾ catholic_pdv▾ kjv_1900▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ all ▾
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:6: White, green, and blue hangings - It was customary, on such occasions, not only to hang the place about with elegant curtains of the above colors, as Dr. Shaw and others have remarked, but also to have a canopy of rich stuffs suspended on cords from side to side of the place in which they feasted. And such courts were ordinarily paved with different coloured marbles, or with tiles painted, as above specified. And this was the origin of the Musive or Mosaic work, well known among the Asiatics, and borrowed from them by the Greeks and the Romans.
The beds of gold and silver mentioned here were the couches covered with gold and silver cloth, on which the guests reclined.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:6: Rather, "where was an awning of fine white cotton and violet." White and blue (or violet) were the royal colors in Persia. Such awnings as are here described were very suitable to the pillared halls and porches of a Persian summer-palace, and especially to the situation of that of Susa.
The beds - Rather, "couches" or "sofas," on which the guests reclined at meals.
A pavement ... - See the margin. It is generally agreed that the four substances named are stones; but to identify the stones, or even their colors, is difficult.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:6: white: Exo 26:1, Exo 26:31, Exo 26:32, Exo 26:36, Exo 26:37
blue: or, violet, Est 8:15
the beds: These were couches, covered with gold and silver cloth, on which the guests reclined; for the Orientals do not sit, but recline at their meals. Est 7:8; Eze 23:41; Amo 2:8, Amo 6:4
red: etc. or, of porphyre, and marble, and alabaster, and stone of blue colour
Geneva 1599
1:6 [Where were] white, green, and blue, [hangings], fastened with cords of fine linen and purple to silver rings and pillars of marble: the (d) beds [were of] gold and silver, upon a pavement of red, and blue, and white, and black, marble.
(d) Which they used in those countries instead of tables.
John Gill
1:6 Where were white, green, and blue hangings,.... Or curtains of fine linen, as the Targum, which were of these several colours; the first letter of the word for "white" is larger than usual, to denote the exceeding whiteness of them. The next word is "carpas", which Ben Melech observes is a dyed colour, said to be green. Pausanias (q) makes mention of Carpasian linen, and which may be here meant; the last word used signifies blue, sky coloured, or hyacinth:
fastened with cords of fine linen and purple to silver rings, and pillars of marble; these pillars are said, in the Targum, to be of divers colours, red, green, and shining yellow and white, on which the silver rings were fixed, and into them were put linen strings of purple colour, which fastened the hangings to them, and so made an enclosure, within which the guests sat at the feast:
the beds were of gold and silver; the couches on which they sat, or rather reclined at eating, as was the manner of the eastern nations; these, according to the Targum, were of lambs' wool, the finest, and the softest, and the posts of them were of gold, and their feet of silver. Such luxury obtained among the Romans in later times (r):
these were placed in a pavement of red, and blue, and white, and black, marble; which, according to some, are the porphyrite, Parian, alabaster, and marble of various colours; the marble of the Persians is of four colours, white, black, red and black, and white and black (s); but others take them to be precious stones, as Jarchi and Aben Ezra; the first is by the Targum interpreted crystal, by others the emerald, one of which Theophrastus (t) speaks of as four cubits long, and three broad, which might be laid in a pavement; the third is, by Bochart (u), supposed to be the pearl; and in the Talmud (w) it is said to be of such a nature, that if placed in the middle of a dining room, will give light in it as at noonday, which seems to be what is called lychnites; to which Lucian (x) ascribes a like property: nor need all this seem strange, since great was the luxury of the eastern nations. Philostratus (y) speaks of a temple in India paved with pearls, and which he says all the Barbarians use in their temples; particularly it is said (z), that the roofs of the palaces of Shushan and Ecbatana, the palaces of the kings of Persia, shone with gold and silver, ivory, and amber; no wonder then that their pavements were of very valuable and precious stones: and from hence it appears, that the "lithostrata", the word here used by the Septuagint, or tesserated pavements, were in use four hundred years before the times of Sylla, where the beginning of them is placed by Pliny (a); there was a "lithostraton" in the second temple at Jerusalem, by us rendered the pavement, Jn 19:13, perhaps the same with the room Gazith, so called from its being laid with hewn stone. Aristeas (b), who lived in the times of Ptolemy Philadelphus, testifies that the whole floor of the temple was a "lithostraton", or was paved with stone: it is most likely therefore that these had their original in the eastern country, and not in Greece, as Pliny (c) supposed.
(q) Attica, sive, l. 1. p. 48. (r) Plin. Nat. Hist. l. 33. c. 11. Sueton. Vit. Caesar. c. 49. (s) Universal History, vol. 5. p. 87. (t) Apud Plin. l. 37. c. 5. (u) Hierozoic. par. 2. l. 5. c. 8. (w) T. Bab. Megillah, fol. 12. 1. (x) De Dea Syria. (y) Vit. Apollon. l. 2. c. 11. (z) Aristot. de Mundo, c. 6. Apuleius de Mundo. (a) Nat. Hist. l. 36. c. 25. (b) De 70 Interpret. p. 32. (c) Ut supra. (Nat. Hist. l. 36. c. 25.)
John Wesley
1:6 Beds - For in those eastern countries, they did not then sit at tables as we do, but rested or leaned upon beds or couches.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:6 Where were white, green, and blue hangings, &c.--The fashion, in the houses of the great, on festive occasions, was to decorate the chambers from the middle of the wall downward with damask or velvet hangings of variegated colors suspended on hooks, or taken down at pleasure.
the beds were of gold and silver--that is, the couches on which, according to Oriental fashion, the guests reclined, and which were either formed entirely of gold and silver or inlaid with ornaments of those costly metals, stood on an elevated floor of parti-colored marble.
1:71:7: ուր կային թակոյկք եւ ըմպելիք թագաւորին ոսկեղէնք եւ արծաթեղէնք, որք էին յերից բիւրուց քանքարաց[5205]. [5205] Այլք. Թակոյք եւ ըմ՛՛։
7 Այնտեղ կային թագաւորի ոսկէ ու արծաթէ սափորներ եւ գաւաթներ, որոնք ունէին երեսուն հազար քանքարի գին:
7 Խմելիքները ոսկիէ ամաններով ու տեսակ տեսակ ամաններով կու տային։ Թագաւորական գինին առատ էր, ինչպէս թագաւորին կը վայլէր*։
ուր կային թակոյկք եւ ըմպելիք թագաւորին ոսկեղէնք եւ արծաթեղէնք, որք էին յերից բիւրուց քանքարաց, եւ գինի յոյժ` արքայի ըմպելի:

1:7: ուր կային թակոյկք եւ ըմպելիք թագաւորին ոսկեղէնք եւ արծաթեղէնք, որք էին յերից բիւրուց քանքարաց[5205].
[5205] Այլք. Թակոյք եւ ըմ՛՛։
7 Այնտեղ կային թագաւորի ոսկէ ու արծաթէ սափորներ եւ գաւաթներ, որոնք ունէին երեսուն հազար քանքարի գին:
7 Խմելիքները ոսկիէ ամաններով ու տեսակ տեսակ ամաններով կու տային։ Թագաւորական գինին առատ էր, ինչպէս թագաւորին կը վայլէր*։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:71:7: Золотые и серебряные ложа {были} на помосте, устланном камнями зеленого цвета и мрамором, и перламутром, и камнями черного цвета.
1:7 ποτήρια ποτηριον cup χρυσᾶ χρυσεος of gold; golden καὶ και and; even ἀργυρᾶ αργυρεος of silver καὶ και and; even ἀνθράκινον ανθρακινος lie forth; lie before ἀπὸ απο from; away ταλάντων ταλαντον 10,000 dollars; talent τρισμυρίων τρισμυριοι wine πολὺς πολυς much; many καὶ και and; even ἡδύς ηδυς who; what αὐτὸς αυτος he; him ὁ ο the βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king ἔπινεν πινω drink
1:7 וְ wᵊ וְ and הַשְׁקֹות֙ hašqôṯ שׁקה give drink בִּ bi בְּ in כְלֵ֣י ḵᵊlˈê כְּלִי tool זָהָ֔ב zāhˈāv זָהָב gold וְ wᵊ וְ and כֵלִ֖ים ḵēlˌîm כְּלִי tool מִ mi מִן from כֵּלִ֣ים kkēlˈîm כְּלִי tool שֹׁונִ֑ים šônˈîm שׁנה change וְ wᵊ וְ and יֵ֥ין yˌên יַיִן wine מַלְכ֛וּת malᵊḵˈûṯ מַלְכוּת kingship רָ֖ב rˌāv רַב much כְּ kᵊ כְּ as יַ֥ד yˌaḏ יָד hand הַ ha הַ the מֶּֽלֶךְ׃ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
1:7. bibebant autem qui invitati erant aureis poculis et aliis atque aliis vasis cibi inferebantur vinum quoque ut magnificentia regia dignum erat abundans et praecipuum ponebaturAnd they that were invited, drank in golden cups, and the meats were brought in divers vessels one after another. Wine also in abundance and of the best was presented, as was worthy of a king's magnificence.
7. And they gave them drink in vessels of gold, ( the vessels being diverse one from another,) and royal wine in abundance, according to the bounty of the king.
1:7. Moreover, those who had been invited drank from golden cups, and dishes of foods were brought in one after another. Likewise, choice wine was presented in abundance, as was worthy of royal magnificence.
1:7. And they gave [them] drink in vessels of gold, (the vessels being diverse one from another,) and royal wine in abundance, according to the state of the king.
And they gave [them] drink in vessels of gold, ( the vessels being diverse one from another,) and royal wine in abundance, according to the state of the king:

1:7: Золотые и серебряные ложа {были} на помосте, устланном камнями зеленого цвета и мрамором, и перламутром, и камнями черного цвета.
1:7
ποτήρια ποτηριον cup
χρυσᾶ χρυσεος of gold; golden
καὶ και and; even
ἀργυρᾶ αργυρεος of silver
καὶ και and; even
ἀνθράκινον ανθρακινος lie forth; lie before
ἀπὸ απο from; away
ταλάντων ταλαντον 10,000 dollars; talent
τρισμυρίων τρισμυριοι wine
πολὺς πολυς much; many
καὶ και and; even
ἡδύς ηδυς who; what
αὐτὸς αυτος he; him
ο the
βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king
ἔπινεν πινω drink
1:7
וְ wᵊ וְ and
הַשְׁקֹות֙ hašqôṯ שׁקה give drink
בִּ bi בְּ in
כְלֵ֣י ḵᵊlˈê כְּלִי tool
זָהָ֔ב zāhˈāv זָהָב gold
וְ wᵊ וְ and
כֵלִ֖ים ḵēlˌîm כְּלִי tool
מִ mi מִן from
כֵּלִ֣ים kkēlˈîm כְּלִי tool
שֹׁונִ֑ים šônˈîm שׁנה change
וְ wᵊ וְ and
יֵ֥ין yˌên יַיִן wine
מַלְכ֛וּת malᵊḵˈûṯ מַלְכוּת kingship
רָ֖ב rˌāv רַב much
כְּ kᵊ כְּ as
יַ֥ד yˌaḏ יָד hand
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּֽלֶךְ׃ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
1:7. bibebant autem qui invitati erant aureis poculis et aliis atque aliis vasis cibi inferebantur vinum quoque ut magnificentia regia dignum erat abundans et praecipuum ponebatur
And they that were invited, drank in golden cups, and the meats were brought in divers vessels one after another. Wine also in abundance and of the best was presented, as was worthy of a king's magnificence.
1:7. Moreover, those who had been invited drank from golden cups, and dishes of foods were brought in one after another. Likewise, choice wine was presented in abundance, as was worthy of royal magnificence.
1:7. And they gave [them] drink in vessels of gold, (the vessels being diverse one from another,) and royal wine in abundance, according to the state of the king.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾ catholic_pdv▾ kjv_1900▾
jfb▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ac▾ all ▾
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:7: Vessels being diverse - They had different services of plate.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:7: vessels of gold: Kg1 10:21; Ch2 9:20; Dan 5:2-4
royal wine: Heb. wine of the kingdom
state of the king: Heb. hand of the king.
Geneva 1599
1:7 And they gave [them] drink in vessels of gold, (the vessels being diverse one from another,) and royal wine in abundance, according to the (e) state of the king.
(e) As was befitting for so magnificent a king.
John Gill
1:7 They gave them drink in vessels of gold, the vessels being divers one from another,.... In the pattern and workmanship of them, though of the same metal, which diversity made the festival the more grand; earthen cups, with the Persians, were reckoned very mean; when a king would disgrace a man, he obliged him to use earthen cups (d). The Targum represents these vessels to be the golden vessels of the temple at Jerusalem Nebuchadnezzar carried away; which could not be, since they had been delivered by Cyrus to Zerubbabel, Ezra 1:7,
and royal wine in abundance, according to the state of the king; such as the king was able to give, the best he had, and that in great plenty; the wine the kings of Persia used to drink, as Strabo (e) relates, was Chalybonian wine, or wine of Helbon, as it is called, Ezek 27:18; see Gill on Ezek 27:18, but by the wine of the kingdom, as it may be rendered, is meant wine of the country; the wine of Schiras is reckoned the best in Persia (f).
(d) Ctesias in Athenaei Deipnosoph. l. 11. (e) Geograph. l. 15. p. 505. (f) Universal History, vol. 5. p. 85.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:7 they gave them drink in vessels of gold--There is reason to believe from this account, as well as from Esther 5:6; Esther 7:2, Esther 7:7-8, where the drinking of wine occupies by far the most prominent place in the description, that this was a banquet rather than a feast.
1:81:8: եւ գինի յո՛յժ արքայի ըմպելի։ Այլ կոչունքս՝ ո՛չ որպէս օրէն էր եղեւ. վասն զի ա՛յսպէս կամեցաւ թագաւորն առնել պաշտօնեայ ծառայիցն[5206]։ [5206] Ոմանք. Այլ կոչունքս որպէս օրէն էր։
8 Գինին առատ էր եւ արքայավայել: Բայց այս խնջոյքը չեղաւ այնպէս, ինչպէս կարգն էր, որովհետեւ թագաւորը ցանկացել էր, որ իր սպասաւորները կատարեն հիւրերի կամքը:
8 Խմելիքը կանոնաւոր էր, բռնադատող չկար. վասն զի թագաւորը այսպէս հրամայեր էր իր տանը բոլոր վերակացուներուն, որ ամէն մէկուն ուզածին պէս ընեն։
Այլ կոչունքս որպէս օրէն էր եղեւ. վասն զի այսպէս կամեցաւ թագաւորն առնել պաշտօնեայ ծառայիցն:

1:8: եւ գինի յո՛յժ արքայի ըմպելի։ Այլ կոչունքս՝ ո՛չ որպէս օրէն էր եղեւ. վասն զի ա՛յսպէս կամեցաւ թագաւորն առնել պաշտօնեայ ծառայիցն[5206]։
[5206] Ոմանք. Այլ կոչունքս որպէս օրէն էր։
8 Գինին առատ էր եւ արքայավայել: Բայց այս խնջոյքը չեղաւ այնպէս, ինչպէս կարգն էր, որովհետեւ թագաւորը ցանկացել էր, որ իր սպասաւորները կատարեն հիւրերի կամքը:
8 Խմելիքը կանոնաւոր էր, բռնադատող չկար. վասն զի թագաւորը այսպէս հրամայեր էր իր տանը բոլոր վերակացուներուն, որ ամէն մէկուն ուզածին պէս ընեն։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:81:8: Напитки подаваемы {были} в золотых сосудах и сосудах разнообразных, ценою в тридцать тысяч талантов; и вина царского было множество, по богатству царя. Питье {шло} чинно, никто не принуждал, потому что царь дал такое приказание всем управляющим в доме его, чтобы делали по воле каждого.
1:8 ὁ ο the δὲ δε though; while πότος ποτος.1 drinking bout; drink οὗτος ουτος this; he οὐ ου not κατὰ κατα down; by προκείμενον προκειμαι lie forth; lie before νόμον νομος.1 law ἐγένετο γινομαι happen; become οὕτως ουτως so; this way δὲ δε though; while ἠθέλησεν θελω determine; will ὁ ο the βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king καὶ και and; even ἐπέταξεν επιτασσω order τοῖς ο the οἰκονόμοις οικονομος administrator ποιῆσαι ποιεω do; make τὸ ο the θέλημα θελημα determination; will αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him καὶ και and; even τῶν ο the ἀνθρώπων ανθρωπος person; human
1:8 וְ wᵊ וְ and הַ ha הַ the שְּׁתִיָּ֥ה ššᵊṯiyyˌā שְׁתִיָּה drinking כַ ḵa כְּ as † הַ the דָּ֖ת ddˌāṯ דָּת orders אֵ֣ין ʔˈên אַיִן [NEG] אֹנֵ֑ס ʔōnˈēs אנס compel כִּי־ kî- כִּי that כֵ֣ן׀ ḵˈēn כֵּן thus יִסַּ֣ד yissˈaḏ יסד found הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֗לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king עַ֚ל ˈʕal עַל upon כָּל־ kol- כֹּל whole רַ֣ב rˈav רַב chief בֵּיתֹ֔ו bêṯˈô בַּיִת house לַ la לְ to עֲשֹׂ֖ות ʕᵃśˌôṯ עשׂה make כִּ ki כְּ as רְצֹ֥ון rᵊṣˌôn רָצֹון pleasure אִישׁ־ ʔîš- אִישׁ man וָ wā וְ and אִֽישׁ׃ ʔˈîš אִישׁ man
1:8. nec erat qui nolentes cogeret ad bibendum sed sic rex statuerat praeponens mensis singulos de principibus suis ut sumeret unusquisque quod velletNeither was there any one to compel them to drink that were not willing, but as the king had appointed, who set over every table one of his nobles, that every man might take what he would.
8. And the drinking was according to the law; none could compel: for so the king had appointed to all the officers of his house, that they should do according to every man’s pleasure.
1:8. Nor was anyone compelled to drink who was unwilling, but, just as the king had appointed, one of his nobles was set over each table, so that each one might select what he wanted.
1:8. And the drinking [was] according to the law; none did compel: for so the king had appointed to all the officers of his house, that they should do according to every man’s pleasure.
And the drinking [was] according to the law; none did compel: for so the king had appointed to all the officers of his house, that they should do according to every man' s pleasure:

1:8: Напитки подаваемы {были} в золотых сосудах и сосудах разнообразных, ценою в тридцать тысяч талантов; и вина царского было множество, по богатству царя. Питье {шло} чинно, никто не принуждал, потому что царь дал такое приказание всем управляющим в доме его, чтобы делали по воле каждого.
1:8
ο the
δὲ δε though; while
πότος ποτος.1 drinking bout; drink
οὗτος ουτος this; he
οὐ ου not
κατὰ κατα down; by
προκείμενον προκειμαι lie forth; lie before
νόμον νομος.1 law
ἐγένετο γινομαι happen; become
οὕτως ουτως so; this way
δὲ δε though; while
ἠθέλησεν θελω determine; will
ο the
βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king
καὶ και and; even
ἐπέταξεν επιτασσω order
τοῖς ο the
οἰκονόμοις οικονομος administrator
ποιῆσαι ποιεω do; make
τὸ ο the
θέλημα θελημα determination; will
αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him
καὶ και and; even
τῶν ο the
ἀνθρώπων ανθρωπος person; human
1:8
וְ wᵊ וְ and
הַ ha הַ the
שְּׁתִיָּ֥ה ššᵊṯiyyˌā שְׁתִיָּה drinking
כַ ḵa כְּ as
הַ the
דָּ֖ת ddˌāṯ דָּת orders
אֵ֣ין ʔˈên אַיִן [NEG]
אֹנֵ֑ס ʔōnˈēs אנס compel
כִּי־ kî- כִּי that
כֵ֣ן׀ ḵˈēn כֵּן thus
יִסַּ֣ד yissˈaḏ יסד found
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֗לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
עַ֚ל ˈʕal עַל upon
כָּל־ kol- כֹּל whole
רַ֣ב rˈav רַב chief
בֵּיתֹ֔ו bêṯˈô בַּיִת house
לַ la לְ to
עֲשֹׂ֖ות ʕᵃśˌôṯ עשׂה make
כִּ ki כְּ as
רְצֹ֥ון rᵊṣˌôn רָצֹון pleasure
אִישׁ־ ʔîš- אִישׁ man
וָ וְ and
אִֽישׁ׃ ʔˈîš אִישׁ man
1:8. nec erat qui nolentes cogeret ad bibendum sed sic rex statuerat praeponens mensis singulos de principibus suis ut sumeret unusquisque quod vellet
Neither was there any one to compel them to drink that were not willing, but as the king had appointed, who set over every table one of his nobles, that every man might take what he would.
1:8. Nor was anyone compelled to drink who was unwilling, but, just as the king had appointed, one of his nobles was set over each table, so that each one might select what he wanted.
1:8. And the drinking [was] according to the law; none did compel: for so the king had appointed to all the officers of his house, that they should do according to every man’s pleasure.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾ catholic_pdv▾ kjv_1900▾
jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ all ▾
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:8: None did compel: for so the king had appointed - Every person drank what he pleased; he was not obliged to take more than he had reason to think would do him good.
Among the Greeks, each guest was obliged to keep the round, or leave the company: hence the proverb Η πιθι, η απιθι; Drink or begone. To this Horace refers, but gives more license: -
Pasco libatis dapibus; prout cuique libido est.
Siccat inaequales calices conviva, solutus
Legibus insanis: seu quis capit acria fortis
Pocula; seu modicis humescit aetius.
Horat. Sat. lib. ii., s. vi., ver. 67.
There, every guest may drink and fill
As much or little as he will;
Exempted from the Bedlam rules
Of roaring prodigals and fools.
Whether, in merry mood or whim,
He fills his goblet to the brim;
Or, better pleased to let it pass,
Is cheerful with a moderate glass.
Francis.
At the Roman feasts there was a person chosen by the cast of dice, who was the Arbiter bibendi, and prescribed rules to the company, which all were obliged to observe. References to this custom may be seen in the same poet. Odar. lib. i., Od. iv., ver. 18: -
Non regna vini sortiere talis.
And in lib. ii., Od. vii., ver. 25: -
- Quem Venus arbitrum Dicet bibendi?
Mr. Herbert, in his excellent poem, The Church Porch, has five verses on this vile custom and its rule: -
Drink not the third glass, which thou canst not tame
When once it is within thee, but before
Mayst rule it as thou list; and pour the shame,
Which it would pour on thee, upon the floor.
It is most just to throw that on the ground,
Which would throw me there if I keep the round.
He that is drunken may his mother kill,
Big with his sister; he hath lost the reins;
Is outlawed by himself. All kinds of ill
Did with his liquor slide into his veins.
The drunkard forfeits man; and doth divest
All worldly right, save what he hath by beast.
Nothing too severe can be said on this destructive practice.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:8: According to the law - An exception to the ordinary practice of compulsory drinking had been made on this occasion by the king's order.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:8: none did compel: Every person drank what he pleased. Among the Greeks, however, each guest was obliged to keep the round, or leave the company. hence the proverb Η πιθι, η απιθι, Drink, or begone. Mr. Herbert, in his poem entitled "The Church Porch," has severely reprobated this vile custom. In Britain, however, this demoralizing custom is now almost destroyed, and a new era of social pleasure is arising, by temperate habits, increased domestic comforts, and the spread of gospel truths. Jer 35:8, Jer 51:7; Hab 2:15, Hab 2:16
the officers: Joh 2:8
Geneva 1599
1:8 And the drinking [was] according to the law; none did (f) compel: for so the king had appointed to all the officers of his house, that they should do according to every man's pleasure.
(f) No one was forced to drink more than it pleased him.
John Gill
1:8 And the drinking was according to the law, none did compel,.... According to the law Ahasuerus gave to his officers next mentioned, which was not to oblige any man to drink more than he chose; the Targum is,`according to the custom of his body;'that is, as a man is able to bear it, so they drank: some (f) read it, "the drinking according to the law, let none exact"; or require it to be, according to the custom then in use in Persia; for they were degenerated from their former manners, and indulged to intemperance, as Xenophon (g) suggests: the law formerly was, not to carry large vessels into feasts; but now, says he, they drink so much, that they themselves must be carried out, because they cannot go upright: and so it became a law with the Greeks, at their festivals, that either a man must drink or go out (h); so the master of a feast, at which Empedocles was, ordered either that he should drink, or the wine be poured on his head (i); but such force or compulsion Ahasuerus forbad: and thus with the Chinese now, they force none to drink, but modestly invite them (k):
for so the king had appointed to all the officers of his house, that they should do according to every man's pleasure; to let them have what wine they would, but not force them to drink more than was agreeable to them.
(f) Vid. Drusium in loc. (g) Cyropaedia, l. 8. c. 51. (h) Cicero. Tusculan. Quaest. l. 5. (i) Laert. in Vit. ejus, l. 8. p. 608. (k) Semedo's History of China, par. 1. c. 13.
John Wesley
1:8 The law - According to this law which the king had now made, that none should compel another to drink more than he pleased. How does this Heathen prince shame many, that are called Christians, who think they do not make their friends welcome, unless they make them drunk, and under pretence of sending the health round, send the sin round, and death with it!
1:91:9: Եւ Ասթինէ կին թագաւորին արա՛ր կոչունս կանանց յապարանս թագաւորին Արտաշէսի։
9 Իսկ թագաւորի կինը՝ Ասթինէն, Արտաշէս թագաւորի ապարանքում խնջոյք արեց կանանց համար:
9 Վաշթի թագուհին ալ Ասուերոս թագաւորին պալատին մէջ կիներուն կոչունք տուաւ։
Եւ Ասթինէ կին թագաւորին արար կոչունս կանանց յապարանս թագաւորին [8]Արտաշիսի:

1:9: Եւ Ասթինէ կին թագաւորին արա՛ր կոչունս կանանց յապարանս թագաւորին Արտաշէսի։
9 Իսկ թագաւորի կինը՝ Ասթինէն, Արտաշէս թագաւորի ապարանքում խնջոյք արեց կանանց համար:
9 Վաշթի թագուհին ալ Ասուերոս թագաւորին պալատին մէջ կիներուն կոչունք տուաւ։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:91:9: И царица Астинь сделала также пир для женщин в царском доме царя Артаксеркса.
1:9 καὶ και and; even Αστιν αστιν the βασίλισσα βασιλισσα queen ἐποίησε ποιεω do; make πότον ποτος.1 drinking bout; drink ταῖς ο the γυναιξὶν γυνη woman; wife ἐν εν in τοῖς ο the βασιλείοις βασιλειον royal ὅπου οπου where ὁ ο the βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king Ἀρταξέρξης αρταξερξης Artaxerxēs; Artakserksis
1:9 גַּ֚ם ˈgam גַּם even וַשְׁתִּ֣י waštˈî וַשְׁתִּי Vashti הַ ha הַ the מַּלְכָּ֔ה mmalkˈā מַלְכָּה queen עָשְׂתָ֖ה ʕāśᵊṯˌā עשׂה make מִשְׁתֵּ֣ה mištˈē מִשְׁתֶּה drinking נָשִׁ֑ים nāšˈîm אִשָּׁה woman בֵּ֚ית ˈbêṯ בַּיִת house הַ ha הַ the מַּלְכ֔וּת mmalᵊḵˈûṯ מַלְכוּת kingship אֲשֶׁ֖ר ʔᵃšˌer אֲשֶׁר [relative] לַ la לְ to † הַ the מֶּ֥לֶךְ mmˌeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹֽושׁ׃ ס ʔᵃḥašwērˈôš . s אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹושׁ Ahasuerus
1:9. Vasthi quoque regina fecit convivium feminarum in palatio ubi rex Asuerus manere consueveratAlso Vasthi the queen made a feast for the women in the palace, where king Assuerus was used to dwell.
9. Also Vashti the queen made a feast for the women in the royal house which belonged to king Ahasuerus.
1:9. Likewise, Vashti the queen made a feast for the women, in the palace where king Artaxerxes was accustomed to stay the night.
1:9. Also Vashti the queen made a feast for the women [in] the royal house which [belonged] to king Ahasuerus.
Also Vashti the queen made a feast for the women [in] the royal house which [belonged] to king Ahasuerus:

1:9: И царица Астинь сделала также пир для женщин в царском доме царя Артаксеркса.
1:9
καὶ και and; even
Αστιν αστιν the
βασίλισσα βασιλισσα queen
ἐποίησε ποιεω do; make
πότον ποτος.1 drinking bout; drink
ταῖς ο the
γυναιξὶν γυνη woman; wife
ἐν εν in
τοῖς ο the
βασιλείοις βασιλειον royal
ὅπου οπου where
ο the
βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king
Ἀρταξέρξης αρταξερξης Artaxerxēs; Artakserksis
1:9
גַּ֚ם ˈgam גַּם even
וַשְׁתִּ֣י waštˈî וַשְׁתִּי Vashti
הַ ha הַ the
מַּלְכָּ֔ה mmalkˈā מַלְכָּה queen
עָשְׂתָ֖ה ʕāśᵊṯˌā עשׂה make
מִשְׁתֵּ֣ה mištˈē מִשְׁתֶּה drinking
נָשִׁ֑ים nāšˈîm אִשָּׁה woman
בֵּ֚ית ˈbêṯ בַּיִת house
הַ ha הַ the
מַּלְכ֔וּת mmalᵊḵˈûṯ מַלְכוּת kingship
אֲשֶׁ֖ר ʔᵃšˌer אֲשֶׁר [relative]
לַ la לְ to
הַ the
מֶּ֥לֶךְ mmˌeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹֽושׁ׃ ס ʔᵃḥašwērˈôš . s אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹושׁ Ahasuerus
1:9. Vasthi quoque regina fecit convivium feminarum in palatio ubi rex Asuerus manere consueverat
Also Vasthi the queen made a feast for the women in the palace, where king Assuerus was used to dwell.
1:9. Likewise, Vashti the queen made a feast for the women, in the palace where king Artaxerxes was accustomed to stay the night.
1:9. Also Vashti the queen made a feast for the women [in] the royal house which [belonged] to king Ahasuerus.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾ catholic_pdv▾ kjv_1900▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ kad▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
9. Имя царицы по евр.: w,_i, по LXX: 'Aoriv, по Вульгате: Vasthi, надревнеперсидском языке: Vahista - превосходная. - Царица обычно могла обедать вместе с царем, но на общественных пиршествах она не могла присутствовать по персидским понятиям о женской чести.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:9: Also Vashti the queen - Vashti is a mere Persian word; and signifies a beautiful or excellent woman.
Made a feast for the women - The king, having subdued all his enemies, left no competitor for the kingdom; and being thus quietly and firmly seated on the throne, made this a time of general festivity. As the women of the East never mingle with the men in public, Vashti made a feast for the Persian ladies by themselves; and while the men were in the court of the garden, the women were in the royal house.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:9: Vashti - If Ahasuerus is Xerxes, Vashti would be Amestris, whom the Greeks regarded as the only legitimate wife of that monarch, and who was certainly married to him before he ascended the throne. The name may be explained either as a corruption of Amestris, or as a title, vahishta, (Sanskrit: vasishtha, the superlative of vasu, "sweet"); and it may be supposed that the disgrace recorded (Est 1:19-21, see the note) was only temporary; Amestris in the later part of Xerxes' reign recovering her former dignity.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:9: the queen: Est 5:4, Est 5:8
Carl Friedrich Keil and Franz Delitzsch
1:9
Vashti the queen also gave a banquet to the women in the royal house (palace) which belonged to King Ahashverosh, probably in the royal apartments of the palace, which were placed at her disposal for this great feast to be given to the women. The name Vashti may be compared with the Old-Persian vahista, i.e., optimus. In Persian šty, means a beautiful woman. This statement serves as an introduction to the scene which follows. Esther 1:10 and Esther 1:11. On the seventh, i.e., the last day of the banquet, when the king's heart was merry with wine, he commanded his seven chamberlains to bring Vashti the queen before him, with the royal crown, to show here beauty to the people and princes. וגו לב כּטוב, when the heart of the king was merry through wine, i.e., when the wine had made him merry, comp. 2Kings 13:28; Judg 16:25. It was the office of the seven eunuchs who served before the king (את־פּני משׁרת like 1Kings 2:18) to be the means of communication between him and the women, and to deliver to them messages on the part of the monarch. Their number, seven, was connected with that of the Amshaspands; see rem. on Esther 1:14. The attempts made to explain their several names are without adequate foundation; nor would much be gained thereby, the names being of no significance with respect to the matter in question. In the lxx the names vary to some extent. The queen was to appear with the crown on her head (כּתר, κίδαρις or κίταρις, a high turban terminating in a point), and, as is self-evident, otherwise royally apparelled. The queen was accustomed on ordinary occasions to take her meals at the king's table; comp. Herod. ix. 110. There is, however, an absence of historical proof, that she was present at great banquets. The notice quoted from Lucian in Brissonius, de regio Pers. princ. i. c. 103, is not sufficient for the purpose.
John Gill
1:9 Also Vashti the queen made a feast for the women.... For it was not customary with the Persians, nor other eastern nations, to admit of women to their festivals (m), but they feasted by themselves. Who Vashti was is not known with any certainty. Bishop Usher, who takes Ahasuerus to be Darius Hystaspis, thinks Vashti was Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus, whom he married. The Targumist says, she was the daughter of Evilmerodach, the son of Nebuchadnezzar. Her name seems to be the same with Vesta, a deity worshipped by the Persians, as Xenophon (n), and signifies vehement fire, which was in great veneration with them; and therefore this queen is most likely to be of Persian original: she kept her feast
in the royal house which belonged to Ahasuerus; her guests not being so many, there was room enough in the king's palace for them, and where it was more decent for them to be than in the open air in the garden, and exposed to the sight of men.
(m) Justin c Trogo, l. 41. c. 3. (n) Cyropaedia, l. 1. c. 23.
John Wesley
1:9 Women - While the king entertained the men. For this was the common custom of the Persians, that men and women did not feast together.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:9 Also Vashti the queen made a feast for the women--The celebration was double; for, as according to the Oriental fashion, the sexes do not intermingle in society, the court ladies were entertained in a separate apartment by the queen.
1:101:10: Եւ յաւուրն եւթներորդի յանձն իւր զուարճացեալ լինէր թագաւորն. եւ ասէ ցԱման, եւ ցԲազան, եւ ցԹառա՛, եւ ցԲուրազէ, ցԹառաբբա, ցեւթանէո՛րն ներքինեաց ցպաշտօնեայս իւր[5207], [5207] Ոմանք. Ցեւթանէորն ներքինոց. եւ ոմանք. ցեւթանեքին ներքինիս։
10 Եօթներորդ օրը թագաւորը, որի սիրտը լցուած էր ուրախութեամբ, ասաց Ամանին, Բազանին, Թառային, Բուրազէին, Աթելթային, Բատենզային եւ Թառաբբային՝ իր եօթը ներքինիներին,
10 Եօթներորդ օրը, երբ թագաւորին սիրտը գինիէն զուարթացեր էր, իր* առջեւ ծառայութիւն ընող եօթը ներքինիներուն՝ Մէհումանին, Բիզթային, Արբոնային, Բիզթային, Աբագթային, Զեթարին ու Քարքասին ըսաւ,
Եւ յաւուրն եւթներորդի յանձն իւր զուարճացեալ լինէր թագաւորն. եւ ասէ ցԱման եւ ցԲազան եւ ցԹառա եւ ցԲուրազէ եւ ցԱթելթա եւ ցԲատենզա եւ ցԹառաբբա, ցեւթանեսին ներքինիս ցպաշտօնեայս իւր:

1:10: Եւ յաւուրն եւթներորդի յանձն իւր զուարճացեալ լինէր թագաւորն. եւ ասէ ցԱման, եւ ցԲազան, եւ ցԹառա՛, եւ ցԲուրազէ, ցԹառաբբա, ցեւթանէո՛րն ներքինեաց ցպաշտօնեայս իւր[5207],
[5207] Ոմանք. Ցեւթանէորն ներքինոց. եւ ոմանք. ցեւթանեքին ներքինիս։
10 Եօթներորդ օրը թագաւորը, որի սիրտը լցուած էր ուրախութեամբ, ասաց Ամանին, Բազանին, Թառային, Բուրազէին, Աթելթային, Բատենզային եւ Թառաբբային՝ իր եօթը ներքինիներին,
10 Եօթներորդ օրը, երբ թագաւորին սիրտը գինիէն զուարթացեր էր, իր* առջեւ ծառայութիւն ընող եօթը ներքինիներուն՝ Մէհումանին, Բիզթային, Արբոնային, Բիզթային, Աբագթային, Զեթարին ու Քարքասին ըսաւ,
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:101:10: В седьмой день, когда развеселилось сердце царя от вина, он сказал Мегуману, Бизфе, Харбоне, Бигфе и Авагфе, Зефару и Каркасу семи евнухам, служившим пред лицем царя Артаксеркса,
1:10 ἐν εν in δὲ δε though; while τῇ ο the ἡμέρᾳ ημερα day τῇ ο the ἑβδόμῃ εβδομος seventh ἡδέως ηδεως sweetly; gladly γενόμενος γινομαι happen; become ὁ ο the βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king εἶπεν επω say; speak τῷ ο the Αμαν αμαν and; even Βαζαν βαζαν and; even Θαρρα θαρρα and; even Βωραζη βωραζη and; even Ζαθολθα ζαθολθα and; even Αβαταζα αβαταζα and; even Θαραβα θαραβα the ἑπτὰ επτα seven εὐνούχοις ευνουχος eunuch τοῖς ο the διακόνοις διακονος attendant τοῦ ο the βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king Ἀρταξέρξου αρταξερξης Artaxerxēs; Artakserksis
1:10 בַּ ba בְּ in † הַ the יֹּום֙ yyôm יֹום day הַ ha הַ the שְּׁבִיעִ֔י ššᵊvîʕˈî שְׁבִיעִי seventh כְּ kᵊ כְּ as טֹ֥וב ṭˌôv טוב be good לֵב־ lēv- לֵב heart הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֖לֶךְ mmˌeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king בַּ ba בְּ in † הַ the יָּ֑יִן yyˈāyin יַיִן wine אָמַ֡ר ʔāmˈar אמר say לִ֠ li לְ to מְהוּמָן mᵊhûmˌān מְהוּמָן Mehuman בִּזְּתָ֨א bizzᵊṯˌā בִּזְּתָא Biztha חַרְבֹונָ֜א ḥarᵊvônˈā חַרְבֹונָא Harbona בִּגְתָ֤א biḡᵊṯˈā בִּגְתָא Bigtha וַ wa וְ and אֲבַגְתָא֙ ʔᵃvaḡᵊṯˌā אֲבַגְתָא Abagtha זֵתַ֣ר zēṯˈar זֵתַר Zethar וְ wᵊ וְ and כַרְכַּ֔ס ḵarkˈas כַּרְכַּס Carcas שִׁבְעַת֙ šivʕˌaṯ שֶׁבַע seven הַ ha הַ the סָּ֣רִיסִ֔ים ssˈārîsˈîm סָרִיס official הַ ha הַ the מְשָׁ֣רְתִ֔ים mᵊšˈārᵊṯˈîm שׁרת serve אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת together with פְּנֵ֖י pᵊnˌê פָּנֶה face הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֥לֶךְ mmˌeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹֽושׁ׃ ʔᵃḥašwērˈôš אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹושׁ Ahasuerus
1:10. itaque die septimo cum rex esset hilarior et post nimiam potionem incaluisset mero praecepit Mauman et Bazatha et Arbona et Bagatha et Abgatha et Zarath et Charchas septem eunuchis qui in conspectu eius ministrabantNow on the seventh day, when the king was merry, and after very much drinking was well warmed with wine, he commanded Mauman, and Bazatha, and Harbona, and Bagatha, and Abgatha, and Zethar, and Charcas, the seven eunuchs that served in his presence,
10. On the seventh day, when the heart of the king was merry with wine, he commanded Mehuman, Biztha, Harbona, Bigtha, and Abagtha, Zethar, and Carcas, the seven chamberlains that ministered in the presence of Ahasuerus the king,
1:10. And so, on the seventh day, when the king was more cheerful, and, after excessive drinking, had become warmed with wine, he ordered Mehuman, and Biztha, and Harbona, and Bigtha, and Abagtha, and Zethar, and Charkas, seven eunuchs who served in his presence,
1:10. On the seventh day, when the heart of the king was merry with wine, he commanded Mehuman, Biztha, Harbona, Bigtha, and Abagtha, Zethar, and Carcas, the seven chamberlains that served in the presence of Ahasuerus the king,
On the seventh day, when the heart of the king was merry with wine, he commanded Mehuman, Biztha, Harbona, Bigtha, and Abagtha, Zethar, and Carcas, the seven chamberlains that served in the presence of Ahasuerus the king:

1:10: В седьмой день, когда развеселилось сердце царя от вина, он сказал Мегуману, Бизфе, Харбоне, Бигфе и Авагфе, Зефару и Каркасу семи евнухам, служившим пред лицем царя Артаксеркса,
1:10
ἐν εν in
δὲ δε though; while
τῇ ο the
ἡμέρᾳ ημερα day
τῇ ο the
ἑβδόμῃ εβδομος seventh
ἡδέως ηδεως sweetly; gladly
γενόμενος γινομαι happen; become
ο the
βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king
εἶπεν επω say; speak
τῷ ο the
Αμαν αμαν and; even
Βαζαν βαζαν and; even
Θαρρα θαρρα and; even
Βωραζη βωραζη and; even
Ζαθολθα ζαθολθα and; even
Αβαταζα αβαταζα and; even
Θαραβα θαραβα the
ἑπτὰ επτα seven
εὐνούχοις ευνουχος eunuch
τοῖς ο the
διακόνοις διακονος attendant
τοῦ ο the
βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king
Ἀρταξέρξου αρταξερξης Artaxerxēs; Artakserksis
1:10
בַּ ba בְּ in
הַ the
יֹּום֙ yyôm יֹום day
הַ ha הַ the
שְּׁבִיעִ֔י ššᵊvîʕˈî שְׁבִיעִי seventh
כְּ kᵊ כְּ as
טֹ֥וב ṭˌôv טוב be good
לֵב־ lēv- לֵב heart
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֖לֶךְ mmˌeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
בַּ ba בְּ in
הַ the
יָּ֑יִן yyˈāyin יַיִן wine
אָמַ֡ר ʔāmˈar אמר say
לִ֠ li לְ to
מְהוּמָן mᵊhûmˌān מְהוּמָן Mehuman
בִּזְּתָ֨א bizzᵊṯˌā בִּזְּתָא Biztha
חַרְבֹונָ֜א ḥarᵊvônˈā חַרְבֹונָא Harbona
בִּגְתָ֤א biḡᵊṯˈā בִּגְתָא Bigtha
וַ wa וְ and
אֲבַגְתָא֙ ʔᵃvaḡᵊṯˌā אֲבַגְתָא Abagtha
זֵתַ֣ר zēṯˈar זֵתַר Zethar
וְ wᵊ וְ and
כַרְכַּ֔ס ḵarkˈas כַּרְכַּס Carcas
שִׁבְעַת֙ šivʕˌaṯ שֶׁבַע seven
הַ ha הַ the
סָּ֣רִיסִ֔ים ssˈārîsˈîm סָרִיס official
הַ ha הַ the
מְשָׁ֣רְתִ֔ים mᵊšˈārᵊṯˈîm שׁרת serve
אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת together with
פְּנֵ֖י pᵊnˌê פָּנֶה face
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֥לֶךְ mmˌeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹֽושׁ׃ ʔᵃḥašwērˈôš אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹושׁ Ahasuerus
1:10. itaque die septimo cum rex esset hilarior et post nimiam potionem incaluisset mero praecepit Mauman et Bazatha et Arbona et Bagatha et Abgatha et Zarath et Charchas septem eunuchis qui in conspectu eius ministrabant
Now on the seventh day, when the king was merry, and after very much drinking was well warmed with wine, he commanded Mauman, and Bazatha, and Harbona, and Bagatha, and Abgatha, and Zethar, and Charcas, the seven eunuchs that served in his presence,
1:10. And so, on the seventh day, when the king was more cheerful, and, after excessive drinking, had become warmed with wine, he ordered Mehuman, and Biztha, and Harbona, and Bigtha, and Abagtha, and Zethar, and Charkas, seven eunuchs who served in his presence,
1:10. On the seventh day, when the heart of the king was merry with wine, he commanded Mehuman, Biztha, Harbona, Bigtha, and Abagtha, Zethar, and Carcas, the seven chamberlains that served in the presence of Ahasuerus the king,
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾ catholic_pdv▾ kjv_1900▾
jfb▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ac▾ mh▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
10-12. Взбалмошная мысль царя- "показать народам и князьям красоту' царицы Астинь тем более делает симпатичным отказ царицы, что это было в самый разгар пира и чувственности царя и его roci ей: 'в седьмой день когда рззве-сепилось сердце царя от вша'.
Matthew Henry: Concise Commentary on the Whole Bible - 1706
Vashti's Refusal to Appear; Vashti Divorced. B. C. 519.

10 On the seventh day, when the heart of the king was merry with wine, he commanded Mehuman, Biztha, Harbona, Bigtha, and Abagtha, Zethar, and Carcas, the seven chamberlains that served in the presence of Ahasuerus the king, 11 To bring Vashti the queen before the king with the crown royal, to show the people and the princes her beauty: for she was fair to look on. 12 But the queen Vashti refused to come at the king's commandment by his chamberlains: therefore was the king very wroth, and his anger burned in him. 13 Then the king said to the wise men, which knew the times, (for so was the king's manner toward all that knew law and judgment: 14 And the next unto him was Carshena, Shethar, Admatha, Tarshish, Meres, Marsena, and Memucan, the seven princes of Persia and Media, which saw the king's face, and which sat the first in the kingdom;) 15 What shall we do unto the queen Vashti according to law, because she hath not performed the commandment of the king Ahasuerus by the chamberlains? 16 And Memucan answered before the king and the princes, Vashti the queen hath not done wrong to the king only, but also to all the princes, and to all the people that are in all the provinces of the king Ahasuerus. 17 For this deed of the queen shall come abroad unto all women, so that they shall despise their husbands in their eyes, when it shall be reported, The king Ahasuerus commanded Vashti the queen to be brought in before him, but she came not. 18 Likewise shall the ladies of Persia and Media say this day unto all the king's princes, which have heard of the deed of the queen. Thus shall there arise too much contempt and wrath. 19 If it please the king, let there go a royal commandment from him, and let it be written among the laws of the Persians and the Medes, that it be not altered, That Vashti come no more before king Ahasuerus; and let the king give her royal estate unto another that is better than she. 20 And when the king's decree which he shall make shall be published throughout all his empire, (for it is great,) all the wives shall give to their husbands honour, both to great and small. 21 And the saying pleased the king and the princes; and the king did according to the word of Memucan: 22 For he sent letters into all the king's provinces, into every province according to the writing thereof, and to every people after their language, that every man should bear rule in his own house, and that it should be published according to the language of every people.
We have here a damp to all the mirth of Ahasuerus's feast; it ended in heaviness, not as Job's children's feast by a wind from the wilderness, not as Belshazzar's by a hand-writing on the wall, but by is own folly. An unhappy falling out there was, at the end of the feast, between the king and queen, which broke of the feast abruptly, and sent the guests away silent and ashamed.
I. It was certainly the king's weakness to send for Vashti into his presence when he was drunk, and in company with abundance of gentlemen, many of whom, it is likely, were in the same condition. When his heart was merry with wine nothing would serve him but Vashti must come, well dressed as she was, with the crown on her head, that the princes and people might see what a handsome woman she was, v. 10, 11. Hereby, 1. He dishonoured himself as a husband, who ought to protect, but by no means expose, the modesty of his wife, who ought to be to her a covering of the eyes (Gen. xx. 16), not to uncover them. 2. He diminished himself as a king, in commanding that from his wife which she might refuse, much to the honour of her virtue. It was against the custom of the Persians for the women to appear in public, and he put a great hardship upon her when he did not court, but command her to do so uncouth a thing, and make her a show. If he had not been put out of the possession of himself by drinking to excess, he would not have done such a thing, but would have been angry at any one that should have mentioned it. When the wine is in the wit is out, and men's reason departs from them.
II. However, perhaps it was not her wisdom to deny him. She refused to come (v. 12); though he sent his command by seven honourable messengers, and publicly, and Josephus says sent again and again, yet she persisted in her denial. Had she come, while it was evident that she did it in pure obedience, it would have been no reflection upon her modesty, nor a bad example. The thing was not in itself sinful, and therefore to obey would have been more her honour than to be so precise. Perhaps she refused in a haughty manner, and then it was certainly evil; she scorned to come at the king's commandment. What a mortification was this to him! While he was showing the glory of his kingdom he showed the reproach of his family, that he had a wife that would do as she pleased. Strifes between yoke-fellows are bad enough at any time, but before company they are very scandalous, and occasion blushing and uneasiness.
III. The king thereupon grew outrageous. He that had rule over 127 provinces had no rule over his own spirit, but his anger burned in him, v. 12. He would have consulted his own comfort and credit more if he had stifled his resentment, had passed by the affront his wife gave him, and turned it off with a jest.
IV. Though he was very angry, he would not do any thing in this matter till he advised with his privy-counsellors; as he had seven chamberlains to execute his orders, who are named (v. 10), so he had seven counsellors to direct his orders. The greater power a man has the greater need he has of advice, that he may not abuse his power. Of these counsellors it is said that they were learned men, for they knew law and judgment,that they were wise men, for they knew the times,and that the king put great confidence in them and honour upon them, for they saw the king's face and sat first in the kingdom, v. 13, 14. In the multitude of such counsellors there is safety. Now here is,
1. The question proposed to this cabinet-council (v. 15): What shall we do to the queen Vashti according to the law? Observe, (1.) Though it was the queen that was guilty, the law must have its course. (2.) Though the king was very angry, yet he would do nothing but what he was advised was according to law.
2. The proposal which Memucan made, that Vashti should be divorced for her disobedience. Some suggest that he gave this severe advice, and the rest agreed to it, because they knew it would please the king, would gratify both his passion now and his appetite afterwards. But Josephus says that, on the contrary, he had a strong affection for Vashti, and would not have put her away for this offence if he could legally have passed it by; and then we must suppose Memucan, in his advice, to have had a sincere regard to justice and the public good. (1.) He shows what would be the bad consequences of the queen's disobedience to her husband, if it were passed by and not animadverted upon, that it would embolden other wives both to disobey their husbands and to domineer over them. Had this unhappy falling out between the king and his wife, wherein she was conqueror, been private, the error would have remained with themselves and the quarrel might have been settled privately between themselves; but it happening to be public, and perhaps the ladies that were now feasting with the queen having shown themselves pleased with her refusal, her bad example would be likely to have a bad influence upon all the families of the kingdom. If the queen must have her humour, and the king must submit to it (since the houses of private persons commonly take their measures from the courts of princes), the wives would be haughty and imperious and would scorn to obey their husbands, and the poor despised husbands might fret at it, but could not help themselves; for the contentions of a wife are a continual dropping, Prov. xix. 13; xxvii. 15; and see Prov. xxi. 9; xxv. 24. When wives despise their husbands, whom they ought to reverence (Eph. v. 33), and contend for dominion over those to whom they ought to be in subjection (1 Pet. iii. 1), there cannot but be continual guilt and grief, confusion and every evil work. And great ones must take heed of setting copies of this kind, v. 16-18. (2.) He shows what would be the good consequence of a decree against Vashti that she should be divorced. We may suppose that before they proceeded to this extremity they sent to Vashti to know if she would yet submit, cry Peccavi--I have done wrong, and ask the king's pardon, and that, if she had done so, the mischief of her example would have been effectually prevented, and process would have been stayed; but it is likely she continued obstinate, and insisted upon it as her prerogative to do as she pleased, whether it pleased the king or no, and therefore they gave this judgment against her, that she come no more before the king, and this judgment so ratified as never to be reversed, v. 19. The consequence of this, it was hoped, would be that the wives would give to their husbands honour, even the wives of the great, notwithstanding their own greatness, and the wives of the small, notwithstanding the husband's meanness (v. 20); and thus every man would bear rule in his own house, as he ought to do, and, the wives being subject, the children and servants would be so too. It is the interest of states and kingdoms to provide that good order be kept in private families.
3. The edict that passed according to this proposal, signifying that the queen was divorced for contumacy, according to the law, and that, if other wives were in like manner undutiful to their husbands, they must expect to be in like manner disgraced (v. 21, 22): were they better than the queen? Whether it was the passion or the policy of the king that was served by this edict, God's providence served its own purpose by it, which was to make way for Esther to the crown.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:10: He commanded Mehuman - All these are doubtless Persian names; but so disguised by passing through a Hebrew medium, that some of them can scarcely be known. Mehuman signifies a stranger or guest.
We shall find other names and words in this book, the Persian etymology of which may be easily traced.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:10: the heart: Gen 43:34; Jdg 16:25; Sa1 25:36, Sa1 25:37; Sa2 13:28; Pro 20:1; Ecc 7:2-4; Ecc 10:19; Eph 5:18, Eph 5:19
Harbona: Est 7:9, Harbonah
chamberlains: or, eunuchs, Dan 1:3-5, Dan 1:18, Dan 1:19
Geneva 1599
1:10 On the (g) seventh day, when the heart of the king was merry with wine, he commanded Mehuman, Biztha, Harbona, Bigtha, and Abagtha, Zethar, and Carcas, the seven chamberlains that served in the presence of Ahasuerus the king,
(g) Which was the last day of the feast that the king made for the people as in (Esther 1:5).
John Gill
1:10 On the seventh day,.... Of the feast, the last day of it, which the Rabbins, as Jarchi observes, say was the sabbath day, and so the Targum:
when the heart of the king was merry with wine; when he was intoxicated with it, and knew not well what he said or did; and the discourse at table ran upon the beauty of women, as the latter Targum; when the king asserted there were no women so beautiful as those of Babylon, and, as a proof of it, ordered his queen to be brought in:
he commanded Mehuman, Biztha, Harbona, Bigtha, and Abagtha, Zethar, and Carcas, the seven chamberlains, that served in the presence of Ahasuerus the king; or "eunuchs", as the word is sometimes rendered; and such persons were made use of in the eastern countries to, wait upon women, and so were proper to be sent on the king's errand to the queen.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:10 On the seventh day, when the heart of the king was merry with wine--As the feast days advanced, the drinking was more freely indulged in, so that the close was usually marked by great excesses of revelry.
he commanded . . . the seven chamberlains--These were the eunuchs who had charge of the royal harem. The refusal of Vashti to obey an order which required her to make an indecent exposure of herself before a company of drunken revellers, was becoming both the modesty of her sex and her rank as queen; for, according to Persian customs, the queen, even more than the wives of other men, was secluded from the public gaze. Had not the king's blood been heated with wine, or his reason overpowered by force of offended pride, he would have perceived that his own honor, as well as hers, was consulted by her dignified conduct.
1:111:11: կոչել զկինն յարքունիս թագաւորեցուցանե՛լ զնա. եւ ցուցանել ամենայն իշխանաց եւ ազգաց զգեղեցկութիւն նորա. զի էր գեղեցի՛կ յոյժ[5208]։ [5208] Ոսկան. Յարքունիս թագաւորին, եւ ցուցանել ամենայն։
11 որ կնոջը կանչեն արքունիք, որպէսզի թագադրի նրան եւ բոլոր իշխաններին ու ազգերին ցոյց տայ նրա գեղեցկութիւնը, որովհետեւ նա շատ գեղեցիկ էր:
11 Որ Վաշթի թագուհին իր արքայական թագովը թագաւորին առջեւ բերեն, որպէս զի ժողովուրդներն ու իշխանները անոր գեղեցկութիւնը տեսնեն. վասն զի անիկա տեսքով գեղեցիկ էր։
կոչել [9]զկինն յարքունիս թագաւորեցուցանել զնա, եւ`` ցուցանել ամենայն իշխանաց եւ ազգաց զգեղեցկութիւն նորա. զի էր գեղեցիկ յոյժ:

1:11: կոչել զկինն յարքունիս թագաւորեցուցանե՛լ զնա. եւ ցուցանել ամենայն իշխանաց եւ ազգաց զգեղեցկութիւն նորա. զի էր գեղեցի՛կ յոյժ[5208]։
[5208] Ոսկան. Յարքունիս թագաւորին, եւ ցուցանել ամենայն։
11 որ կնոջը կանչեն արքունիք, որպէսզի թագադրի նրան եւ բոլոր իշխաններին ու ազգերին ցոյց տայ նրա գեղեցկութիւնը, որովհետեւ նա շատ գեղեցիկ էր:
11 Որ Վաշթի թագուհին իր արքայական թագովը թագաւորին առջեւ բերեն, որպէս զի ժողովուրդներն ու իշխանները անոր գեղեցկութիւնը տեսնեն. վասն զի անիկա տեսքով գեղեցիկ էր։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:111:11: чтобы они привели царицу Астинь пред лице царя в венце царском для того, чтобы показать народам и князьям красоту ее; потому что она была очень красива.
1:11 εἰσαγαγεῖν εισαγω lead in; bring in τὴν ο the βασίλισσαν βασιλισσα queen πρὸς προς to; toward αὐτὸν αυτος he; him βασιλεύειν βασιλευω reign αὐτὴν αυτος he; him καὶ και and; even περιθεῖναι περιτιθημι put around / on αὐτῇ αυτος he; him τὸ ο the διάδημα διαδημα diadem καὶ και and; even δεῖξαι δεικνυω show αὐτὴν αυτος he; him πᾶσιν πας all; every τοῖς ο the ἄρχουσιν αρχων ruling; ruler καὶ και and; even τοῖς ο the ἔθνεσιν εθνος nation; caste τὸ ο the κάλλος καλλος he; him ὅτι οτι since; that καλὴ καλος fine; fair ἦν ειμι be
1:11 לְ֠ lᵊ לְ to הָבִיא hāvî בוא come אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker] וַשְׁתִּ֧י waštˈî וַשְׁתִּי Vashti הַ ha הַ the מַּלְכָּ֛ה mmalkˈā מַלְכָּה queen לִ li לְ to פְנֵ֥י fᵊnˌê פָּנֶה face הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֖לֶךְ mmˌeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king בְּ bᵊ בְּ in כֶ֣תֶר ḵˈeṯer כֶּתֶר headdress מַלְכ֑וּת malᵊḵˈûṯ מַלְכוּת kingship לְ lᵊ לְ to הַרְאֹ֨ות harʔˌôṯ ראה see הָֽ hˈā הַ the עַמִּ֤ים ʕammˈîm עַם people וְ wᵊ וְ and הַ ha הַ the שָּׂרִים֙ śśārîm שַׂר chief אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker] יָפְיָ֔הּ yofyˈāh יֳפִי beauty כִּֽי־ kˈî- כִּי that טֹובַ֥ת ṭôvˌaṯ טֹוב good מַרְאֶ֖ה marʔˌeh מַרְאֶה sight הִֽיא׃ hˈî הִיא she
1:11. ut introducerent reginam Vasthi coram rege posito super caput eius diademate et ostenderet cunctis populis et principibus illius pulchritudinem erat enim pulchra valdeTo bring in queen Vasthi before the king, with the crown set upon her head, to shew her beauty to all the people and the princes: for she was exceeding beautiful.
11. to bring Vashti the queen before the king with the crown royal, to shew the peoples and the princes her beauty: for she was fair to look on.
1:11. to bring in queen Vashti before the king, with the crown set upon her head, to show her beauty to the whole people and to the leaders, for she was very beautiful.
1:11. To bring Vashti the queen before the king with the crown royal, to shew the people and the princes her beauty: for she [was] fair to look on.
To bring Vashti the queen before the king with the crown royal, to shew the people and the princes her beauty: for she [was] fair to look on:

1:11: чтобы они привели царицу Астинь пред лице царя в венце царском для того, чтобы показать народам и князьям красоту ее; потому что она была очень красива.
1:11
εἰσαγαγεῖν εισαγω lead in; bring in
τὴν ο the
βασίλισσαν βασιλισσα queen
πρὸς προς to; toward
αὐτὸν αυτος he; him
βασιλεύειν βασιλευω reign
αὐτὴν αυτος he; him
καὶ και and; even
περιθεῖναι περιτιθημι put around / on
αὐτῇ αυτος he; him
τὸ ο the
διάδημα διαδημα diadem
καὶ και and; even
δεῖξαι δεικνυω show
αὐτὴν αυτος he; him
πᾶσιν πας all; every
τοῖς ο the
ἄρχουσιν αρχων ruling; ruler
καὶ και and; even
τοῖς ο the
ἔθνεσιν εθνος nation; caste
τὸ ο the
κάλλος καλλος he; him
ὅτι οτι since; that
καλὴ καλος fine; fair
ἦν ειμι be
1:11
לְ֠ lᵊ לְ to
הָבִיא hāvî בוא come
אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker]
וַשְׁתִּ֧י waštˈî וַשְׁתִּי Vashti
הַ ha הַ the
מַּלְכָּ֛ה mmalkˈā מַלְכָּה queen
לִ li לְ to
פְנֵ֥י fᵊnˌê פָּנֶה face
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֖לֶךְ mmˌeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
בְּ bᵊ בְּ in
כֶ֣תֶר ḵˈeṯer כֶּתֶר headdress
מַלְכ֑וּת malᵊḵˈûṯ מַלְכוּת kingship
לְ lᵊ לְ to
הַרְאֹ֨ות harʔˌôṯ ראה see
הָֽ hˈā הַ the
עַמִּ֤ים ʕammˈîm עַם people
וְ wᵊ וְ and
הַ ha הַ the
שָּׂרִים֙ śśārîm שַׂר chief
אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker]
יָפְיָ֔הּ yofyˈāh יֳפִי beauty
כִּֽי־ kˈî- כִּי that
טֹובַ֥ת ṭôvˌaṯ טֹוב good
מַרְאֶ֖ה marʔˌeh מַרְאֶה sight
הִֽיא׃ hˈî הִיא she
1:11. ut introducerent reginam Vasthi coram rege posito super caput eius diademate et ostenderet cunctis populis et principibus illius pulchritudinem erat enim pulchra valde
To bring in queen Vasthi before the king, with the crown set upon her head, to shew her beauty to all the people and the princes: for she was exceeding beautiful.
1:11. to bring in queen Vashti before the king, with the crown set upon her head, to show her beauty to the whole people and to the leaders, for she was very beautiful.
1:11. To bring Vashti the queen before the king with the crown royal, to shew the people and the princes her beauty: for she [was] fair to look on.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾ catholic_pdv▾ kjv_1900▾
jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ all ▾
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:11: To bring Vashti the queen - The Targum adds naked.
For she was fair to look on - Hence she had her name Vashti, which signifies beautiful. See Est 1:9.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:11: To bring Vashti the queen - This command, though contrary to Persian customs, is not out of harmony with the character of Xerxes; and is evidently related as something strange and unusual. Otherwise, the queen would not have refused to come.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:11: Vashti: Pro 16:9, Pro 23:29-33; Mar 6:21, Mar 6:22
fair to look on: Heb. good of countenance, Sa1 25:3; Sa2 14:25; Pro 31:30
John Gill
1:11 To bring Vashti the queen before the king,.... Not against her will, or by force; but they were sent to let her know it was the king's pleasure that she should come to him immediately:
with the crown royal; that is, upon her head, to make her look the more grand and majestic:
to show the people and the princes her beauty; for she was fair to look upon; which was not wisely done, neither was it comely nor safe.
1:121:12: Եւ ո՛չ լուաւ նմա Ասթանէ գա՛լ առ նա ընդ ներքինիսն։ Եւ տրտմեցաւ թագաւորն՝ եւ բարկացա՛ւ յոյժ։
12 Իսկ Ասթինէն չուզեց լսել հրամանը՝ ներքինիների հետ գալու նրա մօտ: Թագաւորը տրտմեց, խիստ բարկացաւ
12 Բայց Վաշթի թագուհին ներքինիներուն միջոցով եղած թագաւորին հրամանին մերժեց հնազանդիլ։ Թագաւորը խիստ սրդողեցաւ ու իր բարկութիւնը բորբոքեցաւ։
Եւ ոչ լուաւ նմա Ասթինէ գալ առ նա [10]ընդ ներքինիսն``, եւ տրտմեցաւ թագաւորն եւ բարկացաւ յոյժ:

1:12: Եւ ո՛չ լուաւ նմա Ասթանէ գա՛լ առ նա ընդ ներքինիսն։ Եւ տրտմեցաւ թագաւորն՝ եւ բարկացա՛ւ յոյժ։
12 Իսկ Ասթինէն չուզեց լսել հրամանը՝ ներքինիների հետ գալու նրա մօտ: Թագաւորը տրտմեց, խիստ բարկացաւ
12 Բայց Վաշթի թագուհին ներքինիներուն միջոցով եղած թագաւորին հրամանին մերժեց հնազանդիլ։ Թագաւորը խիստ սրդողեցաւ ու իր բարկութիւնը բորբոքեցաւ։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:121:12: Но царица Астинь не захотела прийти по приказанию царя, {объявленному} чрез евнухов.
1:12 καὶ και and; even οὐκ ου not εἰσήκουσεν εισακουω heed; listen to αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him Αστιν αστιν the βασίλισσα βασιλισσα queen ἐλθεῖν ερχομαι come; go μετὰ μετα with; amid τῶν ο the εὐνούχων ευνουχος eunuch καὶ και and; even ἐλυπήθη λυπεω grieve ὁ ο the βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king καὶ και and; even ὠργίσθη οργιζω impassioned; anger
1:12 וַ wa וְ and תְּמָאֵ֞ן ttᵊmāʔˈēn מאן refuse הַ ha הַ the מַּלְכָּ֣ה mmalkˈā מַלְכָּה queen וַשְׁתִּ֗י waštˈî וַשְׁתִּי Vashti לָ lā לְ to בֹוא֙ vô בוא come בִּ bi בְּ in דְבַ֣ר ḏᵊvˈar דָּבָר word הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֔לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king אֲשֶׁ֖ר ʔᵃšˌer אֲשֶׁר [relative] בְּ bᵊ בְּ in יַ֣ד yˈaḏ יָד hand הַ ha הַ the סָּרִיסִ֑ים ssārîsˈîm סָרִיס official וַ wa וְ and יִּקְצֹ֤ף yyiqṣˈōf קצף be angry הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֨לֶךְ֙ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king מְאֹ֔ד mᵊʔˈōḏ מְאֹד might וַ wa וְ and חֲמָתֹ֖ו ḥᵃmāṯˌô חֵמָה heat בָּעֲרָ֥ה bāʕᵃrˌā בער burn בֹֽו׃ vˈô בְּ in
1:12. quae rennuit et ad regis imperium quod per eunuchos mandaverat venire contempsit unde iratus rex et nimio furore succensusBut she refused, and would not come at the king's commandment, which he had signified to her by the eunuchs. Whereupon the king, being angry, and inflamed with a very great fury,
12. But the queen Vashti refused to come at the king’s commandment by the chamberlains: therefore was the king very wroth, and his anger burned in him.
1:12. She refused, and she showed contempt towards the king’s command, which he had delivered to her by the eunuchs. Whereupon the king, being angry and inflamed with a very great fury,
1:12. But the queen Vashti refused to come at the king’s commandment by [his] chamberlains: therefore was the king very wroth, and his anger burned in him.
But the queen Vashti refused to come at the king' s commandment by [his] chamberlains: therefore was the king very wroth, and his anger burned in him:

1:12: Но царица Астинь не захотела прийти по приказанию царя, {объявленному} чрез евнухов.
1:12
καὶ και and; even
οὐκ ου not
εἰσήκουσεν εισακουω heed; listen to
αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him
Αστιν αστιν the
βασίλισσα βασιλισσα queen
ἐλθεῖν ερχομαι come; go
μετὰ μετα with; amid
τῶν ο the
εὐνούχων ευνουχος eunuch
καὶ και and; even
ἐλυπήθη λυπεω grieve
ο the
βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king
καὶ και and; even
ὠργίσθη οργιζω impassioned; anger
1:12
וַ wa וְ and
תְּמָאֵ֞ן ttᵊmāʔˈēn מאן refuse
הַ ha הַ the
מַּלְכָּ֣ה mmalkˈā מַלְכָּה queen
וַשְׁתִּ֗י waštˈî וַשְׁתִּי Vashti
לָ לְ to
בֹוא֙ בוא come
בִּ bi בְּ in
דְבַ֣ר ḏᵊvˈar דָּבָר word
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֔לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
אֲשֶׁ֖ר ʔᵃšˌer אֲשֶׁר [relative]
בְּ bᵊ בְּ in
יַ֣ד yˈaḏ יָד hand
הַ ha הַ the
סָּרִיסִ֑ים ssārîsˈîm סָרִיס official
וַ wa וְ and
יִּקְצֹ֤ף yyiqṣˈōf קצף be angry
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֨לֶךְ֙ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
מְאֹ֔ד mᵊʔˈōḏ מְאֹד might
וַ wa וְ and
חֲמָתֹ֖ו ḥᵃmāṯˌô חֵמָה heat
בָּעֲרָ֥ה bāʕᵃrˌā בער burn
בֹֽו׃ vˈô בְּ in
1:12. quae rennuit et ad regis imperium quod per eunuchos mandaverat venire contempsit unde iratus rex et nimio furore succensus
But she refused, and would not come at the king's commandment, which he had signified to her by the eunuchs. Whereupon the king, being angry, and inflamed with a very great fury,
1:12. She refused, and she showed contempt towards the king’s command, which he had delivered to her by the eunuchs. Whereupon the king, being angry and inflamed with a very great fury,
1:12. But the queen Vashti refused to come at the king’s commandment by [his] chamberlains: therefore was the king very wroth, and his anger burned in him.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾ catholic_pdv▾ kjv_1900▾
jw▾ jg▾ kad▾ tr▾ ac▾ all ▾
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:12: Vashti refused to come - And much should she be commended for it. What woman, possessing even a common share of prudence and modesty, could consent to expose herself to the view of such a group of drunken Bacchanalians? Her courage was equal to her modesty: she would resist the royal mandate, rather than violate the rules of chaste decorum.
Her contempt of worldly grandeur, when brought in competition with what every modest woman holds dear and sacred, is worthy of observation. She well knew that this act of disobedience would cost her her crown, if not her life also: but she was regardless of both, as she conceived her virtue and honor were at stake.
Her humility was greatly evidenced in this refusal. She was beautiful; and might have shown herself to great advantage, and have had a fine opportunity of gratifying her vanity, if she had any: but she refused to come.
Hail, noble woman! be thou a pattern to all thy sex on every similar occasion! Surely, every thing considered, we have few women like Vashti; for some of the highest of the land will dress and deck themselves with the utmost splendor, even to the selvedge of their fortunes, to exhibit themselves at balls, plays, galas, operas, and public assemblies of all kinds, (nearly half naked), that they may be seen and admired of men, and even, to the endless reproach and broad suspicion of their honor and chastity, figure away in masquerades! Vashti must be considered at the top of her sex: -
Rara avis in terris, nigroque simillima cygno.
A black swan is not half so rare a bird.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:12: the queen: This refusal of Vashti's, to expose herself to the view of such a group of drunken Bacchanalians, was highly praiseworthy, and became the dignity of her rank and the modesty of her sex.
refused: Gen 3:16; Eph 5:22, Eph 5:24; Pe1 3:1
by his chamberlains: Heb. which was by the hand of his eunuchs
was the king: Pro 19:12, Pro 20:2; Dan 2:12, Dan 3:13, Dan 3:19; Nah 1:6; Rev 6:16, Rev 6:17
burned: Exo 32:19, Exo 32:22; Deu 29:20; Psa 74:1, Psa 79:5
Carl Friedrich Keil and Franz Delitzsch
1:12
The queen refused to appear at the king's command as delivered by the eunuchs, because she did not choose to stake her dignity as a queen and a wife before his inebriated guests. The audacity of Persians in such a condition is evident from the history related Herod. Esther 1:18.
John Gill
1:12 But the queen refused to came at the king's commandment by his chamberlains,.... Even though he sent by them again, as the Targum; and so says Josephus (o); which might not purely arise from pride in her, and contempt of him, but because she might conclude he was drunk, and knew not well what he did; and therefore had she come at his command, when he was himself and sober, he might blame her for coming, nay, use her ill for it, and especially if she was to come naked, as say the Jews (p); and besides, it was contrary to the law of the Persians, as not only Josephus (q), but Plutarch (r) observes, which suffered not women to be seen in public; and particularly did not allow their wives to be with them at feasts, only their concubines and harlots, with whom they could behave with more indecency; as for their wives, they were kept out of sight, at home (s); and therefore Vashti might think it an indignity to be treated as an harlot or concubine:
therefore was the king very wroth, and his anger burned in him; which was the more fierce, as he was inflamed with wine.
(o) Antiqu. l. 11. c. 6. sect. 1. (p) Targum in loc. Midrash Esther, fol. 90. 1. (q) Antiqu. l. 11. c. 6. sect. 1. (r) In Themistoele. (s) Macrob. Saturnal. l. 7. c. 1.
John Wesley
1:12 Refused - Being favoured in this refusal by the law of Persia, which was to keep mens wives, and especially queens, from the view of other men.
1:131:13: Եւ ասէ ցսիրելիսն իւր զիրսն զոր արար Ասթինէն. Արդ՝ արարէ՛ք, ասէ թագաւորն, այսուհետեւ օրէ՛նս եւ իրաւունս։
13 եւ իր սիրելիներին պատմեց Ասթինէի վարմունքը: Թագաւորն ասաց. «Այժմ դատ ու դատաստան արէ՛ք»:
13 Այն ատեն թագաւորը ժամանակները գիտցող իմաստուններուն ըսաւ (վասն զի թագաւորը ամէն օրէնք ու իրաւունք գիտցողներուն խորհուրդ կը հարցնէր։
Եւ ասէ [11]ցսիրելիսն իւր զիրսն զոր արար Ասթինէն. Արդ արարէք, ասէ թագաւորն, այսուհետեւ օրէնս եւ իրաւունս:

1:13: Եւ ասէ ցսիրելիսն իւր զիրսն զոր արար Ասթինէն. Արդ՝ արարէ՛ք, ասէ թագաւորն, այսուհետեւ օրէ՛նս եւ իրաւունս։
13 եւ իր սիրելիներին պատմեց Ասթինէի վարմունքը: Թագաւորն ասաց. «Այժմ դատ ու դատաստան արէ՛ք»:
13 Այն ատեն թագաւորը ժամանակները գիտցող իմաստուններուն ըսաւ (վասն զի թագաւորը ամէն օրէնք ու իրաւունք գիտցողներուն խորհուրդ կը հարցնէր։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:131:13: И разгневался царь сильно, и ярость его загорелась в нем. И сказал царь мудрецам, знающим {прежние} времена, ибо дела царя {делались} пред всеми знающими закон и прав{а},
1:13 καὶ και and; even εἶπεν επω say; speak τοῖς ο the φίλοις φιλος friend αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him κατὰ κατα down; by ταῦτα ουτος this; he ἐλάλησεν λαλεω talk; speak Αστιν αστιν do; make οὖν ουν then περὶ περι about; around τούτου ουτος this; he νόμον νομος.1 law καὶ και and; even κρίσιν κρισις decision; judgment
1:13 וַ wa וְ and יֹּ֣אמֶר yyˈōmer אמר say הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֔לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king לַ la לְ to † הַ the חֲכָמִ֖ים ḥᵃḵāmˌîm חָכָם wise יֹדְעֵ֣י yōḏᵊʕˈê ידע know הָֽ hˈā הַ the עִתִּ֑ים ʕittˈîm עֵת time כִּי־ kî- כִּי that כֵן֙ ḵˌēn כֵּן thus דְּבַ֣ר dᵊvˈar דָּבָר word הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֔לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king לִ li לְ to פְנֵ֕י fᵊnˈê פָּנֶה face כָּל־ kol- כֹּל whole יֹדְעֵ֖י yōḏᵊʕˌê ידע know דָּ֥ת dˌāṯ דָּת orders וָ wā וְ and דִֽין׃ ḏˈîn דִּין claim
1:13. interrogavit sapientes qui ex more regio semper ei aderant et illorum faciebat cuncta consilio scientium leges ac iura maiorumAsked the wise men, who according to the custom of the kings, were always near his person, and all he did was by their counsel, who knew the laws, and judgments of their forefathers:
13. Then the king said to the wise men, which knew the times, ( for so was the king’s manner toward all that knew law and judgment;
1:13. questioned the wise men, who, according to royal custom were always near him and all he did was by their counsel, who knew the laws as well as the judgments of their ancestors,
1:13. Then the king said to the wise men, which knew the times, (for so [was] the king’s manner toward all that knew law and judgment:
Then the king said to the wise men, which knew the times, ( for so [was] the king' s manner toward all that knew law and judgment:

1:13: И разгневался царь сильно, и ярость его загорелась в нем. И сказал царь мудрецам, знающим {прежние} времена, ибо дела царя {делались} пред всеми знающими закон и прав{а},
1:13
καὶ και and; even
εἶπεν επω say; speak
τοῖς ο the
φίλοις φιλος friend
αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him
κατὰ κατα down; by
ταῦτα ουτος this; he
ἐλάλησεν λαλεω talk; speak
Αστιν αστιν do; make
οὖν ουν then
περὶ περι about; around
τούτου ουτος this; he
νόμον νομος.1 law
καὶ και and; even
κρίσιν κρισις decision; judgment
1:13
וַ wa וְ and
יֹּ֣אמֶר yyˈōmer אמר say
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֔לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
לַ la לְ to
הַ the
חֲכָמִ֖ים ḥᵃḵāmˌîm חָכָם wise
יֹדְעֵ֣י yōḏᵊʕˈê ידע know
הָֽ hˈā הַ the
עִתִּ֑ים ʕittˈîm עֵת time
כִּי־ kî- כִּי that
כֵן֙ ḵˌēn כֵּן thus
דְּבַ֣ר dᵊvˈar דָּבָר word
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֔לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
לִ li לְ to
פְנֵ֕י fᵊnˈê פָּנֶה face
כָּל־ kol- כֹּל whole
יֹדְעֵ֖י yōḏᵊʕˌê ידע know
דָּ֥ת dˌāṯ דָּת orders
וָ וְ and
דִֽין׃ ḏˈîn דִּין claim
1:13. interrogavit sapientes qui ex more regio semper ei aderant et illorum faciebat cuncta consilio scientium leges ac iura maiorum
Asked the wise men, who according to the custom of the kings, were always near his person, and all he did was by their counsel, who knew the laws, and judgments of their forefathers:
1:13. questioned the wise men, who, according to royal custom were always near him and all he did was by their counsel, who knew the laws as well as the judgments of their ancestors,
1:13. Then the king said to the wise men, which knew the times, (for so [was] the king’s manner toward all that knew law and judgment:
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾ catholic_pdv▾ kjv_1900▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ kad▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
13. Испросил-цзрыАудр&т, знающих времена, -ибо дела царя пред всеми, знающими закон и права, т.е. царь посоветовался с состоявшими при нем мудрецами (естествоведами или магами) об этом деле, потому что таков был обычай его - совершать суды и приговоры открыто, на глазах всех, знающих и
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:13: To the wise men - Probably the lawyers.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:13: Wise men ... - Not "astrologers," who were unknown in Persia; but rather men of practical wisdom, who knew the facts and customs of former times.
For so was the king's manner - Some render it: "for so was the king's business laid before all that knew law ..."
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:13: the wise: Jer 10:7; Dan 2:2, Dan 2:12, Dan 2:27, Dan 4:6, Dan 4:7, Dan 5:7; Mat 2:1
knew: Ch1 12:32; Mat 16:3
Carl Friedrich Keil and Franz Delitzsch
1:13
The king, greatly incensed at this disobedience to his behest, inquired of his wise men what was to be done to Queen Vashti according to law. These wise men are Esther 1:13 designated as those "who knew the times," i.e., astrologers and magi, who give counsel according to celestial phenomena; comp. the wise men of Babylon, Dan 2:27; Dan 5:15; Is 44:25; Is 47:13; Jer 50:35. Of these he inquires, "for thus was the business of the king conducted before all that knew law and judgment." דּבר here does not signify word or speech, but matter, business; and the meaning of this parenthetical sentence is, that in every matter, the king, before deciding, applied to those who were skilled in law and judgment to hear their opinions concerning it. With this is joined a second explanatory parenthetical sentence, Esther 1:14 : "And those next him were Carshena, etc., the seven princes of the Persians and Medes, who behold the king's countenance, who hold the first seat in his kingdom." אליו הקּרב is indefinite, and may be understood as expressing the plural. It is perhaps questionable how this clause should be combined with what precedes, whether with ודין דּת כּל־ידעי, before all that knew law and judgment and those next him, or with לחכמים, Esther 1:13 : he spoke to the wise men ... and those next him. In any case the sense is, that the seven princes of the Persians and Medes were also numbered either among the wise men who knew the times, or those who were skilled in the law. These seven princes are the seven king's counsellors of Ezra 7:14, and by their number of seven form a counterpart to the seven Amshaspands. They who see the face of the king, i.e., are allowed direct intercourse with him. Herod. iii. 84 relates of the seven princes who conspired the overthrow of the pretended Smerdis, that they resolved, that it should be permitted them to present themselves unannounced before the future king. Hence many expositors identify these seven princes with the authorities called the seven counsellors, but without sufficient grounds. The number seven frequently recurs, - comp. the seven eunuchs, Esther 1:5, the seven maidens who waited on Esther 2:9, - and refers in the present case to the seven Amshaspands, in others to the days of the week, or the seven planets. ראשׁנה היּשׁבים, who sit first, i.e., in the highest place, i.e., constitute the highest authority in the realm. What the king said (Esther 1:13) does not follow till Esther 1:15 : "According to law, what is to be done to Queen Vashti, because she has not done the word of the king," i.e., not obeyed his command by the eunuchs? כּדת, according to law, legally, is placed first because it is intended emphatically to assert that the proceeding is to be in conformity with the law. עשׂה with בּ, to inflict something on any one.
Geneva 1599
1:13 Then the king said to the wise men, (h) which knew the times, (for so [was] the king's manner toward all that knew law and judgment:
(h) Who had experience in things as they had learned by diligent marking in continuance of time.
John Gill
1:13 Then the king said to the wise men that knew the times,.... Astrologers, as Aben Ezra, that knew the fit time for doing anything; or that had knowledge of ancient times, historians, well read in history, and knew things that had happened similar to this:
for so was the king's manner towards all that knew law and judgment; it was customary with him in any case of difficulty to have the opinion and advice of those that were expert in the law, and well understood right and wrong. These are called by Herodotus (t) the king's judges.
(t) Thalia, sive, l. 3. c. 14, 31. so in Aelian. Var. Hist. l. 1. c. 34.
John Wesley
1:13 The times - The histories of former times, what princes have done in such cases as this was.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:13 Then the king said to the wise men--These were probably the magi, without whose advice as to the proper time of doing a thing the Persian kings never did take any step whatever; and the persons named in Esther 1:14 were the "seven counsellors" (compare Ezra 7:14) who formed the state ministry. The combined wisdom of all, it seems, was enlisted to consult with the king what course should be taken after so unprecedented an occurrence as Vashti's disobedience of the royal summons. It is scarcely possible for us to imagine the astonishment produced by such a refusal in a country and a court where the will of the sovereign was absolute. The assembled grandees were petrified with horror at the daring affront. Alarm for the consequences that might ensue to each of them in his own household next seized on their minds; and the sounds of bacchanalian revelry were hushed into deep and anxious consultation what punishment to inflict on the refractory queen. But a purpose was to be served by the flattery of the king and the enslavement of all women. The counsellors were too intoxicated or obsequious to oppose the courtly advice of Memucan was unanimously resolved, with a wise regard to the public interests of the nation, that the punishment of Vashti could be nothing short of degradation from her royal dignity. The doom was accordingly pronounced and made known in all parts of the empire.
1:141:14: Եւ մատեան առաջի նորա Արքինսէոս եւ Առնաթեւ եւ Մաղիսեար, իշխանք Պարսի՛ց եւ Մարաց որ էին մերձաւորք եւ աթոռակի՛ցք արքային[5209]. [5209] Ոմանք. Արքինէոս եւ Առնաթեւ։
14 Եւ նրա մօտ մտան Արքինէոսը, Առնաթեւը եւ Մալիսեարը՝ պարսիկների եւ մարերի այն իշխանները, որ արքայի մերձաւորներն ու աթոռակիցներն էին.
14 Մարերու ու Պարսիկներու եօթը իշխանները, Կարսենան, Սեթարը, Ադմաթան, Թարսիսը, Մերէսը, Մարսենան եւ Մեմուքան, որոնք անոր մօտ էին ու թագաւորին երեսը կը տեսնէին, թագաւորութեան առաջին խորհրդականներն էին).
Եւ մատեան առաջի նորա Արքինսէոս եւ Առնաթեր եւ Մաղիսեար` իշխանք Պարսից եւ Մարաց, որ էին մերձաւորք եւ աթոռակիցք արքային:

1:14: Եւ մատեան առաջի նորա Արքինսէոս եւ Առնաթեւ եւ Մաղիսեար, իշխանք Պարսի՛ց եւ Մարաց որ էին մերձաւորք եւ աթոռակի՛ցք արքային[5209].
[5209] Ոմանք. Արքինէոս եւ Առնաթեւ։
14 Եւ նրա մօտ մտան Արքինէոսը, Առնաթեւը եւ Մալիսեարը՝ պարսիկների եւ մարերի այն իշխանները, որ արքայի մերձաւորներն ու աթոռակիցներն էին.
14 Մարերու ու Պարսիկներու եօթը իշխանները, Կարսենան, Սեթարը, Ադմաթան, Թարսիսը, Մերէսը, Մարսենան եւ Մեմուքան, որոնք անոր մօտ էին ու թագաւորին երեսը կը տեսնէին, թագաւորութեան առաջին խորհրդականներն էին).
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:141:14: приближенными же к нему {тогда были}: Каршена, Шефар, Адмафа, Фарсис, Мерес, Марсена, Мемухан семь князей Персидских и Мидийских, которые могли видеть лице царя {и} сидели первыми в царстве:
1:14 καὶ και and; even προσῆλθεν προσερχομαι approach; go ahead αὐτῷ αυτος he; him Αρκεσαιος αρκεσαιος and; even Σαρσαθαιος σαρσαθαιος and; even Μαλησεαρ μαλησεαρ the ἄρχοντες αρχων ruling; ruler Περσῶν περσης and; even Μήδων μηδος Mēdos; Mithos οἱ ο the ἐγγὺς εγγυς close τοῦ ο the βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king οἱ ο the πρῶτοι πρωτος first; foremost παρακαθήμενοι παρακαθημαι the βασιλεῖ βασιλευς monarch; king
1:14 וְ wᵊ וְ and הַ ha הַ the קָּרֹ֣ב qqārˈōv קָרֹוב near אֵלָ֗יו ʔēlˈāʸw אֶל to כַּרְשְׁנָ֤א karšᵊnˈā כַּרְשְׁנָא Carshena שֵׁתָר֙ šēṯˌār שֵׁתָר Shethar אַדְמָ֣תָא ʔaḏmˈāṯā אַדְמָתָא Admatha תַרְשִׁ֔ישׁ ṯaršˈîš תַּרְשִׁישׁ Tarshish מֶ֥רֶס mˌeres מֶרֶס Meres מַרְסְנָ֖א marsᵊnˌā מַרְסְנָא Marsena מְמוּכָ֑ן mᵊmûḵˈān מְמוּכָן Memucan שִׁבְעַ֞ת šivʕˈaṯ שֶׁבַע seven שָׂרֵ֣י׀ śārˈê שַׂר chief פָּרַ֣ס pārˈas פָּרַס Persia וּ û וְ and מָדַ֗י māḏˈay מָדַי Media רֹאֵי֙ rōʔˌê ראה see פְּנֵ֣י pᵊnˈê פָּנֶה face הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֔לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king הַ ha הַ the יֹּשְׁבִ֥ים yyōšᵊvˌîm ישׁב sit רִאשֹׁנָ֖ה rišōnˌā רִאשֹׁון first בַּ ba בְּ in † הַ the מַּלְכֽוּת׃ mmalᵊḵˈûṯ מַלְכוּת kingship
1:14. erant autem primi et proximi Charsena et Sethar et Admatha et Tharsis et Mares et Marsana et Mamucha septem duces Persarum atque Medorum qui videbant faciem regis et primi post eum residere soliti erant(Now the chief and nearest him were, Charsena, and Sethar, and Admatha, and Tharsis, and Mares, and Marsana, and Mamuchan, seven princes of the Persians and of the Medes, who saw the face of the king, and were used to sit first after him:)
14. and the next unto him was Carshena, Shethar, Admatha, Tarshish, Meres, Marsena, and Memucan, the seven princes of Persia and Media, which saw the king’s face, and sat first in the kingdom:)
1:14. (but first and foremost were Carshena, and Shethar, and Admatha, and Tarshish, and Meres, and Marsena, and Memucan, seven rulers of the Persians as well as the Medes, who saw the face of the king and who were accustomed to sitting down first after him,)
1:14. And the next unto him [was] Carshena, Shethar, Admatha, Tarshish, Meres, Marsena, [and] Memucan, the seven princes of Persia and Media, which saw the king’s face, [and] which sat the first in the kingdom;)
And the next unto him [was] Carshena, Shethar, Admatha, Tarshish, Meres, Marsena, [and] Memucan, the seven princes of Persia and Media, which saw the king' s face, [and] which sat the first in the kingdom:

1:14: приближенными же к нему {тогда были}: Каршена, Шефар, Адмафа, Фарсис, Мерес, Марсена, Мемухан семь князей Персидских и Мидийских, которые могли видеть лице царя {и} сидели первыми в царстве:
1:14
καὶ και and; even
προσῆλθεν προσερχομαι approach; go ahead
αὐτῷ αυτος he; him
Αρκεσαιος αρκεσαιος and; even
Σαρσαθαιος σαρσαθαιος and; even
Μαλησεαρ μαλησεαρ the
ἄρχοντες αρχων ruling; ruler
Περσῶν περσης and; even
Μήδων μηδος Mēdos; Mithos
οἱ ο the
ἐγγὺς εγγυς close
τοῦ ο the
βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king
οἱ ο the
πρῶτοι πρωτος first; foremost
παρακαθήμενοι παρακαθημαι the
βασιλεῖ βασιλευς monarch; king
1:14
וְ wᵊ וְ and
הַ ha הַ the
קָּרֹ֣ב qqārˈōv קָרֹוב near
אֵלָ֗יו ʔēlˈāʸw אֶל to
כַּרְשְׁנָ֤א karšᵊnˈā כַּרְשְׁנָא Carshena
שֵׁתָר֙ šēṯˌār שֵׁתָר Shethar
אַדְמָ֣תָא ʔaḏmˈāṯā אַדְמָתָא Admatha
תַרְשִׁ֔ישׁ ṯaršˈîš תַּרְשִׁישׁ Tarshish
מֶ֥רֶס mˌeres מֶרֶס Meres
מַרְסְנָ֖א marsᵊnˌā מַרְסְנָא Marsena
מְמוּכָ֑ן mᵊmûḵˈān מְמוּכָן Memucan
שִׁבְעַ֞ת šivʕˈaṯ שֶׁבַע seven
שָׂרֵ֣י׀ śārˈê שַׂר chief
פָּרַ֣ס pārˈas פָּרַס Persia
וּ û וְ and
מָדַ֗י māḏˈay מָדַי Media
רֹאֵי֙ rōʔˌê ראה see
פְּנֵ֣י pᵊnˈê פָּנֶה face
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֔לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
הַ ha הַ the
יֹּשְׁבִ֥ים yyōšᵊvˌîm ישׁב sit
רִאשֹׁנָ֖ה rišōnˌā רִאשֹׁון first
בַּ ba בְּ in
הַ the
מַּלְכֽוּת׃ mmalᵊḵˈûṯ מַלְכוּת kingship
1:14. erant autem primi et proximi Charsena et Sethar et Admatha et Tharsis et Mares et Marsana et Mamucha septem duces Persarum atque Medorum qui videbant faciem regis et primi post eum residere soliti erant
(Now the chief and nearest him were, Charsena, and Sethar, and Admatha, and Tharsis, and Mares, and Marsana, and Mamuchan, seven princes of the Persians and of the Medes, who saw the face of the king, and were used to sit first after him:)
1:14. (but first and foremost were Carshena, and Shethar, and Admatha, and Tarshish, and Meres, and Marsena, and Memucan, seven rulers of the Persians as well as the Medes, who saw the face of the king and who were accustomed to sitting down first after him,)
1:14. And the next unto him [was] Carshena, Shethar, Admatha, Tarshish, Meres, Marsena, [and] Memucan, the seven princes of Persia and Media, which saw the king’s face, [and] which sat the first in the kingdom;)
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾ catholic_pdv▾ kjv_1900▾
jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
14. 'АЛэтмвчдегьдащецда'.т.е.имели к нему доступ при исполнении им своих царских дел. Число этих привилегированных лиц было очень ограниченно (7); к нему не принадлежала даже ближайшая подруга царя - царица, как видим это далее на Есфири (IV, 11: и далее).
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:14: And the next unto him - the seven princes - Probably, the privy counsellors of the king. Which saw the king's face - were at all times admitted to the royal presence.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:14: In Marsena we may perhaps recognize the famous Mardonius, and in Admatha, Xerxes' uncle, Artabanus.
The seven princes - There were seven families of the first rank in Persia, from which alone the king could take his wives. Their chiefs were entitled to have free access to the monarch's person. See the margin reference note.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:14: the seven: Ezr 7:14
saw: Kg2 25:19; Mat 18:10; Rev 22:4
Geneva 1599
1:14 And the next unto him [was] Carshena, Shethar, Admatha, Tarshish, Meres, Marsena, [and] Memucan, the seven princes of Persia and Media, which saw the (i) king's face, [and] which sat the first in the kingdom;)
(i) Who were his chief counsellors that always had access to him.
John Gill
1:14 And the next unto him,.... That sat next to the king, and was the chief in dignity and authority under him:
was Carshena; and so everyone in their rank and order, as next mentioned:
Shethar, Admatha, Tarshish, Meres, Marsena, and Memucan; who, according to the latter Targum, were of different countries; the first of Africa, the second of India, the third of Idumea, the fourth of Egypt, the fifth of Resen, Gen 10:12 which is framed out of Marsena, who is dropped, and the last of Jerusalem, said to be Daniel; though the former Targum makes him to be Haman:
the seven powers of Persia and Media; which custom of having seven counsellors with the kings of Persia arose from the seven princes that slew Smerdis the pretender, and made Darius Hystaspis king, the father of Xerxes:
which saw the king's face; were intimate and familiar with him, often in his presence; yea, might go into it when they pleased, without the ceremony of being introduced; which privilege the above persons reserved to themselves, when they placed Darius on the throne, as Herodotus relates (u):
and which sat the first in the kingdom; next to the king, and were assisting to him in the administration of government, see Ezra 7:14.
(u) lb. (Thalia, sive, l. 3.) c. 84, 118.
John Wesley
1:14 Saw - Who had constant freedom of access to the king, and familiar converse with him: which is thus expressed, because the Persian kings were very seldom seen by their subjects. Sat - Who were his chief counsellors and officers.
1:151:15: եւ պատմեցին եթէ ո՞րպէս օրէն է առնել Ասթանեայ կնոջ թագաւորին, զի ո՛չ արար զհրամանս արքային, զոր հրամայեաց նմա ՚ի ձե՛ռն ներքինեացն[5210]։ [5210] Ոմանք. Ասթինեայ թագաւորին կնոջ։
15 սրանք յայտնեցին, թէ օրէնքով ինչ պէտք անել թագաւորի կին Ասթինէին, քանի որ չէր կատարել ներքինիների միջոցով իրեն տրուած արքայական հրամանը:
15 «Օրէնքով ի՞նչ պէտք է ընել Վաշթի թագուհիին. քանի որ Ասուերոս թագաւորին ներքինիներուն միջոցով ղրկած հրամանը չկատարեց»։
Եւ պատմեցին եթէ ո՞րպէս`` օրէն է առնել Ասթինեայ կնոջ թագաւորին, զի ոչ արար զհրամանս արքային, զոր հրամայեաց նմա ի ձեռն ներքինեացն:

1:15: եւ պատմեցին եթէ ո՞րպէս օրէն է առնել Ասթանեայ կնոջ թագաւորին, զի ո՛չ արար զհրամանս արքային, զոր հրամայեաց նմա ՚ի ձե՛ռն ներքինեացն[5210]։
[5210] Ոմանք. Ասթինեայ թագաւորին կնոջ։
15 սրանք յայտնեցին, թէ օրէնքով ինչ պէտք անել թագաւորի կին Ասթինէին, քանի որ չէր կատարել ներքինիների միջոցով իրեն տրուած արքայական հրամանը:
15 «Օրէնքով ի՞նչ պէտք է ընել Վաշթի թագուհիին. քանի որ Ասուերոս թագաւորին ներքինիներուն միջոցով ղրկած հրամանը չկատարեց»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:151:15: как поступить по закону с царицею Астинь за то, что она не сделала по слову царя Артаксеркса, {объявленному} чрез евнухов?
1:15 καὶ και and; even ἀπήγγειλαν απαγγελλω report αὐτῷ αυτος he; him κατὰ κατα down; by τοὺς ο the νόμους νομος.1 law ὡς ως.1 as; how δεῖ δει is necessary; have to ποιῆσαι ποιεω do; make Αστιν αστιν the βασιλίσσῃ βασιλισσα queen ὅτι οτι since; that οὐκ ου not ἐποίησεν ποιεω do; make τὰ ο the ὑπὸ υπο under; by τοῦ ο the βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king προσταχθέντα προστασσω ordain; order διὰ δια through; because of τῶν ο the εὐνούχων ευνουχος eunuch
1:15 כְּ kᵊ כְּ as דָת֙ ḏˌāṯ דָּת orders מַֽה־ mˈah- מָה what לַּ lla לְ to עֲשֹׂ֔ות ʕᵃśˈôṯ עשׂה make בַּ ba בְּ in † הַ the מַּלְכָּ֖ה mmalkˌā מַלְכָּה queen וַשְׁתִּ֑י waštˈî וַשְׁתִּי Vashti עַ֣ל׀ ʕˈal עַל upon אֲשֶׁ֣ר ʔᵃšˈer אֲשֶׁר [relative] לֹֽא־ lˈō- לֹא not עָשְׂתָ֗ה ʕāśᵊṯˈā עשׂה make אֶֽת־ ʔˈeṯ- אֵת [object marker] מַאֲמַר֙ maʔᵃmˌar מַאֲמָר word הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֣לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹ֔ושׁ ʔᵃḥašwērˈôš אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹושׁ Ahasuerus בְּ bᵊ בְּ in יַ֖ד yˌaḏ יָד hand הַ ha הַ the סָּרִיסִֽים׃ ס ssārîsˈîm . s סָרִיס official
1:15. cui sententiae Vasthi regina subiaceret quae Asueri regis imperium quod per eunuchos mandaverat facere noluissetWhat sentence ought to pass upon Vasthi the queen, who had refused to obey the commandment of king Assuerus, which he had sent to her by the eunuchs?
15. What shall we do unto the queen Vashti according to law, because she hath not done the bidding of the king Ahasuerus by the chamberlains?
1:15. as to what sentence should fall upon Vashti the queen, who had refused to do the commandment of king Artaxerxes, which he had delivered to her by the eunuchs.
1:15. What shall we do unto the queen Vashti according to law, because she hath not performed the commandment of the king Ahasuerus by the chamberlains?
What shall we do unto the queen Vashti according to law, because she hath not performed the commandment of the king Ahasuerus by the chamberlains:

1:15: как поступить по закону с царицею Астинь за то, что она не сделала по слову царя Артаксеркса, {объявленному} чрез евнухов?
1:15
καὶ και and; even
ἀπήγγειλαν απαγγελλω report
αὐτῷ αυτος he; him
κατὰ κατα down; by
τοὺς ο the
νόμους νομος.1 law
ὡς ως.1 as; how
δεῖ δει is necessary; have to
ποιῆσαι ποιεω do; make
Αστιν αστιν the
βασιλίσσῃ βασιλισσα queen
ὅτι οτι since; that
οὐκ ου not
ἐποίησεν ποιεω do; make
τὰ ο the
ὑπὸ υπο under; by
τοῦ ο the
βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king
προσταχθέντα προστασσω ordain; order
διὰ δια through; because of
τῶν ο the
εὐνούχων ευνουχος eunuch
1:15
כְּ kᵊ כְּ as
דָת֙ ḏˌāṯ דָּת orders
מַֽה־ mˈah- מָה what
לַּ lla לְ to
עֲשֹׂ֔ות ʕᵃśˈôṯ עשׂה make
בַּ ba בְּ in
הַ the
מַּלְכָּ֖ה mmalkˌā מַלְכָּה queen
וַשְׁתִּ֑י waštˈî וַשְׁתִּי Vashti
עַ֣ל׀ ʕˈal עַל upon
אֲשֶׁ֣ר ʔᵃšˈer אֲשֶׁר [relative]
לֹֽא־ lˈō- לֹא not
עָשְׂתָ֗ה ʕāśᵊṯˈā עשׂה make
אֶֽת־ ʔˈeṯ- אֵת [object marker]
מַאֲמַר֙ maʔᵃmˌar מַאֲמָר word
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֣לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹ֔ושׁ ʔᵃḥašwērˈôš אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹושׁ Ahasuerus
בְּ bᵊ בְּ in
יַ֖ד yˌaḏ יָד hand
הַ ha הַ the
סָּרִיסִֽים׃ ס ssārîsˈîm . s סָרִיס official
1:15. cui sententiae Vasthi regina subiaceret quae Asueri regis imperium quod per eunuchos mandaverat facere noluisset
What sentence ought to pass upon Vasthi the queen, who had refused to obey the commandment of king Assuerus, which he had sent to her by the eunuchs?
1:15. as to what sentence should fall upon Vashti the queen, who had refused to do the commandment of king Artaxerxes, which he had delivered to her by the eunuchs.
1:15. What shall we do unto the queen Vashti according to law, because she hath not performed the commandment of the king Ahasuerus by the chamberlains?
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾ catholic_pdv▾ kjv_1900▾
jg▾ tr▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
15-18. В приговоре приближенных царя по делу Астини совершенно отсутствует указание на смягчающие ее вину обстоятельства; видно, что раболепие царедворцев выше всего ставило -действовать в тон настроения царя и в угоду этому настроению; мало того, царедворцы даже сгущают краски, преувеличивают дело, излишне обобщают его, высказывая опасение, что 'княгини Персидские и Мидийские" и все жены персидские вообще "будут пренебрегать мужьями своими", исключая всякую возможность случаев, когда это пренебрежение может быть вопросом женской жизни и чести, и, таким образом, отдавая женщину в полное рабское подчинение всем капризам мужчины.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:15: What shall we do: Heb. What to do, Est 6:6
John Gill
1:15 What shall we do unto the Queen Vashti, according to law,.... The king desired to know what law was provided in such a case as her's, and what to be done according to it:
because she hath not performed the commandment of the king by the chamberlains? as this was the crime, disobedience to his commands, he would have those who had knowledge of the law consider what punishment was to be inflicted on her for it, according to former laws, usages, and customs, or as reason and justice required; and it being a festival, and they heated with wine, was no objection to a consultation on this head; for it was the manner of the Persians at festivals, and when inflamed with wine, to consult and determine about matters of the greatest moment (w); yea, reckoned their counsels and decrees firmer than when made when they were sober (x); so the ancient Germans (y).
(w) Clio, sive, l. 1. c. 133. (x) Strabo. Geograph. l. 15. p. 505. Alex. ab Alex. Genial. Dier. l. 4. c. 11. & l. 5. c. 21. (y) Tacitus de Mor. German. c. 22.
1:161:16: Եւ ասէ Ոմիքեւս ցարքայ եւ ցիշխանսն. Ո՛չ եթէ արքայի՛ միայն ընդդէմ դարձաւ Ասթինէ տիկնա՛նց տիկին, այլ ամենայն իշխանաց եւ կուսակալա՛ց արքայի[5211]։ [5211] Ոմանք. Ասիթենէ տիկնաց տիկին։
16 Այն ժամանակ Մուրթքէն ասաց արքային. «Տիկնանց տիկին Ասթինէն հակառակուեց ոչ թէ միայն արքային, այլեւ՝ արքայի բոլոր իշխաններին եւ կուսակալներին:
16 Այն ատեն Մեմուքան՝ թագաւորին ու իշխաններուն առջեւ ըսաւ. «Վաշթի թագուհին ո՛չ միայն թագաւորին դէմ, հապա բոլոր իշխաններուն դէմ ու Ասուերոս թագաւորին բոլոր գաւառներուն մէջ եղող բոլոր ժողովուրդներուն դէմ յանցանք գործեց.
Եւ ասէ [12]Մուքեւս ցարքայ եւ ցիշխանսն. Ոչ եթէ արքայի միայն ընդդէմ դարձաւ Ասթինէ տիկնաց տիկին, այլ ամենայն իշխանաց եւ [13]կուսակալաց արքայի:

1:16: Եւ ասէ Ոմիքեւս ցարքայ եւ ցիշխանսն. Ո՛չ եթէ արքայի՛ միայն ընդդէմ դարձաւ Ասթինէ տիկնա՛նց տիկին, այլ ամենայն իշխանաց եւ կուսակալա՛ց արքայի[5211]։
[5211] Ոմանք. Ասիթենէ տիկնաց տիկին։
16 Այն ժամանակ Մուրթքէն ասաց արքային. «Տիկնանց տիկին Ասթինէն հակառակուեց ոչ թէ միայն արքային, այլեւ՝ արքայի բոլոր իշխաններին եւ կուսակալներին:
16 Այն ատեն Մեմուքան՝ թագաւորին ու իշխաններուն առջեւ ըսաւ. «Վաշթի թագուհին ո՛չ միայն թագաւորին դէմ, հապա բոլոր իշխաններուն դէմ ու Ասուերոս թագաւորին բոլոր գաւառներուն մէջ եղող բոլոր ժողովուրդներուն դէմ յանցանք գործեց.
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:161:16: И сказал Мемухан пред лицем царя и князей: не пред царем одним виновна царица Астинь, а пред всеми князьями и пред всеми народами, которые по всем областям царя Артаксеркса;
1:16 καὶ και and; even εἶπεν επω say; speak ὁ ο the Μουχαιος μουχαιος to; toward τὸν ο the βασιλέα βασιλευς monarch; king καὶ και and; even τοὺς ο the ἄρχοντας αρχων ruling; ruler οὐ ου not τὸν ο the βασιλέα βασιλευς monarch; king μόνον μονον only; alone ἠδίκησεν αδικεω injure; unjust to Αστιν αστιν the βασίλισσα βασιλισσα queen ἀλλὰ αλλα but καὶ και and; even πάντας πας all; every τοὺς ο the ἄρχοντας αρχων ruling; ruler καὶ και and; even τοὺς ο the ἡγουμένους ηγεομαι lead; consider τοῦ ο the βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king
1:16 וַ wa וְ and יֹּ֣אמֶר yyˈōmer אמר say מְמוּכָ֗ןמומכן *mᵊmûḵˈān מְמוּכָן Memucan לִ li לְ to פְנֵ֤י fᵊnˈê פָּנֶה face הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֨לֶךְ֙ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king וְ wᵊ וְ and הַ ha הַ the שָּׂרִ֔ים śśārˈîm שַׂר chief לֹ֤א lˈō לֹא not עַל־ ʕal- עַל upon הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֨לֶךְ֙ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king לְ lᵊ לְ to בַדֹּ֔ו vaddˈô בַּד linen, part, stave עָוְתָ֖ה ʕāwᵊṯˌā עוה do wrong וַשְׁתִּ֣י waštˈî וַשְׁתִּי Vashti הַ ha הַ the מַּלְכָּ֑ה mmalkˈā מַלְכָּה queen כִּ֤י kˈî כִּי that עַל־ ʕal- עַל upon כָּל־ kol- כֹּל whole הַ ha הַ the שָּׂרִים֙ śśārîm שַׂר chief וְ wᵊ וְ and עַל־ ʕal- עַל upon כָּל־ kol- כֹּל whole הָ֣ hˈā הַ the עַמִּ֔ים ʕammˈîm עַם people אֲשֶׁ֕ר ʔᵃšˈer אֲשֶׁר [relative] בְּ bᵊ בְּ in כָל־ ḵol- כֹּל whole מְדִינֹ֖ות mᵊḏînˌôṯ מְדִינָה district הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֥לֶךְ mmˌeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹֽושׁ׃ ʔᵃḥašwērˈôš אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹושׁ Ahasuerus
1:16. responditque Mamuchan audiente rege atque principibus non solum regem laesit regina Vasthi sed omnes principes et populos qui sunt in cunctis provinciis regis AsueriAnd Mamuchan answered, in the hearing of the king and the princes: Queen Vasthi hath not only injured the king, but also all the people and princes that are in all the provinces of king Assuerus.
16. And Memucan answered before the king and the princes, Vashti the queen hath not done wrong to the king only, but also to all the princes, and to all the peoples that are in all the provinces of the king Ahasuerus.
1:16. And Memucan answered, in the hearing of the king as well as the rulers, “Queen Vashti has wounded not only the king, but also all the people and the leaders, who are in all the provinces of king Artaxerxes.
1:16. And Memucan answered before the king and the princes, Vashti the queen hath not done wrong to the king only, but also to all the princes, and to all the people that [are] in all the provinces of the king Ahasuerus.
And Memucan answered before the king and the princes, Vashti the queen hath not done wrong to the king only, but also to all the princes, and to all the people that [are] in all the provinces of the king Ahasuerus:

1:16: И сказал Мемухан пред лицем царя и князей: не пред царем одним виновна царица Астинь, а пред всеми князьями и пред всеми народами, которые по всем областям царя Артаксеркса;
1:16
καὶ και and; even
εἶπεν επω say; speak
ο the
Μουχαιος μουχαιος to; toward
τὸν ο the
βασιλέα βασιλευς monarch; king
καὶ και and; even
τοὺς ο the
ἄρχοντας αρχων ruling; ruler
οὐ ου not
τὸν ο the
βασιλέα βασιλευς monarch; king
μόνον μονον only; alone
ἠδίκησεν αδικεω injure; unjust to
Αστιν αστιν the
βασίλισσα βασιλισσα queen
ἀλλὰ αλλα but
καὶ και and; even
πάντας πας all; every
τοὺς ο the
ἄρχοντας αρχων ruling; ruler
καὶ και and; even
τοὺς ο the
ἡγουμένους ηγεομαι lead; consider
τοῦ ο the
βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king
1:16
וַ wa וְ and
יֹּ֣אמֶר yyˈōmer אמר say
מְמוּכָ֗ןמומכן
*mᵊmûḵˈān מְמוּכָן Memucan
לִ li לְ to
פְנֵ֤י fᵊnˈê פָּנֶה face
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֨לֶךְ֙ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
וְ wᵊ וְ and
הַ ha הַ the
שָּׂרִ֔ים śśārˈîm שַׂר chief
לֹ֤א lˈō לֹא not
עַל־ ʕal- עַל upon
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֨לֶךְ֙ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
לְ lᵊ לְ to
בַדֹּ֔ו vaddˈô בַּד linen, part, stave
עָוְתָ֖ה ʕāwᵊṯˌā עוה do wrong
וַשְׁתִּ֣י waštˈî וַשְׁתִּי Vashti
הַ ha הַ the
מַּלְכָּ֑ה mmalkˈā מַלְכָּה queen
כִּ֤י kˈî כִּי that
עַל־ ʕal- עַל upon
כָּל־ kol- כֹּל whole
הַ ha הַ the
שָּׂרִים֙ śśārîm שַׂר chief
וְ wᵊ וְ and
עַל־ ʕal- עַל upon
כָּל־ kol- כֹּל whole
הָ֣ hˈā הַ the
עַמִּ֔ים ʕammˈîm עַם people
אֲשֶׁ֕ר ʔᵃšˈer אֲשֶׁר [relative]
בְּ bᵊ בְּ in
כָל־ ḵol- כֹּל whole
מְדִינֹ֖ות mᵊḏînˌôṯ מְדִינָה district
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֥לֶךְ mmˌeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹֽושׁ׃ ʔᵃḥašwērˈôš אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹושׁ Ahasuerus
1:16. responditque Mamuchan audiente rege atque principibus non solum regem laesit regina Vasthi sed omnes principes et populos qui sunt in cunctis provinciis regis Asueri
And Mamuchan answered, in the hearing of the king and the princes: Queen Vasthi hath not only injured the king, but also all the people and princes that are in all the provinces of king Assuerus.
1:16. And Memucan answered, in the hearing of the king as well as the rulers, “Queen Vashti has wounded not only the king, but also all the people and the leaders, who are in all the provinces of king Artaxerxes.
1:16. And Memucan answered before the king and the princes, Vashti the queen hath not done wrong to the king only, but also to all the princes, and to all the people that [are] in all the provinces of the king Ahasuerus.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾ catholic_pdv▾ kjv_1900▾
jg▾ gnv▾ kad▾ tr▾ ac▾ all ▾
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:16: Vashti - hath not done wrong to the king only - This reasoning or arguing was inconsequent and false. Vashti had not generally disobeyed the king, therefore she could be no precedent for the general conduct of the Persian women. She disobeyed only in one particular; and this, to serve a purpose, Memucan draws into a general consequence; and the rest came to the conclusion which he drew, being either too drunk to be able to discern right from wrong, or too intent on reducing the women to a state of vassalage, to neglect the present favorable opportunity.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:16: Vashti: This reasoning was inconsequent and false. Vashti had not generally disobeyed the king, therefore she could be no precedent for the general conduct of the Persian women. She disobeyed only in one particular; and this, to serve a purpose, Memucan draws into a general consequence, and the rest came into the conclusion, being either too intoxicated to be able to discern right from wrong, or too intent on reducing women to a state of vassalage, to neglect the present favourable opportunity.
done wrong: Act 18:14, Act 25:10; Co1 6:7, Co1 6:8
Carl Friedrich Keil and Franz Delitzsch
1:16
The counsel of the wise men. Esther 1:16. Memucan, who was the last mentioned in Esther 1:14, comes forward as spokesman for the rest, and declares before the king and the princes, i.e., in a solemn assembly, and evidently as the result of a previous joint consultation: Vashti the queen has not done wrong to the king alone, but also to all the princes and all the people, because the example of the queen will lead all the Median and Persian wives to despise their husbands. Therefore an irrevocable edict is to be published decreeing the divorce of Queen Vashti, and this law published throughout the whole realm, that all wives may show honour to their husbands. Vashti has not transgressed against the king alone (Esther 1:16), but against all the princes and people in all the provinces of King Ahashverosh (Esther 1:16). In what respect, then, is the latter assertion true? We are told Esther 1:17 and Esther 1:18. "For the deed of the queen will come abroad to (על for אל) all women, to bring their husbands into contempt in their eyes (the infin. להבזות stating the result), while they will say," etc. (the suffix of בּאמרם relates to the women, who will appeal to the disobedience of the queen). Esther 1:18. "And this day (i.e., already) the princesses of the Persians and Medians, who hear of the act of the queen (דּבר, not the word, but the thing, i.e., her rejection of her husband's command), will tell it to all the princes of the king, and (there will be) enough contempt and provocation. קצף is an outburst of anger; here, therefore, a provocation to wrath. Bertheau makes the words זק בז וּכדי the object of תּאמרנה, which, after the long parenthesis, is united to the copula by w, and for, "to speak contempt and wrath," reads: to speak contemptuously in wrath. But this change cannot be substantiated. The expression, to speak wrath, is indeed unexampled, but that is no reason for making קצף stand for בּקצף, the very adoption of such an ellipsis showing, that this explanation is inadmissible. The words must be taken alone, as an independent clause, which may be readily completed by יהיה: and contempt and wrath will be according to abundance. כּדי is a litotes for: more than enough. The object of תּאמרנה must be supplied from the context: it - that is, what the queen said to her husband. In the former verse Memucan was speaking of all women; here (Esther 1:18) he speaks only of the princesses of the Persians and Medes, because these are staying in the neighbourhood of the court, and will immediately hear of the matter, and "after the manner of the court ladies and associates of a queen will quickly follow, and appeal to her example" (Berth.).
Geneva 1599
1:16 And Memucan answered before the king and the princes, Vashti the queen hath not done (k) wrong to the king only, but also to all the princes, and to all the people that [are] in all the provinces of the king Ahasuerus.
(k) By her disobedience she has given an example to all women to do the same to their husbands.
John Gill
1:16 And Memucan answered before the king and the princes,.... Who was the last, and perhaps the least and the youngest of the counsellors; it being appointed by the king, according to the latter Targum that when his counsellors sat, the least should give their counsel first; just as puisne judges, and the youngest peers with us, give their opinion in a case first:
Vashti the queen hath not done wrong to the king only, but also to all the princes, and to all the people that are in all the provinces of the King Ahasuerus; he means, by setting a bad example to their wives, as after explained; it is an exaggeration of her crime, and made with a design to incense the king the more against her.
1:171:17: Սո՛յնպէս եւ ամենայն կանայք լինին անհնազա՛նդ իշխանաց Պարսից եւ Մարաց.
17 Այսպէս անհնազանդ կը լինեն նաեւ պարսիկների ու մարերի իշխանների բոլոր կանայք.
17 Վասն զի թագուհիին ըրածը բոլոր կիներուն մէջ տարածուելով, անոնք իրենց այրերը պիտի անարգեն, ըսելով. ‘Ասուերոս թագաւորը հրամայեց, որ Վաշթի թագուհին իր առջեւ գայ, բայց անիկա չեկաւ’։
Սոյնպէս եւ ամենայն կանայք լինին անհնազանդ իշխանաց Պարսից եւ Մարաց:

1:17: Սո՛յնպէս եւ ամենայն կանայք լինին անհնազա՛նդ իշխանաց Պարսից եւ Մարաց.
17 Այսպէս անհնազանդ կը լինեն նաեւ պարսիկների ու մարերի իշխանների բոլոր կանայք.
17 Վասն զի թագուհիին ըրածը բոլոր կիներուն մէջ տարածուելով, անոնք իրենց այրերը պիտի անարգեն, ըսելով. ‘Ասուերոս թագաւորը հրամայեց, որ Վաշթի թագուհին իր առջեւ գայ, բայց անիկա չեկաւ’։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:171:17: потому что поступок царицы дойдет до всех жен, и они будут пренебрегать мужьями своими и говорить: царь Артаксеркс велел привести царицу Астинь пред лице свое, а она не пошла.
1:17 καὶ και and; even γὰρ γαρ for διηγήσατο διηγεομαι narrate; describe αὐτοῖς αυτος he; him τὰ ο the ῥήματα ρημα statement; phrase τῆς ο the βασιλίσσης βασιλισσα queen καὶ και and; even ὡς ως.1 as; how ἀντεῖπεν αντεπω speak against τῷ ο the βασιλεῖ βασιλευς monarch; king ὡς ως.1 as; how οὖν ουν then ἀντεῖπεν αντεπω speak against τῷ ο the βασιλεῖ βασιλευς monarch; king Ἀρταξέρξῃ αρταξερξης Artaxerxēs; Artakserksis
1:17 כִּֽי־ kˈî- כִּי that יֵצֵ֤א yēṣˈē יצא go out דְבַר־ ḏᵊvar- דָּבָר word הַ ha הַ the מַּלְכָּה֙ mmalkˌā מַלְכָּה queen עַל־ ʕal- עַל upon כָּל־ kol- כֹּל whole הַ ha הַ the נָּשִׁ֔ים nnāšˈîm אִשָּׁה woman לְ lᵊ לְ to הַבְזֹ֥ות havzˌôṯ בזה despise בַּעְלֵיהֶ֖ן baʕlêhˌen בַּעַל lord, baal בְּ bᵊ בְּ in עֵינֵיהֶ֑ן ʕênêhˈen עַיִן eye בְּ bᵊ בְּ in אָמְרָ֗ם ʔomrˈām אמר say הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֣לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹ֡ושׁ ʔᵃḥašwērˈôš אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹושׁ Ahasuerus אָמַ֞ר ʔāmˈar אמר say לְ lᵊ לְ to הָבִ֨יא hāvˌî בוא come אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker] וַשְׁתִּ֧י waštˈî וַשְׁתִּי Vashti הַ ha הַ the מַּלְכָּ֛ה mmalkˈā מַלְכָּה queen לְ lᵊ לְ to פָנָ֖יו fānˌāʸw פָּנֶה face וְ wᵊ וְ and לֹא־ lō- לֹא not בָֽאָה׃ vˈāʔā בוא come
1:17. egredietur enim sermo reginae ad omnes mulieres ut contemnant viros suos et dicant rex Asuerus iussit ut regina Vasthi intraret ad eum et illa noluitFor this deed of the queen will go abroad to all women, so that they will despise their husbands, and will say: King Assuerus commanded that queen Vasthi should come in to him, and she would not.
17. For this deed of the queen shall come abroad unto all women, to make their husbands contemptible in their eyes, when it shall be reported, The king Ahasuerus commanded Vashti the queen to be brought in before him, but she came not.
1:17. For word about the queen will go out to all the women, so that they will show contempt for they husbands, and they will say, ‘King Artaxerxes ordered that queen Vashti should enter before him, and she would not.’
1:17. For [this] deed of the queen shall come abroad unto all women, so that they shall despise their husbands in their eyes, when it shall be reported, The king Ahasuerus commanded Vashti the queen to be brought in before him, but she came not.
For [this] deed of the queen shall come abroad unto all women, so that they shall despise their husbands in their eyes, when it shall be reported, The king Ahasuerus commanded Vashti the queen to be brought in before him, but she came not:

1:17: потому что поступок царицы дойдет до всех жен, и они будут пренебрегать мужьями своими и говорить: царь Артаксеркс велел привести царицу Астинь пред лице свое, а она не пошла.
1:17
καὶ και and; even
γὰρ γαρ for
διηγήσατο διηγεομαι narrate; describe
αὐτοῖς αυτος he; him
τὰ ο the
ῥήματα ρημα statement; phrase
τῆς ο the
βασιλίσσης βασιλισσα queen
καὶ και and; even
ὡς ως.1 as; how
ἀντεῖπεν αντεπω speak against
τῷ ο the
βασιλεῖ βασιλευς monarch; king
ὡς ως.1 as; how
οὖν ουν then
ἀντεῖπεν αντεπω speak against
τῷ ο the
βασιλεῖ βασιλευς monarch; king
Ἀρταξέρξῃ αρταξερξης Artaxerxēs; Artakserksis
1:17
כִּֽי־ kˈî- כִּי that
יֵצֵ֤א yēṣˈē יצא go out
דְבַר־ ḏᵊvar- דָּבָר word
הַ ha הַ the
מַּלְכָּה֙ mmalkˌā מַלְכָּה queen
עַל־ ʕal- עַל upon
כָּל־ kol- כֹּל whole
הַ ha הַ the
נָּשִׁ֔ים nnāšˈîm אִשָּׁה woman
לְ lᵊ לְ to
הַבְזֹ֥ות havzˌôṯ בזה despise
בַּעְלֵיהֶ֖ן baʕlêhˌen בַּעַל lord, baal
בְּ bᵊ בְּ in
עֵינֵיהֶ֑ן ʕênêhˈen עַיִן eye
בְּ bᵊ בְּ in
אָמְרָ֗ם ʔomrˈām אמר say
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֣לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹ֡ושׁ ʔᵃḥašwērˈôš אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹושׁ Ahasuerus
אָמַ֞ר ʔāmˈar אמר say
לְ lᵊ לְ to
הָבִ֨יא hāvˌî בוא come
אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker]
וַשְׁתִּ֧י waštˈî וַשְׁתִּי Vashti
הַ ha הַ the
מַּלְכָּ֛ה mmalkˈā מַלְכָּה queen
לְ lᵊ לְ to
פָנָ֖יו fānˌāʸw פָּנֶה face
וְ wᵊ וְ and
לֹא־ lō- לֹא not
בָֽאָה׃ vˈāʔā בוא come
1:17. egredietur enim sermo reginae ad omnes mulieres ut contemnant viros suos et dicant rex Asuerus iussit ut regina Vasthi intraret ad eum et illa noluit
For this deed of the queen will go abroad to all women, so that they will despise their husbands, and will say: King Assuerus commanded that queen Vasthi should come in to him, and she would not.
1:17. For word about the queen will go out to all the women, so that they will show contempt for they husbands, and they will say, ‘King Artaxerxes ordered that queen Vashti should enter before him, and she would not.’
1:17. For [this] deed of the queen shall come abroad unto all women, so that they shall despise their husbands in their eyes, when it shall be reported, The king Ahasuerus commanded Vashti the queen to be brought in before him, but she came not.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾ catholic_pdv▾ kjv_1900▾
jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ all ▾
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:17: despise: Sa2 6:16; Eph 5:33
Geneva 1599
1:17 For [this] (l) deed of the queen shall come abroad unto all women, so that they shall despise their husbands in their eyes, when it shall be reported, The king Ahasuerus commanded Vashti the queen to be brought in before him, but she came not.
(l) That is, her disobedience.
John Gill
1:17 For this deed of the queen shall come abroad unto all women,.... It will soon be spread all over the king's dominions, and reach the ears of the wives of all his subjects, and become their general talk everywhere:
so that they shall despise their husbands in their eyes: make light of their authority, refuse subjection to them, slight their commands, and neglect to yield obedience to them, and so not give them the honour that is due unto them:
when it shall be reported, the King Ahasuerus commanded Vashti the queen to be brought in before him, and she came not; was disobedient to his commands, refused to go along with the chamberlains sent by the king to fetch her.
1:181:18: յորժամ լսեն զարհամարհանս կնոջ թագաւորիս, համարձակին իշխե՛լ անարգել զարս իւրեանց։
18 երբ նրանք լսեն թագաւորի կնոջ այս արհամարհանքը, համարձակ կարող են անարգել իրենց ամուսիններին:
18 Եւ այսօր թագուհիին ըրածը լսող Մարերու եւ Պարսիկներու տիկինները թագաւորին բոլոր իշխաններուն այսպէս պիտի ըսեն ու խիստ շատ անարգանք ու հակառակութիւն պիտի ծագի։
յորժամ լսեն զարհամարհանս կնոջ թագաւորիս, համարձակին իշխել եւ անարգել զարս իւրեանց:

1:18: յորժամ լսեն զարհամարհանս կնոջ թագաւորիս, համարձակին իշխե՛լ անարգել զարս իւրեանց։
18 երբ նրանք լսեն թագաւորի կնոջ այս արհամարհանքը, համարձակ կարող են անարգել իրենց ամուսիններին:
18 Եւ այսօր թագուհիին ըրածը լսող Մարերու եւ Պարսիկներու տիկինները թագաւորին բոլոր իշխաններուն այսպէս պիտի ըսեն ու խիստ շատ անարգանք ու հակառակութիւն պիտի ծագի։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:181:18: Теперь княгини Персидские и Мидийские, которые услышат о поступке царицы, будут {то же} говорить всем князьям царя; и пренебрежения и огорчения будет довольно.
1:18 οὕτως ουτως so; this way σήμερον σημερον today; present αἱ ο the τυραννίδες τυραννις the λοιπαὶ λοιπος rest; remains τῶν ο the ἀρχόντων αρχων ruling; ruler Περσῶν περσης and; even Μήδων μηδος Mēdos; Mithos ἀκούσασαι ακουω hear τὰ ο the τῷ ο the βασιλεῖ βασιλευς monarch; king λεχθέντα λεγω tell; declare ὑπ᾿ υπο under; by αὐτῆς αυτος he; him τολμήσουσιν τολμαω dare ὁμοίως ομοιως likewise ἀτιμάσαι ατιμαζω dishonor τοὺς ο the ἄνδρας ανηρ man; husband αὐτῶν αυτος he; him
1:18 וְֽ wᵊˈ וְ and הַ ha הַ the יֹּ֨ום yyˌôm יֹום day הַ ha הַ the זֶּ֜ה zzˈeh זֶה this תֹּאמַ֣רְנָה׀ tōmˈarnā אמר say שָׂרֹ֣ות śārˈôṯ שָׂרָה mistress פָּֽרַס־ pˈāras- פָּרַס Persia וּ û וְ and מָדַ֗י māḏˈay מָדַי Media אֲשֶׁ֤ר ʔᵃšˈer אֲשֶׁר [relative] שָֽׁמְעוּ֙ šˈāmᵊʕû שׁמע hear אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker] דְּבַ֣ר dᵊvˈar דָּבָר word הַ ha הַ the מַּלְכָּ֔ה mmalkˈā מַלְכָּה queen לְ lᵊ לְ to כֹ֖ל ḵˌōl כֹּל whole שָׂרֵ֣י śārˈê שַׂר chief הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֑לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king וּ û וְ and כְ ḵᵊ כְּ as דַ֖י ḏˌay דַּי sufficiency בִּזָּיֹ֥ון bizzāyˌôn בִּזָּיֹון contempt וָ wā וְ and קָֽצֶף׃ qˈāṣef קֶצֶף anger
1:18. atque hoc exemplo omnes principum coniuges Persarum atque Medorum parvipendent imperia maritorum unde regis iusta est indignatioAnd by this example all the wives of the princes of the Persians and the Medes will slight the commandments of their husbands: wherefore the king's indignation is just.
18. And this day shall the princesses of Persia and Media which have heard of the deed of the queen say unto all the king’s princes, So much contempt and wrath.
1:18. And so, by this example all the wives of the leaders of the Persians and the Medes will belittle the authority of their husbands; therefore, the indignation of the king is just.
1:18. [Likewise] shall the ladies of Persia and Media say this day unto all the king’s princes, which have heard of the deed of the queen. Thus [shall there arise] too much contempt and wrath.
Likewise shall the ladies of Persia and Media say this day unto all the king' s princes, which have heard of the deed of the queen. Thus [shall there arise] too much contempt and wrath:

1:18: Теперь княгини Персидские и Мидийские, которые услышат о поступке царицы, будут {то же} говорить всем князьям царя; и пренебрежения и огорчения будет довольно.
1:18
οὕτως ουτως so; this way
σήμερον σημερον today; present
αἱ ο the
τυραννίδες τυραννις the
λοιπαὶ λοιπος rest; remains
τῶν ο the
ἀρχόντων αρχων ruling; ruler
Περσῶν περσης and; even
Μήδων μηδος Mēdos; Mithos
ἀκούσασαι ακουω hear
τὰ ο the
τῷ ο the
βασιλεῖ βασιλευς monarch; king
λεχθέντα λεγω tell; declare
ὑπ᾿ υπο under; by
αὐτῆς αυτος he; him
τολμήσουσιν τολμαω dare
ὁμοίως ομοιως likewise
ἀτιμάσαι ατιμαζω dishonor
τοὺς ο the
ἄνδρας ανηρ man; husband
αὐτῶν αυτος he; him
1:18
וְֽ wᵊˈ וְ and
הַ ha הַ the
יֹּ֨ום yyˌôm יֹום day
הַ ha הַ the
זֶּ֜ה zzˈeh זֶה this
תֹּאמַ֣רְנָה׀ tōmˈarnā אמר say
שָׂרֹ֣ות śārˈôṯ שָׂרָה mistress
פָּֽרַס־ pˈāras- פָּרַס Persia
וּ û וְ and
מָדַ֗י māḏˈay מָדַי Media
אֲשֶׁ֤ר ʔᵃšˈer אֲשֶׁר [relative]
שָֽׁמְעוּ֙ šˈāmᵊʕû שׁמע hear
אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker]
דְּבַ֣ר dᵊvˈar דָּבָר word
הַ ha הַ the
מַּלְכָּ֔ה mmalkˈā מַלְכָּה queen
לְ lᵊ לְ to
כֹ֖ל ḵˌōl כֹּל whole
שָׂרֵ֣י śārˈê שַׂר chief
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֑לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
וּ û וְ and
כְ ḵᵊ כְּ as
דַ֖י ḏˌay דַּי sufficiency
בִּזָּיֹ֥ון bizzāyˌôn בִּזָּיֹון contempt
וָ וְ and
קָֽצֶף׃ qˈāṣef קֶצֶף anger
1:18. atque hoc exemplo omnes principum coniuges Persarum atque Medorum parvipendent imperia maritorum unde regis iusta est indignatio
And by this example all the wives of the princes of the Persians and the Medes will slight the commandments of their husbands: wherefore the king's indignation is just.
1:18. And so, by this example all the wives of the leaders of the Persians and the Medes will belittle the authority of their husbands; therefore, the indignation of the king is just.
1:18. [Likewise] shall the ladies of Persia and Media say this day unto all the king’s princes, which have heard of the deed of the queen. Thus [shall there arise] too much contempt and wrath.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾ catholic_pdv▾ kjv_1900▾
jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ all ▾
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:18: The ladies of Persia - שרות saroth, the princesses; but the meaning is very well expressed by our term ladies.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:18: Translate it: "Likewise shall the princesses of Persia and Media, which have heard of the deed of the queen, say this day unto all the king's princes."
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:18: the ladies: Saroth, the princesses, but the meaning is well expressed by our term ladies. Jdg 5:29; Kg1 11:3
Geneva 1599
1:18 [Likewise] shall the (m) ladies of Persia and Media say this day unto all the king's princes, which have heard of the deed of the queen. Thus [shall there arise] too much contempt and wrath.
(m) Meaning, that they would take the first opportunity to do the same and the rest of the women would also do the same.
John Gill
1:18 Likewise shall the ladies of Persia and Media say this day unto the king's princes, which have heard of the deed of the queen,.... From henceforward they will give a like answer to their husbands, when they lay their commands upon them, as Vashti has to the king; they will tell them to their faces they will not obey their orders:
thus shall there arise too much contempt and wrath; there will be in wives a general contempt of their husbands, which will cause discord and strife, quarrels, wrath and anger; contempt on one part, wrath on the other, and contention between both.
John Wesley
1:18 Contempt - Contempt in the wives, and thereupon wrath in the husbands; and consequently strife in families.
1:191:19: Արդ՝ եթէ կա՛մք իցեն եւ հաճո՛յ թուեսցի արքայի, մի՛ մտցէ նա առ արքայ. եւ զտիկնութիւն նորա տացէ կնոջ որ լա՛ւ եւս իցէ քան զնա։
19 Արդ, եթէ արքան կամենայ եւ հաճելի թուայ նրան, թող այդ կինն այլեւս չմտնի արքայի մօտ, եւ թող արքան նրա տիկնութիւնը տայ այն կնոջը, որը նրանից աւելի լաւը կը լինի:
19 Արդ՝ եթէ թագաւորին հաճոյ կ’երեւնայ, իր կողմէ հրովարտակ մը հանուի եւ Մարերու ու Պարսիկներու օրէնքներուն մէջ դրուի, որպէս զի չփոխուի, որ Վաշթի անգամ մըն ալ Ասուերոս թագաւորին առջեւ չգայ ու թագաւորը անոր տիկնութիւնը անկէ աղէկ եղող ուրիշ կնոջ մը տայ։
Արդ, եթէ կամք իցեն եւ հաճոյ թուեսցի արքայի, [14]մի՛ մտցէ նա առ արքայ. եւ զտիկնութիւն նորա տացէ կնոջ որ լաւ եւս իցէ քան զնա:

1:19: Արդ՝ եթէ կա՛մք իցեն եւ հաճո՛յ թուեսցի արքայի, մի՛ մտցէ նա առ արքայ. եւ զտիկնութիւն նորա տացէ կնոջ որ լա՛ւ եւս իցէ քան զնա։
19 Արդ, եթէ արքան կամենայ եւ հաճելի թուայ նրան, թող այդ կինն այլեւս չմտնի արքայի մօտ, եւ թող արքան նրա տիկնութիւնը տայ այն կնոջը, որը նրանից աւելի լաւը կը լինի:
19 Արդ՝ եթէ թագաւորին հաճոյ կ’երեւնայ, իր կողմէ հրովարտակ մը հանուի եւ Մարերու ու Պարսիկներու օրէնքներուն մէջ դրուի, որպէս զի չփոխուի, որ Վաշթի անգամ մըն ալ Ասուերոս թագաւորին առջեւ չգայ ու թագաւորը անոր տիկնութիւնը անկէ աղէկ եղող ուրիշ կնոջ մը տայ։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:191:19: Если благоугодно царю, пусть выйдет от него царское постановление и впишется в законы Персидские и Мидийские и не отменяется, о том, что Астинь не будет входить пред лице царя Артаксеркса, а царское достоинство ее царь передаст другой, которая лучше ее.
1:19 εἰ ει if; whether οὖν ουν then δοκεῖ δοκεω imagine; seem τῷ ο the βασιλεῖ βασιλευς monarch; king προσταξάτω προστασσω ordain; order βασιλικόν βασιλικος regal; royal καὶ και and; even γραφήτω γραφω write κατὰ κατα down; by τοὺς ο the νόμους νομος.1 law Μήδων μηδος Mēdos; Mithos καὶ και and; even Περσῶν περσης and; even μὴ μη not ἄλλως αλλως otherwise χρησάσθω χραω lend; use μηδὲ μηδε while not; nor εἰσελθάτω εισερχομαι enter; go in ἔτι ετι yet; still ἡ ο the βασίλισσα βασιλισσα queen πρὸς προς to; toward αὐτόν αυτος he; him καὶ και and; even τὴν ο the βασιλείαν βασιλεια realm; kingdom αὐτῆς αυτος he; him δότω διδωμι give; deposit ὁ ο the βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king γυναικὶ γυνη woman; wife κρείττονι κρεισσων superior αὐτῆς αυτος he; him
1:19 אִם־ ʔim- אִם if עַל־ ʕal- עַל upon הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֣לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king טֹ֗וב ṭˈôv טֹוב good יֵצֵ֤א yēṣˈē יצא go out דְבַר־ ḏᵊvar- דָּבָר word מַלְכוּת֙ malᵊḵûṯ מַלְכוּת kingship מִ mi מִן from לְּ llᵊ לְ to פָנָ֔יו fānˈāʸw פָּנֶה face וְ wᵊ וְ and יִכָּתֵ֛ב yikkāṯˈēv כתב write בְּ bᵊ בְּ in דָתֵ֥י ḏāṯˌê דָּת orders פָֽרַס־ fˈāras- פָּרַס Persia וּ û וְ and מָדַ֖י māḏˌay מָדַי Media וְ wᵊ וְ and לֹ֣א lˈō לֹא not יַעֲבֹ֑ור yaʕᵃvˈôr עבר pass אֲשֶׁ֨ר ʔᵃšˌer אֲשֶׁר [relative] לֹֽא־ lˈō- לֹא not תָבֹ֜וא ṯāvˈô בוא come וַשְׁתִּ֗י waštˈî וַשְׁתִּי Vashti לִ li לְ to פְנֵי֙ fᵊnˌê פָּנֶה face הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֣לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹ֔ושׁ ʔᵃḥašwērˈôš אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹושׁ Ahasuerus וּ û וְ and מַלְכוּתָהּ֙ malᵊḵûṯˌāh מַלְכוּת kingship יִתֵּ֣ן yittˈēn נתן give הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֔לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king לִ li לְ to רְעוּתָ֖הּ rᵊʕûṯˌāh רְעוּת female companion הַ ha הַ the טֹּובָ֥ה ṭṭôvˌā טֹוב good מִמֶּֽנָּה׃ mimmˈennā מִן from
1:19. et si tibi placet egrediatur edictum a facie tua et scribatur iuxta legem Persarum atque Medorum quam praeteriri inlicitum est ut nequaquam ultra Vasthi ingrediatur ad regem sed regnum illius altera quae melior illa est accipiatIf it please thee, let an edict go out from thy presence, and let it be written according to the law of the Persians and of the Medes, which must not be altered, that Vasthi come in no more to the king, but another, that is better than her, be made queen in her place.
19. If it please the king, let there go forth a royal commandment from him, and let it be written among the laws of the Persians and the Medes, that it be not altered, that Vashti come no more before king Ahasuerus; and let the king give her royal estate unto another that is better than she.
1:19. If it pleases you, let an edict be sent out from your presence, and let it be written according to the law of the Persians and the Medes, which it is forbidden to disregard, that Vashti shall no longer enter before the king, but let another, who is better than her, receive her queenship.
1:19. If it please the king, let there go a royal commandment from him, and let it be written among the laws of the Persians and the Medes, that it be not altered, That Vashti come no more before king Ahasuerus; and let the king give her royal estate unto another that is better than she.
If it please the king, let there go a royal commandment from him, and let it be written among the laws of the Persians and the Medes, that it be not altered, That Vashti come no more before king Ahasuerus; and let the king give her royal estate unto another that is better than she:

1:19: Если благоугодно царю, пусть выйдет от него царское постановление и впишется в законы Персидские и Мидийские и не отменяется, о том, что Астинь не будет входить пред лице царя Артаксеркса, а царское достоинство ее царь передаст другой, которая лучше ее.
1:19
εἰ ει if; whether
οὖν ουν then
δοκεῖ δοκεω imagine; seem
τῷ ο the
βασιλεῖ βασιλευς monarch; king
προσταξάτω προστασσω ordain; order
βασιλικόν βασιλικος regal; royal
καὶ και and; even
γραφήτω γραφω write
κατὰ κατα down; by
τοὺς ο the
νόμους νομος.1 law
Μήδων μηδος Mēdos; Mithos
καὶ και and; even
Περσῶν περσης and; even
μὴ μη not
ἄλλως αλλως otherwise
χρησάσθω χραω lend; use
μηδὲ μηδε while not; nor
εἰσελθάτω εισερχομαι enter; go in
ἔτι ετι yet; still
ο the
βασίλισσα βασιλισσα queen
πρὸς προς to; toward
αὐτόν αυτος he; him
καὶ και and; even
τὴν ο the
βασιλείαν βασιλεια realm; kingdom
αὐτῆς αυτος he; him
δότω διδωμι give; deposit
ο the
βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king
γυναικὶ γυνη woman; wife
κρείττονι κρεισσων superior
αὐτῆς αυτος he; him
1:19
אִם־ ʔim- אִם if
עַל־ ʕal- עַל upon
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֣לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
טֹ֗וב ṭˈôv טֹוב good
יֵצֵ֤א yēṣˈē יצא go out
דְבַר־ ḏᵊvar- דָּבָר word
מַלְכוּת֙ malᵊḵûṯ מַלְכוּת kingship
מִ mi מִן from
לְּ llᵊ לְ to
פָנָ֔יו fānˈāʸw פָּנֶה face
וְ wᵊ וְ and
יִכָּתֵ֛ב yikkāṯˈēv כתב write
בְּ bᵊ בְּ in
דָתֵ֥י ḏāṯˌê דָּת orders
פָֽרַס־ fˈāras- פָּרַס Persia
וּ û וְ and
מָדַ֖י māḏˌay מָדַי Media
וְ wᵊ וְ and
לֹ֣א lˈō לֹא not
יַעֲבֹ֑ור yaʕᵃvˈôr עבר pass
אֲשֶׁ֨ר ʔᵃšˌer אֲשֶׁר [relative]
לֹֽא־ lˈō- לֹא not
תָבֹ֜וא ṯāvˈô בוא come
וַשְׁתִּ֗י waštˈî וַשְׁתִּי Vashti
לִ li לְ to
פְנֵי֙ fᵊnˌê פָּנֶה face
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֣לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹ֔ושׁ ʔᵃḥašwērˈôš אֲחַשְׁוֵרֹושׁ Ahasuerus
וּ û וְ and
מַלְכוּתָהּ֙ malᵊḵûṯˌāh מַלְכוּת kingship
יִתֵּ֣ן yittˈēn נתן give
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֔לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
לִ li לְ to
רְעוּתָ֖הּ rᵊʕûṯˌāh רְעוּת female companion
הַ ha הַ the
טֹּובָ֥ה ṭṭôvˌā טֹוב good
מִמֶּֽנָּה׃ mimmˈennā מִן from
1:19. et si tibi placet egrediatur edictum a facie tua et scribatur iuxta legem Persarum atque Medorum quam praeteriri inlicitum est ut nequaquam ultra Vasthi ingrediatur ad regem sed regnum illius altera quae melior illa est accipiat
If it please thee, let an edict go out from thy presence, and let it be written according to the law of the Persians and of the Medes, which must not be altered, that Vasthi come in no more to the king, but another, that is better than her, be made queen in her place.
1:19. If it pleases you, let an edict be sent out from your presence, and let it be written according to the law of the Persians and the Medes, which it is forbidden to disregard, that Vashti shall no longer enter before the king, but let another, who is better than her, receive her queenship.
1:19. If it please the king, let there go a royal commandment from him, and let it be written among the laws of the Persians and the Medes, that it be not altered, That Vashti come no more before king Ahasuerus; and let the king give her royal estate unto another that is better than she.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾ catholic_pdv▾ kjv_1900▾
jg▾ gnv▾ kad▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
19. 'Пусть выйдет от него царехое постановление и впишется в законы Персидские и Мидийские и не отменяется'. До буквальности сходное выражение имеется в книге Даниила -VI, 8, подтверждая близкую соприкосновенность авторов обоих книг к персидской жизни и точное знание ими персидских законодательных формул и обычаев.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:19: That it be not altered - Let it be inserted among the permanent laws, and made a part of the constitution of the empire. Perhaps the Persians affected such a degree of wisdom in the construction of their laws, that they never could be amended, and should never be repeated. And this we may understand to be the ground of the saying, The laws of the Medes and Persians, that change not.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:19: That it be not altered - Compare the margin reference. This was the theory. Practically, the monarch, if he chose, could always dispense with the law. It was therefore quite within his power to restore Vashti to her queenly dignity notwithstanding the present decree, if he so pleased.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:19: it please the king: Heb. it be good with the king, Est 1:21, Est 3:9, Est 8:5
from him: Heb. from before him
it be not altered: Heb. it pass not away, Est 8:8; Dan 6:8-15, Dan 6:17; Let it be inserted among the permanent laws, and be made a part of the constitution of the empire. The Persians seem to have affected such a degree of wisdom in the construction of their laws, that they never could be amended, and should never be repealed; and this formed the ground of the saying, "The laws of the Medes and Persians that change not."
another: Heb. her companion
that is better: Sa1 15:28; Kg1 3:28
Carl Friedrich Keil and Franz Delitzsch
1:19
That Vashti come no more before king Ahasuerus; and let the king give her royal estate unto another that is better than she. After this argument on the queen's conduct, follows the proposal: "If it please the king (על טּוב like Neh 2:5), let there go from him a word of the kingdom (i.e., a royal edict), and let it be written (entered) in the laws of the Persians and the Medes, and not pass away, that Vashti come no more before King Ahashverosh; and let the king give her queenship (her royal rank) to another who is better than she." An edict issued by the king, entered among the laws of the Persians and Medes, and sealed with the royal signet (Esther 8:8), does not pass away, i.e., remains in force, is irrevocable (comp. Dan 6:9). The counsellors press for the issue of such an edict, for the purpose of making it impossible to the king to take Vashti again into favour, lest they should experience her vengeance on the restoration of her influence. רעוּתהּ, her companion, is any other woman, Vashti being here regarded merely as a woman. הטּובה includes both beauty and good behaviour (Berth.). By this means, add the counsellors in Esther 1:20, all the ill effects of Vashti's contumacy will be obviated. "And when the king's decree, which he shall make, is heard in his whole kingdom, for it is great, all wives shall give honour to their husbands, from great to small." פּתגּן is according to the Keri to be pointed as the constructive state, פּתגּם. The expression עשׂה פּתגּן is explained by the circumstance, that פתגם signifies not only edict, decree, but also thing (see on Dan 3:16): to do a thing. In the present verse also it might be so understood: when the thing is heard which the king will do in his whole kingdom. The parenthetical clause, for it is great, is intended to flatter the king's vanity, and induce an inclination to agree to the proposal. "From great to small" signifies high and low, old and young.
Geneva 1599
1:19 If it please the king, let there go a royal commandment from him, and let it be written among the laws of the Persians and the Medes, that it be not altered, That Vashti come (n) no more before king Ahasuerus; and let the king give her royal estate unto another that is better than she.
(n) Let her be divorced and another made queen.
John Gill
1:19 If it please the king, let there go a royal commandment from him,.... Not only a proclamation made, but a law enacted and published by royal authority:
and let it be written among the laws of the Persians and Medes that it be not altered; for so it was, that when a law was made, and signed, and sealed, and registered among the laws of the kingdom, it remained unalterable, Dan 6:8, this precaution Memucan took for his own safety; for had the king acted upon his advice, without passing it into a law in such form, he might change his mind, and recall Vashti, who would not fail of venting her wrath upon the counsellor, and so he be in danger of losing his life for it:
that Vashti come no more before King Ahasuerus; but be entirely divorced, never to be received any more:
and let the king give her royal estate unto another that is better than she; or "to her companions" (z); that was with her in the house of the women in the seraglio; one that was fairer, as the Targum, or of a better disposition than her; let her be made queen, and enjoy all the honour, and dignity, and marks of royalty Vashti did; her throne, her crown, and royal apparel, as it is interpreted in an ancient Jewish writing (a).
(z) "sodali ejus", Montanus; "sociae ejus", Tigurine version, Drusius, Rambachius. (a) Tikkune Zohar, correct. 21. fol. 59. 2.
1:201:20: Եւ լուիցեն զօրէնսս զոր հրամայես ՚ի թագաւորութեանդ քում. եւ պատուեսցեն կանայք զարս իւրեանց պատուով մեծաւ՝ յաղքատաց մինչեւ ՚ի մեծամե՛ծս[5212]։ [5212] Ոմանք. Յաղքատոյ մինչեւ ՚ի։
20 Եւ երբ այս օրէնքը կը հրապարակես քո թագաւորութեան մէջ, կանայք՝ աղքատներից մինչեւ մեծամեծները, մեծ յարգանքով կը պատուեն իրենց ամուսիններին»:
20 Ու երբ թագաւորին հրամանը լսուի իր բոլոր թագաւորութեանը մէջ, որ շատ ընդարձակ է, բոլոր կիները, մեծէն մինչեւ պզտիկը իրենց այրերը պիտի պատուեն»։
Եւ լուիցեն զօրէնս զոր հրամայես ի թագաւորութեանդ [15]քում, եւ պատուեսցեն կանայք զարս իւրեանց պատուով մեծաւ` յաղքատաց մինչեւ ի մեծամեծս:

1:20: Եւ լուիցեն զօրէնսս զոր հրամայես ՚ի թագաւորութեանդ քում. եւ պատուեսցեն կանայք զարս իւրեանց պատուով մեծաւ՝ յաղքատաց մինչեւ ՚ի մեծամե՛ծս[5212]։
[5212] Ոմանք. Յաղքատոյ մինչեւ ՚ի։
20 Եւ երբ այս օրէնքը կը հրապարակես քո թագաւորութեան մէջ, կանայք՝ աղքատներից մինչեւ մեծամեծները, մեծ յարգանքով կը պատուեն իրենց ամուսիններին»:
20 Ու երբ թագաւորին հրամանը լսուի իր բոլոր թագաւորութեանը մէջ, որ շատ ընդարձակ է, բոլոր կիները, մեծէն մինչեւ պզտիկը իրենց այրերը պիտի պատուեն»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:201:20: Когда услышат о сем постановлении царя, которое разойдется по всему царству его, как оно ни велико, тогда все жены будут почитать мужей своих, от большого до малого.
1:20 καὶ και and; even ἀκουσθήτω ακουω hear ὁ ο the νόμος νομος.1 law ὁ ο the ὑπὸ υπο under; by τοῦ ο the βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king ὃν ος who; what ἐὰν εαν and if; unless ποιῇ ποιεω do; make ἐν εν in τῇ ο the βασιλείᾳ βασιλεια realm; kingdom αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him καὶ και and; even οὕτως ουτως so; this way πᾶσαι πας all; every αἱ ο the γυναῖκες γυνη woman; wife περιθήσουσιν περιτιθημι put around / on τιμὴν τιμη honor; value τοῖς ο the ἀνδράσιν ανηρ man; husband ἑαυτῶν εαυτου of himself; his own ἀπὸ απο from; away πτωχοῦ πτωχος bankrupt; beggarly ἕως εως till; until πλουσίου πλουσιος rich
1:20 וְ wᵊ וְ and נִשְׁמַע֩ nišmˌaʕ שׁמע hear פִּתְגָ֨ם piṯᵊḡˌām פִּתְגָם decision הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֤לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king אֲשֶֽׁר־ ʔᵃšˈer- אֲשֶׁר [relative] יַעֲשֶׂה֙ yaʕᵃśˌeh עשׂה make בְּ bᵊ בְּ in כָל־ ḵol- כֹּל whole מַלְכוּתֹ֔ו malᵊḵûṯˈô מַלְכוּת kingship כִּ֥י kˌî כִּי that רַבָּ֖ה rabbˌā רַב much הִ֑יא hˈî הִיא she וְ wᵊ וְ and כָל־ ḵol- כֹּל whole הַ ha הַ the נָּשִׁ֗ים nnāšˈîm אִשָּׁה woman יִתְּנ֤וּ yittᵊnˈû נתן give יְקָר֙ yᵊqˌār יְקָר preciousness לְ lᵊ לְ to בַעְלֵיהֶ֔ן vaʕlêhˈen בַּעַל lord, baal לְ lᵊ לְ to מִ mi מִן from גָּדֹ֖ול ggāḏˌôl גָּדֹול great וְ wᵊ וְ and עַד־ ʕaḏ- עַד unto קָטָֽן׃ qāṭˈān קָטָן small
1:20. et hoc in omne quod latissimum est provinciarum tuarum divulgetur imperium et cunctae uxores tam maiorum quam minorum deferant maritis suisAnd let this be published through all the provinces of thy empire, (which is very wide,) and let all wives, as well of the greater as of the lesser, give honour to their husbands.
20. And when the king’s decree which he shall make shall be published throughout all his kingdom, ( for it is great,) all the wives shall give to their husbands honour, both to great and small.
1:20. And let this be published in all the provinces of your empire, (which is very wide,) and let all wives, the greater as much as the lesser, give honor to their husbands.”
1:20. And when the king’s decree which he shall make shall be published throughout all his empire, (for it is great,) all the wives shall give to their husbands honour, both to great and small.
And when the king' s decree which he shall make shall be published throughout all his empire, ( for it is great,) all the wives shall give to their husbands honour, both to great and small:

1:20: Когда услышат о сем постановлении царя, которое разойдется по всему царству его, как оно ни велико, тогда все жены будут почитать мужей своих, от большого до малого.
1:20
καὶ και and; even
ἀκουσθήτω ακουω hear
ο the
νόμος νομος.1 law
ο the
ὑπὸ υπο under; by
τοῦ ο the
βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king
ὃν ος who; what
ἐὰν εαν and if; unless
ποιῇ ποιεω do; make
ἐν εν in
τῇ ο the
βασιλείᾳ βασιλεια realm; kingdom
αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him
καὶ και and; even
οὕτως ουτως so; this way
πᾶσαι πας all; every
αἱ ο the
γυναῖκες γυνη woman; wife
περιθήσουσιν περιτιθημι put around / on
τιμὴν τιμη honor; value
τοῖς ο the
ἀνδράσιν ανηρ man; husband
ἑαυτῶν εαυτου of himself; his own
ἀπὸ απο from; away
πτωχοῦ πτωχος bankrupt; beggarly
ἕως εως till; until
πλουσίου πλουσιος rich
1:20
וְ wᵊ וְ and
נִשְׁמַע֩ nišmˌaʕ שׁמע hear
פִּתְגָ֨ם piṯᵊḡˌām פִּתְגָם decision
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֤לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
אֲשֶֽׁר־ ʔᵃšˈer- אֲשֶׁר [relative]
יַעֲשֶׂה֙ yaʕᵃśˌeh עשׂה make
בְּ bᵊ בְּ in
כָל־ ḵol- כֹּל whole
מַלְכוּתֹ֔ו malᵊḵûṯˈô מַלְכוּת kingship
כִּ֥י kˌî כִּי that
רַבָּ֖ה rabbˌā רַב much
הִ֑יא hˈî הִיא she
וְ wᵊ וְ and
כָל־ ḵol- כֹּל whole
הַ ha הַ the
נָּשִׁ֗ים nnāšˈîm אִשָּׁה woman
יִתְּנ֤וּ yittᵊnˈû נתן give
יְקָר֙ yᵊqˌār יְקָר preciousness
לְ lᵊ לְ to
בַעְלֵיהֶ֔ן vaʕlêhˈen בַּעַל lord, baal
לְ lᵊ לְ to
מִ mi מִן from
גָּדֹ֖ול ggāḏˌôl גָּדֹול great
וְ wᵊ וְ and
עַד־ ʕaḏ- עַד unto
קָטָֽן׃ qāṭˈān קָטָן small
1:20. et hoc in omne quod latissimum est provinciarum tuarum divulgetur imperium et cunctae uxores tam maiorum quam minorum deferant maritis suis
And let this be published through all the provinces of thy empire, (which is very wide,) and let all wives, as well of the greater as of the lesser, give honour to their husbands.
1:20. And let this be published in all the provinces of your empire, (which is very wide,) and let all wives, the greater as much as the lesser, give honor to their husbands.”
1:20. And when the king’s decree which he shall make shall be published throughout all his empire, (for it is great,) all the wives shall give to their husbands honour, both to great and small.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾ catholic_pdv▾ kjv_1900▾
jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ all ▾
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:20: throughout: Deu 17:13, Deu 21:21
all the wives: Eph 5:33; Col 3:18; Pe1 3:1-7
Geneva 1599
1:20 And when the king's decree which he shall make shall be published throughout all his empire, (for it is (o) great,) all the wives shall give to their husbands honour, both to great and small.
(o) For he had under him a hundred and twenty-seven countries.
John Gill
1:20 And when the king's decree which he shall make shall be published throughout all his empire,.... As it was proper it should, since the report of the queen's deed would be made everywhere:
for it is great; the empire consisting of one hundred and twenty seven provinces, Esther 1:1, Aben Ezra and Abendana interpret it, "though" it is great, yet the decree should be published throughout; the latter observes, that this may respect the king's decree; and so the Targum is,"for his decree is great;''it respecting a matter of great importance, and relating to a great personage, and would have great effect on the minds of persons, when it was observed that one so great was treated in this manner: and therefore
all the wives shall give to their husbands honour, both to great and small; speaking respectfully to them, yielding a ready and cheerful obedience to all their commands; which would be done to princes and peasants, to high and low, to every rank of men.
1:211:21: Եւ հաճո՛յ թուեցաւ բանն արքայի, եւ ամենայն իշխանաց նորա. եւ արար թագաւորն որպէս խօսեցա՛ւ Մուրդքեւս[5213]։ [5213] Ամենայն գրչագիր օրինակք մեր այսպէս ունին. Որպէս խօսեցաւ Մուրդքեւս։ Ուր երկուք ՚ի նոցանէ յետոյ քերմամբ յարմարեալ ձեւացուցանեն Ոմիքեւս, ըստ պահանջելոյ բանին։
21 Այս խօսքը հաճելի թուաց արքային եւ նրա բոլոր իշխաններին, եւ թագաւորն արեց այնպէս, ինչպէս ասաց Մուրթքէն:
21 Այս խօսքը թագաւորին ու իշխաններուն հաճոյ երեւցաւ ու թագաւորը Մեմուքանին ըսածին պէս ըրաւ։
Եւ հաճոյ թուեցաւ բանն արքայի եւ ամենայն իշխանաց նորա. եւ արար թագաւորն որպէս խօսեցաւ [16]Մուքեւս:

1:21: Եւ հաճո՛յ թուեցաւ բանն արքայի, եւ ամենայն իշխանաց նորա. եւ արար թագաւորն որպէս խօսեցա՛ւ Մուրդքեւս[5213]։
[5213] Ամենայն գրչագիր օրինակք մեր այսպէս ունին. Որպէս խօսեցաւ Մուրդքեւս։ Ուր երկուք ՚ի նոցանէ յետոյ քերմամբ յարմարեալ ձեւացուցանեն Ոմիքեւս, ըստ պահանջելոյ բանին։
21 Այս խօսքը հաճելի թուաց արքային եւ նրա բոլոր իշխաններին, եւ թագաւորն արեց այնպէս, ինչպէս ասաց Մուրթքէն:
21 Այս խօսքը թագաւորին ու իշխաններուն հաճոյ երեւցաւ ու թագաւորը Մեմուքանին ըսածին պէս ըրաւ։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:211:21: И угодно было слово сие в глазах царя и князей; и сделал царь по слову Мемухана.
1:21 καὶ και and; even ἤρεσεν αρεσκω accommodate; please ὁ ο the λόγος λογος word; log τῷ ο the βασιλεῖ βασιλευς monarch; king καὶ και and; even τοῖς ο the ἄρχουσι αρχων ruling; ruler καὶ και and; even ἐποίησεν ποιεω do; make ὁ ο the βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king καθὰ καθα just as ἐλάλησεν λαλεω talk; speak ὁ ο the Μουχαιος μουχαιος Mouchaios; Mukheos
1:21 וַ wa וְ and יִּיטַב֙ yyîṭˌav יטב be good הַ ha הַ the דָּבָ֔ר ddāvˈār דָּבָר word בְּ bᵊ בְּ in עֵינֵ֥י ʕênˌê עַיִן eye הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֖לֶךְ mmˌeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king וְ wᵊ וְ and הַ ha הַ the שָּׂרִ֑ים śśārˈîm שַׂר chief וַ wa וְ and יַּ֥עַשׂ yyˌaʕaś עשׂה make הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֖לֶךְ mmˌeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king כִּ ki כְּ as דְבַ֥ר ḏᵊvˌar דָּבָר word מְמוּכָֽן׃ mᵊmûḵˈān מְמוּכָן Memucan
1:21. placuit consilium eius regi et principibus fecitque rex iuxta consultum MamuchanHis counsel pleased the king, and the princes: and the king did according to the counsel of Mamuchan.
21. And the saying pleased the king and the princes; and the king did according to the word of Memucan:
1:21. His counsel pleased the king and the rulers, and the king acted according to the counsel of Memucan,
1:21. And the saying pleased the king and the princes; and the king did according to the word of Memucan:
And the saying pleased the king and the princes; and the king did according to the word of Memucan:

1:21: И угодно было слово сие в глазах царя и князей; и сделал царь по слову Мемухана.
1:21
καὶ και and; even
ἤρεσεν αρεσκω accommodate; please
ο the
λόγος λογος word; log
τῷ ο the
βασιλεῖ βασιλευς monarch; king
καὶ και and; even
τοῖς ο the
ἄρχουσι αρχων ruling; ruler
καὶ και and; even
ἐποίησεν ποιεω do; make
ο the
βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king
καθὰ καθα just as
ἐλάλησεν λαλεω talk; speak
ο the
Μουχαιος μουχαιος Mouchaios; Mukheos
1:21
וַ wa וְ and
יִּיטַב֙ yyîṭˌav יטב be good
הַ ha הַ the
דָּבָ֔ר ddāvˈār דָּבָר word
בְּ bᵊ בְּ in
עֵינֵ֥י ʕênˌê עַיִן eye
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֖לֶךְ mmˌeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
וְ wᵊ וְ and
הַ ha הַ the
שָּׂרִ֑ים śśārˈîm שַׂר chief
וַ wa וְ and
יַּ֥עַשׂ yyˌaʕaś עשׂה make
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֖לֶךְ mmˌeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
כִּ ki כְּ as
דְבַ֥ר ḏᵊvˌar דָּבָר word
מְמוּכָֽן׃ mᵊmûḵˈān מְמוּכָן Memucan
1:21. placuit consilium eius regi et principibus fecitque rex iuxta consultum Mamuchan
His counsel pleased the king, and the princes: and the king did according to the counsel of Mamuchan.
1:21. His counsel pleased the king and the rulers, and the king acted according to the counsel of Memucan,
1:21. And the saying pleased the king and the princes; and the king did according to the word of Memucan:
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾ catholic_pdv▾ kjv_1900▾
jg▾ kad▾ tr▾ all ▾
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:21: pleased the king: Heb. was good in the eyes of the king, Est 1:19, Est 2:4; Gen 41:37
Carl Friedrich Keil and Franz Delitzsch
1:21
The saying pleased the king and the princes, and the king carried it into execution. He sent letters into all his provinces to make known his commands, and to let all husbands know, that they were to bear rule in their own houses. "In every province according to its writing, and to every people according to their speech" (comp. Esther 8:9), that his will might be clearly understood by all the subjects of his wide domain, who spoke different languages and used different alphabetical characters. The contents of these letters follow in וגו להיות, that every man should be master in his own house. These words state only the chief matter and object of the edict; but they presuppose that the fact which gave rise to the decree, viz., the refusal of Vashti, and her consequent deposition, were also mentioned. The last words: "and that he shall speak according to the language of his people," are obscure. Older expositors understand them to mean, that every man was to speak only his native language in his house, so that in case he had a foreign wife, or several who spoke other languages, they might be obliged to learn his language, and to use that alone. Bertheau, on the other hand, objects that such a sense is but imported into the words, and in no wise harmonizes with the context. Both these assertions are, however, unfounded. In the words, the man shall speak according to the language of his people, i.e., he shall speak his native tongue in his house, it is implied that no other language was to be used in the house, and the application of this law to foreign wives is obvious from the context. The rule of the husband in the house was to be shown by the fact, that only the native tongue of the head of the house was to be used in the family. Thus in a Jewish family the Ashdodite or any other language of the wife's native land could not have been used, as we find to have been the case in Judaea (Neh 13:23). All other explanations are untenable, as has been already shown by Baumgarten, p. 20; and the conjecture set up after Hitzig by Bertheau, that instead of עמּו כּלשׁון we should read עמּו כּל־שׁוה, every one shall speak what becomes him, gives not only a trivial, and not at all an appropriate thought, but is refuted even by the fact that not עם שׁוה, but only ל שׁוה (comp. Esther 3:8) could bear the meaning: to be becoming to any one. Such a command may, indeed, appear strange to us; but the additional particular, that every man was to speak his native tongue, and to have it alone spoken, in his own house, is not so strange as the fact itself that an edict should be issued commanding that the husband should be master in the house, especially in the East, where the wife is so accustomed to regard the husband as lord and master. Xerxes was, however, the author of many strange facts besides this.
John Gill
1:21 And the saying pleased the king and the princes,.... The king, and the other six princes and counsellors, approved of the proposal, and unanimously agreed to it:
and the king did according to the word of Memucan; passed a law according to his advice, and signed and sealed it, and registered it among the laws of the kingdom, not to be revoked.
1:221:22: Եւ առաքեա՛ց ընդ ամենայն թագաւորութիւնն իւր ՚ի գաւառսն ամենայն, ըստ հրամանին որ եդաւ ՚ի վերայ ամենայն կանանց[5214]։[5214] Յօրինակին. ՚Ի գաւառն ամենայն։ Բազումք. ՚Ի վերայ կանանց ամենեցունց։
22 Նա հրովարտակ ուղարկեց իր ամբողջ թագաւորութեան բոլոր գաւառները, որ այդ հրամանը դրուի բոլոր կանանց վրայ:
22 Թագաւորին բոլոր գաւառներուն, ամէն մէկ գաւառին իր գրովը ու ամէն մէկ ժողովուրդին իր լեզուովը նամակներ ղրկեց, որ ամէն մարդ իր տանը մէջ տէր ըլլայ ու իր ժողովուրդին լեզուովը խօսի։
Եւ առաքեաց ընդ ամենայն թագաւորութիւնն իւր ի գաւառսն ամենայն` ըստ հրամանին որ եդաւ ի վերայ ամենայն կանանց:

1:22: Եւ առաքեա՛ց ընդ ամենայն թագաւորութիւնն իւր ՚ի գաւառսն ամենայն, ըստ հրամանին որ եդաւ ՚ի վերայ ամենայն կանանց[5214]։
[5214] Յօրինակին. ՚Ի գաւառն ամենայն։ Բազումք. ՚Ի վերայ կանանց ամենեցունց։
22 Նա հրովարտակ ուղարկեց իր ամբողջ թագաւորութեան բոլոր գաւառները, որ այդ հրամանը դրուի բոլոր կանանց վրայ:
22 Թագաւորին բոլոր գաւառներուն, ամէն մէկ գաւառին իր գրովը ու ամէն մէկ ժողովուրդին իր լեզուովը նամակներ ղրկեց, որ ամէն մարդ իր տանը մէջ տէր ըլլայ ու իր ժողովուրդին լեզուովը խօսի։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:221:22: И послал во все области царя письма, писанные в каждую область письменами ее и к каждому народу на языке его, чтобы всякий муж был господином в доме своем, и чтобы это было объявлено каждому на природном языке его.
1:22 καὶ και and; even ἀπέστειλεν αποστελλω send off / away εἰς εις into; for πᾶσαν πας all; every τὴν ο the βασιλείαν βασιλεια realm; kingdom κατὰ κατα down; by χώραν χωρα territory; estate κατὰ κατα down; by τὴν ο the λέξιν λεξις he; him ὥστε ωστε as such; that εἶναι ειμι be φόβον φοβος fear; awe αὐτοῖς αυτος he; him ἐν εν in ταῖς ο the οἰκίαις οικια house; household αὐτῶν αυτος he; him
1:22 וַ wa וְ and יִּשְׁלַ֤ח yyišlˈaḥ שׁלח send סְפָרִים֙ sᵊfārîm סֵפֶר letter אֶל־ ʔel- אֶל to כָּל־ kol- כֹּל whole מְדִינֹ֣ות mᵊḏînˈôṯ מְדִינָה district הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֔לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king אֶל־ ʔel- אֶל to מְדִינָ֤ה mᵊḏînˈā מְדִינָה district וּ û וְ and מְדִינָה֙ mᵊḏînˌā מְדִינָה district כִּ ki כְּ as כְתָבָ֔הּ ḵᵊṯāvˈāh כְּתָב writing וְ wᵊ וְ and אֶל־ ʔel- אֶל to עַ֥ם ʕˌam עַם people וָ wā וְ and עָ֖ם ʕˌām עַם people כִּ ki כְּ as לְשֹׁונֹ֑ו lᵊšônˈô לָשֹׁון tongue לִ li לְ to הְיֹ֤ות hᵊyˈôṯ היה be כָּל־ kol- כֹּל whole אִישׁ֙ ʔîš אִישׁ man שֹׂרֵ֣ר śōrˈēr שׂרר rule בְּ bᵊ בְּ in בֵיתֹ֔ו vêṯˈô בַּיִת house וּ û וְ and מְדַבֵּ֖ר mᵊḏabbˌēr דבר speak כִּ ki כְּ as לְשֹׁ֥ון lᵊšˌôn לָשֹׁון tongue עַמֹּֽו׃ פ ʕammˈô . f עַם people
1:22. et misit epistulas ad universas provincias regni sui ut quaeque gens audire et legere poterat diversis linguis et litteris esse viros principes ac maiores in domibus suis et hoc per cunctos populos divulgariAnd he sent letters to all the provinces of his kingdom, as every nation could hear and read, in divers languages and characters, that the husbands should be rulers and masters in their houses: and that this should be published to every people.
22. for he sent letters into all the king’s provinces, into every province according to the writing thereof, and to every people after their language, that every man should bear rule in his own house, and should publish it according to the language of his people.
1:22. and he sent letters to all the provinces of his kingdom, so that every nation was able to hear and to read, in various languages and letters, that husbands are to be the greater rulers in their own houses, and that this should be published to every people.
1:22. For he sent letters into all the king’s provinces, into every province according to the writing thereof, and to every people after their language, that every man should bear rule in his own house, and that [it] should be published according to the language of every people.
For he sent letters into all the king' s provinces, into every province according to the writing thereof, and to every people after their language, that every man should bear rule in his own house, and that [it] should be published according to the language of every people:

1:22: И послал во все области царя письма, писанные в каждую область письменами ее и к каждому народу на языке его, чтобы всякий муж был господином в доме своем, и чтобы это было объявлено каждому на природном языке его.
1:22
καὶ και and; even
ἀπέστειλεν αποστελλω send off / away
εἰς εις into; for
πᾶσαν πας all; every
τὴν ο the
βασιλείαν βασιλεια realm; kingdom
κατὰ κατα down; by
χώραν χωρα territory; estate
κατὰ κατα down; by
τὴν ο the
λέξιν λεξις he; him
ὥστε ωστε as such; that
εἶναι ειμι be
φόβον φοβος fear; awe
αὐτοῖς αυτος he; him
ἐν εν in
ταῖς ο the
οἰκίαις οικια house; household
αὐτῶν αυτος he; him
1:22
וַ wa וְ and
יִּשְׁלַ֤ח yyišlˈaḥ שׁלח send
סְפָרִים֙ sᵊfārîm סֵפֶר letter
אֶל־ ʔel- אֶל to
כָּל־ kol- כֹּל whole
מְדִינֹ֣ות mᵊḏînˈôṯ מְדִינָה district
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֔לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
אֶל־ ʔel- אֶל to
מְדִינָ֤ה mᵊḏînˈā מְדִינָה district
וּ û וְ and
מְדִינָה֙ mᵊḏînˌā מְדִינָה district
כִּ ki כְּ as
כְתָבָ֔הּ ḵᵊṯāvˈāh כְּתָב writing
וְ wᵊ וְ and
אֶל־ ʔel- אֶל to
עַ֥ם ʕˌam עַם people
וָ וְ and
עָ֖ם ʕˌām עַם people
כִּ ki כְּ as
לְשֹׁונֹ֑ו lᵊšônˈô לָשֹׁון tongue
לִ li לְ to
הְיֹ֤ות hᵊyˈôṯ היה be
כָּל־ kol- כֹּל whole
אִישׁ֙ ʔîš אִישׁ man
שֹׂרֵ֣ר śōrˈēr שׂרר rule
בְּ bᵊ בְּ in
בֵיתֹ֔ו vêṯˈô בַּיִת house
וּ û וְ and
מְדַבֵּ֖ר mᵊḏabbˌēr דבר speak
כִּ ki כְּ as
לְשֹׁ֥ון lᵊšˌôn לָשֹׁון tongue
עַמֹּֽו׃ פ ʕammˈô . f עַם people
1:22. et misit epistulas ad universas provincias regni sui ut quaeque gens audire et legere poterat diversis linguis et litteris esse viros principes ac maiores in domibus suis et hoc per cunctos populos divulgari
And he sent letters to all the provinces of his kingdom, as every nation could hear and read, in divers languages and characters, that the husbands should be rulers and masters in their houses: and that this should be published to every people.
1:22. and he sent letters to all the provinces of his kingdom, so that every nation was able to hear and to read, in various languages and letters, that husbands are to be the greater rulers in their own houses, and that this should be published to every people.
1:22. For he sent letters into all the king’s provinces, into every province according to the writing thereof, and to every people after their language, that every man should bear rule in his own house, and that [it] should be published according to the language of every people.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾ catholic_pdv▾ kjv_1900▾
jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
22. 'Письма, т.е. указы.

'Чтобы всякий муж был господином в доме своем, и чтоб это было объявлено каждому на природном языке его'. Более точный перевод: 'чтобы всякий муж был господином в доме своем и наречие его народа, т.е. чтобы при брачных союзах между особами рззтиньинащтальностей-нарерияизмэнные обычаи мужа были господствующими в дому. Это нечто подобное тому, как ныне закон устанавливает, что при смешанных браках религия страны должна быть принимаема в руководство при воспитании детей.

[Предыдущая глава]

Синодальный перевод текущей главы
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:22: That every man should bear rule in his own house - Both God's law and common sense taught this from the foundation of the world. And is it possible that this did not obtain in the Persian empire, previously to this edict? The twentieth verse has another clause, That all wives shall give to their husbands honor, both to great and small. This also was universally understood. This law did nothing. I suppose the parade of enactment was only made to deprive honest Vashti of her crown. The Targum adds, "That each woman should speak the language of her husband." If she were even a foreigner, she should be obliged to learn and speak the language of the king. Perhaps there might be some common sense in this, as it would oblige the foreigner to devote much time to study and improvement; and, consequently, to make her a better woman, and a better wife. But there is no proof that this was a part of the decree. But there are so many additions to this book in the principal versions, that we know not what might have made a part of it originally.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:22: He sent letters - The Persian system of posts incidentally noticed in the present book Est 3:12-15; Est 8:9-14, is in entire harmony with the accounts of Herodotus and Xenophon.
Into every province according to the writing thereof - The practice of the Persians to address proclamations to the subject-nations in their own speech, and not merely in the language of the conqueror, is illustrated by the bilingual and trilingual inscriptions of the Achaemenian monarchs, from Cyrus to Artaxerxes Ochus, each inscription being of the nature of a proclamation.
The decree was not unnecessary. The undue influence of women in domestic, and even in public, matters is a feature of the ancient Persian monarchy. Atossa completely ruled Darius. Xerxes himself was, in his later years, shamefully subject to Amestris. The example of the court would naturally infect the people. The decree therefore would be a protest, even if ineffectual, against a real and growing evil.
And that it should be published ... - Render it: "and speak the language of his own people;" in the sense that the wife's language, if different from her husband's, should in no case be allowed to pRev_ail in the household.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:22: into every province: Est 3:12, Est 8:9; Dan 3:29, Dan 4:1
that every man: Both the law of God and common sense taught this from the foundation of the world; and this parade of enactment was only to deprive Vashti of her crown. Eph 5:22-24; Ti1 2:12; Tit 2:4, Tit 2:5
it should: etc. Heb. one should publish it according to the language of his country, Est 3:12
according: Luk 16:8; Act 2:5-11; Co1 14:19, Co1 14:20
Geneva 1599
1:22 For he sent letters into all the king's provinces, into every province according to the writing thereof, and to every people after their language, that every man should (p) bear rule in his own house, and that [it] should be published according to the language of every people.
(p) That is, that the wife should be subject to the husband and at his commandment.
John Gill
1:22 For he sent letters unto all the king's provinces,.... The one hundred and twenty seven provinces, Esther 1:1, which, according to the Targum, were written and sealed with his own seal; which is very probable:
into every province according to the writing thereof, and to every people after their language; that is, these letters were written in the language, and in the characters in which that language was written, used in each of the provinces to which these letters were sent, that they might be easily read and understood by all: the sum of which was:
that every man should bear rule in his own house; be prince, lord, and master there, and his commands obeyed, not only by his children and servants, but by his wife also:
and that it should be published according to the language of every people; but as this is expressed, or at least implied, in the first clause of this verse, it should rather be rendered, "and that he should speak according to the language of his people"; and so is the latter Targum; it seems as if a man, who had married a woman in another country, in complaisance to her had neglected his own native tongue, and used hers in the family, by which means he lost, or seemed to lose, his authority in it: now, to guard against this, this part of the law was made; and, according to Jarchi, the husband was to compel his wife to learn and speak his language, if she was a foreigner; to which agrees the first Targum, which paraphrases the whole thus,"that a man rule over his wife, and oblige her to speak according to the language of her husband, and the speech of his people;''and, in later times, Bahram Gaur forbid any other language, besides the Persian, to be used within his port, either in speaking or writing (b).
(b) Vid. Castel. Lexic. Persic. col. 266.