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Zohrap 1805
ՆԱԽԱԴՐՈՒԹԻՒՆ ԴԱՆԻԷԼԻ ՄԱՐԳԱՐԷԻ

Ասի՝ Դանիէլ որդի գոլ Յովհաննու որդւոյ Յովսիայ բարեպաշտն արքայի, հօրեղբօրորդի երից մանկանցն, որք ասին որդիք գոլ Յովակիմայ, եւ թոռունք Յովսիայ։ Զսոսա Նաբուքոդոնոսոր յառաջին ելանելն ՚ի վերայ Երուսաղեմի տարաւ ՚ի Բաբելոն։ Եւ մինչ մանուկն էր Դանիէլ ընկալաւ զՀոգին Սուրբ Աստուծոյ, որով դատապարտեաց զչարածերսն, եւ ապրեցոյց զպարկեշտն Շուշան։ Մտեալ ապա Դանիէլեանքն յարքունիսն ճգնէին պահօք, զորս եւ փառաւորեաց Աստուած. զի Դանիէլ զխորհուրդ պատկերին զոր ետես Նաբուքոդոնոսոր՝ մեկնեաց հաւաստի. յորում գուշակեաց զանսերմն ծնունդն Քրիստոսի ՚ի Կուսէն՝ վիմովն որ հատաւ առանց ձեռին. եւ պատուեցաւ ՚ի թագաւորէն։ Իսկ երեք մանկունքն ՚ի հնոցին զարմացուցին զնա։ Յաւել եւս մեկնել Դանիէլ զխորհուրդ ծառոյն ՚ի վերայ Նաբուքոդոնոսորայ, եւ զգիր ձեռինն ՚ի վերայ Բաղտասարայ։ Նենգեցաւ Դանիէլ յիշխանացն՝ եւ ապրեցաւ. եւ տեսլեամբ գազանացն մինչ ՚ի կատարած երկրի գուշակեաց զերկրորդ գալուստն Քրիստոսի. հաստատեաց ՚ի լնուլ եւթանասուն ամին զդարձ գերւոյն. եւ եւթանասուն եւթներորդօքն սահմանեաց զմիջոցն մինչ ՚ի ծնունդն Քրիստոսի։ Պահեաց երիս եւթներորդս, եւ ուսաւ ՚ի հրեշտակէն զոր ինչ յետ դարձին պատահէր Հրէիցն յԱնտիոքայ. յորում նկարէ զլինել նեղութեանցն որ ՚ի Նեռնէն. եւ զորոշումն յարուցելոցն, կնքեալ զտեսիլն մինչեւ ՚ի ժամանակն։ Խնու զբերանս առիւծուցն. կերակրի յԱմբակումայ, եւ պատուի ՚ի Կիւրոսէ։ Եւ ունի Գիրքս Դանիէլի պատմութիւն ամաց յիսուն եւ երկուց։

А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
Предисловие

Четвертое место в ряду пророческих книг Ветхого Завета занимает в греко-славянской Библии книга пророка Даниила, получившая подобное название от имени своего автора. Им был Даниил ("судил меня Бог", или "Бог - мой судья"), знатный иудей (1:3, 6), уведенный в третий год правления Иоакима в Вавилон (1:1, 3-6), воспитанный здесь при царском дворе (1:4, 17-18) возведенный за истолкование сна Навуходоносора в высокое придворное звание (2:48-49) и сохранивший его до третьего года царствования Кира (10:1).

Произведением этого лица книга Даниила признается как в ветхозаветной, так и новозаветной церкви. Выразителем взгляда первой является иудейский историк Иосиф Флавий.

"Окончив жизнь, говорит он, Даниил стяжал вечную память, ибо книги, которые он, написав, оставил, читаются у нас еще и ныне. И мы удостоверяемся в них, что он беседовал с Богом. Оставил же сие записанным, что и сделало для нас ясным точность и непреложность его пророчеств" (Древн. 10, 7). В тех же Древностях (10, 12) И. Флавий считает осквернение Иерусалимского храма Антиохом Епифаном точным исполнением пророчества Даниила (11:31), "произнесенного за 408: лет".

Приведенное свидетельство нисколько не ослабляется замечанием Талмуда, что книга Даниила написана мужами Великой Синагоги. И прежде всего в состав членов этой последней талмудисты включали и пророка Даниила, а в таком случае и книга его имени могла быть составлена им самим. Во-вторых, деятельность членов Великой Синагоги заключалась, по талмудическому преданию, в пересмотре, очищении и разделении священных книг, точнее, составлении канона. Сообразно же с этим книга пророка Даниила "написана" ими лишь в том смысле, что после предварительного пересмотра включена в канон.

Христианская Церковь, приняв от ветхозаветной канон священных книг, засвидетельствовала подлинность книги пророка Даниила устами своего Божественного Основателя. "Итак, когда увидите мерзость запустения, реченную через пророка Даниила, стоящую на святом месте, - читающий да разумеет, - тогда находящиеся в Иудее да бегут в горы" (Мф 24:15-16). В данных словах Иисус Христос утверждает не только существование самого пророка Даниила, но и принадлежность ему пророчества о седьминах (9:25-27). Оно "речено" Даниилом в том смысле, что записано и предано церкви им самим [Юнгеров. Частное Введение в священные ветхозаветные книги. Вып. 2, с. 100]. В позднейшее время подлинность книги Даниила признавали и защищали против нападок неоплатоника Порфирия Евсевий Кесарийский, Мефодий Тирский, Аполлинарий Лаодикийский и блаженный Иероним. И подобный взгляд на нее находит прочное основание в самосвидетельстве писателя. Очень часто он называет себя своим собственным именем: "я Даниил" (7:2, 15, 28; 8:1, 15, 27; 9:2; 10:2; 12:5), говорит, что и другие называли его также (9:22; 10:11-12; 12:4, 9), неоднократно замечает, что получал от Ангела повеление записать свои видения, даже запечатать их (10:11), и, действительно, записывал (7:1).

Пророк Даниил выдает себя за современника Вавилонского плена. В соответствие с этим его книга носит следы вавилонского происхождения: на ней, как на подлинном произведении современника плена, лежит отпечаток данной эпохи. Показателем его является прежде всего язык книги, - еврейский 1-2:3: - 8-12: гл. и арамейский 2:4-7:28: гл. Как иудей по происхождению, автор знает свой родной язык, а как вавилонянин по местожительству, - общенародный в Вавилоне арамейский. Такое же точно знакомство с обоими наречиями он предполагает и в читателях своей книги - иудеях. Народной же массе арамейский язык сделался доступным лишь в период плена; до тех пор он был достоянием одних образованных (4: Цар 18:26; Ис 36:11). Но употребляя в период плена арамейское наречие, народ не забыл и свой родной язык (Ездра пишет по-еврейски), как то видим впоследствии, - при Маккавеях.

Вавилонский плен был действительно временем совмещения у евреев обоих наречий книги пророка Даниила. Не менее ясно говорят о ее вавилонском происхождении и особенности языка. По отзыву библеистов, еврейское наречие книги Даниила сходно с языком современной плену книги пророка Иезекииля, а арамейское - с языком послепленных книг Ездры и Неемии. Наиболее ясно сказывается это сходство в употреблении редко встречающихся слов, так называемых "арах legomen'ов". Так, "баг" Дан 1:5: = Иез 25:7; "хув" Дан 1:10: = Иез 18:7; "цеви" Дан 8:9: = Иез 20:6, 15; "келал" Дан 10:6: = Иез 1:7; "зегар" Дан 12:3: = Иез 8:2; "бен-адам" Дан 8:17: = Иез 2:1, 3, 6, 8; 3:1, 3, 4: и т. п. Примером совпадения наречий книги Даниила и Ездры служат такие, напр., выражения: "шему" Дан 6:5: = Езд 4:22; "невали" Дан 2:5: = Езд 6:11; "питгама" Дан 4:14: = Езд 6:17; "сим теем" Дан 5:2: = Езд 5:4; 6:1; "ди" Дан 5:30: = Езд 5:17: и т. п.

Вполне соответствует эпохе написания книги пророка Даниила наличность в ней персизмов и вавилонизмов, т. е. слов, объясняемых из персидской и вавилонской терминологии. Таковы, по указанию экзегетов: "азда" Дан 2:5, 8: от древне-персидского "aranda" - наука; "гаддам" Дан 2:5; 3:29: - от персидского "handam" - член; "патбаг" Дан 1:5, 8, 13: - от древне-персидского "patibaga" - трапеза богов; "гедаберим" Дан 3:2, 3: - от древне-персидского "gasbar" - казначей; "пеха" Дан 3:3, 27: - от древне-персидского "paik" - наместник. "Ариох" Дан 2:14: = ассир. Eri Aсhu, т. е. раб богини Луны; "Мисах" Дан 1:6: = ассир. Misa Achu, т. е. кто как Аку - бог луна; "Седрах" Дан 1:6: = Sudar Achu, т. е. повеление бога Аку; "Авденаго" Дан 1:6: = Abad Nabu, т. е. раб бога Heбo; "ашафим" Дан 2:2: = ассир. "assipu"; "табагайа" Дан 2:14: = ассир. "tabihu"; "гашхин" Дан 3:16: = ассир. haspuhu и т. п.

Как произведение современника и очевидца описываемых событий, книга пророка Даниила отличается далее полной исторической достоверностью своих сообщений. Таковы, напр., рассказы об отведении в Вавилон иудейских пленников не лично самим Навуходоносором, а по его приказанию Асфеназом (1:3), о воспитании пленных юношей при царском дворце и в придворных школах (1:5-6), о разделении халдейских жрецов и правительственных чиновников на различные классы (2: и 4: гл. ; 3:3), о поставленной Навуходоносором на поле Двир громадной золотой статуе (3: гл.), о сопровождающей ее открытие процессии, о болезни Навуходоносора и т. п. Все они находят подтверждение в клиннообразных надписях и свидетельстве древних писателей. (Подробнее см. об этом и многом другом в толкованиях текста). Даже то, что считалось прежде ошибкой со стороны пророка (имена и личности Валтасара и Дария Мидянина), оказывается теперь, благодаря новейшим открытиям в области ассириологии, несомненною правдою. Неудивительно поэтому, что в глазах беспристрастных ученых данная особенность книги пророка Даниила является одним из убедительных доказательств ее подлинности.

"Чем чаще я читаю книгу пророка Даниила, - говорит Ленорман, - тем яснее выступает предо мною верность картины древнего Вавилона. Такую картину мог написать только современник и очевидец".

"Книга Даниила, - замечает другой ученый - Menant, - с величайшей точностью воспроизводит халдейскую цивилизацию эпохи Навуходоносора. Апокрифист не мог так писать".

Оправдываемое содержанием книги свидетельство пророка Даниила о себе, как современнике Вавилонского плена, подтверждается, наконец, книгой пророка Иезекииля. Его обращение к тирскому царю: "ты премудрее Даниила" (28:3) - предполагает знакомство современников плена с содержанием первых пяти глав книги Даниила, повествующих о его выдающейся мудрости. Другое место книги пророка Иезекииля (14:14-20) имеет в виду рассказ второй главы книги Даниила о спасении им жизни халдейских мудрецов.

В то время как при свете указанных данных вопрос о подлинности книги пророка Даниила решается ортодоксальной библейской литературой в утвердительном смысле, представители отрицательного направления не придают им значения. Так, Кюнен старается ослабить силу свидетельства Иисуса Христа о Данииле указанием на то, что слова о "мерзости запустения, реченной пророком Даниилом" принадлежат не ему, а евангелисту, а Бертольд и де-Ветте выдвигают против самосвидетельства Даниила то соображение, что в книге его имени встречается так много чрезмерных похвал Даниилу, что сам пророк ни в каком случае не мог так писать о себе. Но что касается заявления Кюнена, то ничем нельзя доказать факт изменения евангелистом слов Господа о принадлежности Даниилу пророчества о семидесяти седьминах: по контексту они принадлежат Спасителю, а не евангелисту Матфею. Равным образом и встречающиеся в книге пророка Даниила случаи похвалы по его адресу нисколько не говорят против авторства пророка.

И действительно, в указаниях Даниила на свои достоинства (1:17, 19-20; 6:4) нет и тени самохвальства. Он считает их делом милости Божией, а не плодом личных усилий. Милость Божия сделала то, что пророк понравился начальнику евнухов (1:9); Бог, а не собственная мудрость открывает ему высшие тайны (2:18-23, 28, 30); Он даровал ему разумение "видений и снов" (1:17); дух Божий возвысил Даниила при Дарии Мидянине (6:3). Скромность и смирение пророка не ослабляется похвалами себе, так как наряду с ними он говорит о своих грехах, в которых каялся (9:20), о своих умственных и нравственных слабостях (10:8; 12:8). Еще менее свидетельствуют о самохвальстве Даниила те места его книги, в которых он приводит отзывы о себе посторонних лиц (5:11-12; 9:23; 10:11).

Не довольствуясь попытками ослабить силу внешних и внутренних доказательств подлинности книги пророка Даниила, представители отрицательного направления приводят в подтверждение мысли о ее подложности целый ряд положительных данных. По мнению одних из них, книга пророка Даниила не составляет произведения одного писателя, а является сборником отдельных отрывков, составленных в разное время разными авторами и затем объединенных неизвестным редактором. Так, Михаэлис насчитывает 8: подобных отрывков и, следовательно, восемь первоначальных писателей, Бертольд - 9, а Эйхгорн - даже 10. Как на сборник отдельных рассказов о Данииле, смотрит на книгу его имени Ганеберг и в самое последнее время Делич (Библия и Вавилон. 4-ое изд., с. 51, 1907: г.). Другие ученые, - Закк, Гербст, Келер, - различают в книге Даниила две части, историческую и пророческую (1-6: гл. и 7-12), как два самостоятельных литературных произведения.

Основанием для отрицания единства книги пророка Даниила, а следовательно, и подлинности служат употребление в ней двух наречий - еврейского (1-2, 3: - 8-12: гл.) и арамейского (2:5-7:28: гл.), название пророка то в первом лице (7-12: гл.), то в третьем (1-6: гл.) и, наконец, некоторые якобы противоречия (1:21: ср. 10:1; 2:47: ср. 3:15; 2:48-49: ср. 5:11-14). Убедительные для критиков рационалистов и то далеко не для всех (исключение составляют Блеек - Вельгаузен, Берман), указанные соображения в действительности настолько слабы, что никоим образом не могут говорить против единства и подлинности книги пророка Даниила. По двойственности языка она подобна писаниям Ездры и Неемии.

У Ездры же на арамейском языке излагаются по преимуществу иноземные царские указы и письма в подтверждение их исторической достоверности (1: Езд 4:11-22; 5:6-17). По тем же соображениям и Даниил привел на арамейском наречии речь халдейских мудрецов и ответы на нее Навуходоносора (2:4-11), два его указа (3:96-100; 4: гл.), изданные, вероятно, на арамейском языке, и указ Дария Мидянина (6:25-27). Равным образом и остальное содержание арамейского отдела требовало изложения только на данном наречии. Все описанные в нем события возвещают о бесконечном всемогуществе верховного Царя Господа, держащего в своей власти все царства земли; они - наглядное самооткровение, самосвидетельство истинного Бога среди язычников вавилонской империи. И если последние должны были усвоить данную истину, то единственным средством к этому являлось изложение раскрывающих ее событий на родном, понятном им языке. Нужное для вавилонян пророк излагает на арамейском наречии. Сообразно с этим без ошибки можно сказать, что остальная часть его книги написана на еврейском языке потому, что назначалась для еврейского народа, представляла и имела значение исключительно для него. И таково, действительно, описание жизни пророка Даниила, его воспитания и возвышения при царском дворе (1: гл.). Таковы же видения об языческих царствах в их отношениях к еврейскому народу (8, 10-11: гл.), пророчество о седьминах (9: гл.) и будущем воскресении.

Двойственность языка книги пророка Даниила не говорит, таким образом, против ее единства. Но этого мало. Единство не нарушается двойственностью. Арамейский и еврейский отделы находятся в самой тесной связи, и один без другого непонятны. Так, арамейский отдел исторической части (2:4-6: гл.) нельзя отделить от еврейского (1:1-2:3), потому что начало повествования о Данииле и сне Навуходоносора находится в еврейском отделе, а прямое продолжение - в арамейском. Именно, в 2:4: говорится: "и сказали халдеи царю по-арамейски". Кто такие халдеи, по какому поводу, когда и какому царю они сказали, ответ на эти вопросы дает только еврейский отрывок 2:1-3. В арамейской части употребляются без пояснения оба имени пророка: Даниил и Валтасар (2:26; 4:5-6, 15-16; 5:12), так как объяснение дано автором в еврейской части (1:7). Арамейский рассказ об осквернении Валтасаром сосудов иерусалимского храма (5:2: и д.), имеет в виду еврейское повествование 1:2. Равным образом и еврейский отдел предполагает своими выражениями арамейский. Так, выражение 8:1: "явилось мне, Даниилу, видение после того, которое явилось мне прежде", отсылает читателя к видению седьмой арамейской главы. Точно также и другие слова той же восьмой главы: "я начал заниматься царскими делами" (27: ст.), находят свое объяснение в предшествующем арамейском отделе (2:48-49; 5:29; 6:28). Различные по языку, еврейский и арамейский отделы книги пророка Даниила сходны также по символическим образам (7: гл. ср. 8, 10: и 11: гл.), выражениям (7:25: = 8:25; 7:25: = 12:7; 2:34, 45: = 8:25; 4:27: = 8:24; 12:7) и раскрываемым в них мыслям. Они проникнуты идеею о зависимости языческих царств и владык от всемогущего Бога Израилева, держащего в Своей власти все царства земные, о скоротечности этих последних и вечности Царства Господня, торжествующего над язычеством.

Не подрывается единство книги пророка Даниила и тем обстоятельством, что в исторической части (1-6: гл.) о пророке говорится в третьем лице, как лице постороннем, а в пророческой (7-12) - в первом, как лице, говорящем о самом себе. Подобный способ выражения не составляет чего-либо необычного в библейской письменности, - наблюдается и у других пророков. Излагая бывшие им видения, они, подобно Даниилу, говорят о себе в первом лице (Ис 6:1; 8:1, 5; 21:2, 6, 10; Иер 1:4; 2:1; Иез 1:4), а в исторических рассказах выражаются в третьем (Ис 1:1; 2:1; 7:3; Иер 1:1, 2; 7:1; 14:1; Иез 1:3: и т. п.). Причины такого явления заключаются по мнению экзегетов, в том, что в требующих живости изображения видениях первое лице гораздо уместнее третьего.

Подобно противникам единства книги пророка Даниила, ее подлинность отвергают и те экзегеты, которые утверждают, что она не есть произведение современника Вавилонского плена, а написана неизвестным лицом в Палестине во время Антиоха Епифана и Маккавеев между 170: и 164: г. до Р. X. Первым защитником подобного взгляда был неоплатоник Порфирий, за ним следуют Спиноза, Бертольд, Ленгерке, Кнобель, Гитциг, Бунзен, Бахман, Эвальд, Нольдеке, Граф, Рим, Штаде, Кюнен, Корниль, Кениг, Мейнголад и в самое последнее время Делич.

Единственным прямым основанием относить происхождение книги пророка Даниила к эпохе Антиоха Епифана являются 23-25: ст. 8: гл. и 31: ст. 11: гл., рассматриваемые перечисленными учеными, начиная с неоплатоника Порфирия, не как пророчество об отдаленном будущем, а как описание минувших событий в пророческой форме. Но подобное понимание данных мест встречает ничем не устранимое возражение в свидетельстве писателя 1-ой Маккавейской книги. Если книга Даниила написана при Антиохе Епифане, то почему же мнимый ее современник - автор Маккавейской книги счел ее пророчеством об этом времени (1: Мак 2:59-60; 1:39-54: = Дан 9:27; 11:31-32)?

Относимая по указанным соображениям к эпохе Антиоха Епифана, книга Даниила считается вышеперечисленными лицами аллегорически легендарным воспроизведением истории этого царя и маккавейских времен. Под именем Навуходоносора, Валтасара и Дария Мидянина выводится будто бы Антиох в различных обнаружениях своей ненависти к иудейству, а под именем Даниила и его друзей - преследуемые Епифаном иудеи. Неестественность подобных параллелей очевидна сама собою. Даниил с друзьями воспитывается при царском дворе, окружается почестями, иногда, впрочем, живет в отделении от дел правления; маккавейские же иудеи были, напротив, целью гонений Антиоха, безжалостно им преследовались. Даниил был другом почитавших его царей, относился к ним с уважением и сочувствием (Дан 2:38; 4:16); Маккавеи же называют Антиоха "изобретателем всех зол, нечестивым и преступнейшим из всех людей" (2: Мак 7:31-37), предвозвещают ему страшный гнев Божий. Вавилонские и мидийские цари познали под руководством Даниила силу Всевышнего, прославили силу Его всеведения, всемогущества, Правосудия (Дан 2:47; 3:95; 4:34; 6:26-27), а Антиох задался целью уничтожить иудейскую религию, заменить ее языческою и ввиду этого требовал от иудеев отречения от обрядности, обрезания, принесения жертв Господу (1: Мак 1:41-42; 44-50).

Не менее слабы и остальные соображения ученых в защиту маккавейского, точнее послепленного, происхождения книги пророка Даниила. Такова прежде всего их ссылка на отсутствие имени пророка в встречающемся у Иисуса сына Сирахова перечне знаменитых мужей древности: от Иезекииля и 12: пророков он прямо переходит к Зоровавелю (49:10-13), и на незнакомство с книгой Даниила послепленных пророков Аггея, Захарии и Малахии. Непонятное в своих причинах замалчивание Сирахом пророка Даниила не может однако служить основанием относить время жизни последнего к позднейшей эпохе по тому одному, что и не упоминаемые Сирахом Иосафатат, Ездра должны быть также признаны жившими в 3: в. до Р. X. Не упоминая имени Даниила, Сирах, как думают, знаком однако с его книгой, доказательством чего служит его учение о вождях каждого народа и замечание о преемственной смене монархий (17:14; ср. Дан 2:37-45).

Что касается незнакомства с книгою Даниила послепленных пророков, то и оно - вымышленное, а не действительное. Так, некоторые темные места пророчеств Захарии становятся ясными лишь при сопоставлении их с соответствующими пророчествами Даниила, которые предполагаются ими, как известные. Сюда относятся экзегетами видения о четырех рогах, "разбросавших Иуду, Израиля и Иерусалим" (Зах 1:18-21) и о четырех колесницах с различными в каждой конями (6:1-8). Полную параллель тому и другому составляют видения Даниила о четырех преемственно господствовавших над иудеями царствах.

Нисколько не говорят о маккавейском происхождении книги пророка Даниила и особенности ее языка, - прежде всего встречающиеся в ней греческие выражения. Бертольд насчитывает их десять: panterim (1:3) - знаменитые, [в 1:3: и в русском, и в Славянском с 70-и переводах нет в этом стих слова - знаменитый; прим. ред. ] от protimoi; pitgam (3:16; 4:14) - слово, [слова "слово" нет в русском переводе; оно есть в Славянском с 70-и:3:16: - не требе нам о глаголе сем отвещати тебе; 4:14: - изречением бодраго слово, и глагол святых прошение; прим. ред. ] от flegma; karoz (3:4) - глашатай, от khrux; keraz (5:29) - провозглашать, от khrusseiv; patisch (3:21) - исподнее платье, от petasoV; nebisba (2:6; 5:17) - подарок, [дары; в Слав. 70-и - даяния; прим. ред. ] от nomisma; sabka (3:5) от sambukh; sumphonia (3:5), от sumfwnia; pesanterim (3:5) от yalthrion, kriros от kiuariV. [Sabka, sumphonia, pesanterim, kriros - названия музыкальных инструментов. Прим. ред. ]

Другие же ученые - Люкке и де-Ветте значительно ограничивают это число: признают за несомненно греческие слова названия четырех музыкальных инструментов. Их употребление в книге пророка Даниила не может служить доказательством ее составления в эпоху Александра Македонского и распространения на востоке греческого языка, т. е. не ранее 3: в., как утверждают ученые, по двум причинам. Во-первых, взаимные сношения вавилонян и греков начались задолго до Александра Македонского, ранее даже Навуходоносора. Так, современник пророка Исаии ассирийский царь Саргон знал, как видно из одной надписи ионян, и называл омывающее остров Кипр Средиземное море Ионийским и даже принимал послов от семи князей этого острова (Рагозина. История Ассирии. С. 306). Позднее Асаргадон и Ассурбанипал подчинили своей власти греческих царей острова Пафоса, Кипра и др. ; наконец, во время вавилонского плена греки уже настолько хорошо были знакомы с Востоком, что современник плена Анаксимандр составил карту древнего мира.

При подобном же знакомстве нет ничего удивительного, если ассиро-вавилонянам издавна были известны греческие музыкальные инструменты и вошли у них в употребление под греческими же именами. И действительно, псалтирь изображена на барельефе Ассурбанипала, а кифара в усовершенствованном виде - на памятниках позднейших царей. Во-вторых, греческое происхождение упоминаемых Даниилом инструментов и их названий далеко не так бесспорно, как думают. Атеней считает, напр., местом происхождения самвики Сирию, а Страбон называет ее "варварским инструментом". С востока она перешла в Грецию, а не наоборот. В зависимости от этого и семитическое "sabka" может быть признаваемо не производною формою от греческого "sambukh", а первоначальною по отношению к этому последнему. Что касается названия "кифара", то оно, может быть, происходит от персидского "sitareh" - шестиструнная. Наконец, и "песантерим" признается словом семитического происхождения, - производится или от "phas" - рука и "natar" прыгать, или от арабского "santir" - гусли. К такому выводу пришел за последнее время датский ученый Дитлеф-Нильсен, утверждающий, что китрос, песантерим, синопейя представляют речения, образовавшиеся не из греческого, а из основ халдейского или древнеарамейского языка (Хр. Чт. 1903. 1, с. 674).

Кроме названий музыкальных инструментов, в языке книги пророка Даниила встречаются, по мнению ученых, и другие особенности, отличающие его от языка плена и приближающие к языку послепленной эпохи. Так, у Даниила Навуходоносор называется, говорят, Небукаднецар, а у пророка Иезекииля (26:7), как и в клинообразных надписях, Небукадрецар. Произношение Даниила есть позднейшее перезвучие данного имени, имеющее параллели у LXX, Бероза и Иосифа Флавия. Но указывать только эти параллели - значит замалчивать, что имя Небукаднецар встречается у пророка Иеремии 26:7; 29:18, 19: и 4: Цар 25:22, а потому его употребление в книге Даниила не может служить доказательством ее позднейшего происхождения.

Не говорят об этом и случаи совпадения ее языка с языком талмуда и арамейским: в том и другом "непрерывная жертва" ["ежедневная жертва"] обозначается словом "tamid" (Дан 8:11-12; 11:31), у Неемии же "olah tamid" (10:34); [в русском переводе - "жертвенник", в Славянском - "алтарь"; прим. ред. ] "род", "поколение" - "gil", (Дан 1:3; 3:10) "обрезывать" - "chattak", (9:24) "записывать" - "rascham" (10:21). Эти и подобные им примеры, - форма множественного числа 2-го лица - "Khom" и "hom" свидетельствуют лишь о близости языка книги пророка Даниила к арамейскому и о большей окраске его арамейскими формами, чем у других писателей, хотя и у этих последних нередко можно встретить "apax-legomena", имеющие параллели только в арамейском наречии (Юнгеров ibid, с. 95-6). Как на признак послепленного происхождения книги пророка Даниила указывают еще на употребление в ней слова "халдеи" в нарицательном смысле "мудрецы" (1:4; 2:4, 10; 5:7, 11); подобного значения оно не могло будто бы иметь в вавилонскую эпоху. Но употребление термина "халдеи" в значении "мудрецы" подтверждается свидетельством древних писателей, между прочим Диодора Сицилийского и Геродота, из которых первый называет их людьми, "посвящающими всю свою жизнь занятию философским мышлением и астрологией". Лишено также основания заявление, что вавилонские мудрецы не могли говорить по-арамейски (2:4), т. е. языком палестинских сирийцев. Уже пророк Исаия отмечает, что "по-арамейски" объяснялись ассирийские чиновники Сеннахерима и иудейские Езекии (Ис 36:11). Пророк же Иеремия признавал арамейский язык общеупотребительным в Вавилоне (10:11).

Последним данным для отнесения книги Даниила к послепленной - маккавейской эпохе являются ее будто бы позднейшие верования. Таково учение о Боге (7:9-10), о Мессии - Сыне Человеческом (7:13) и вечном Царстве Его (2:44; 7:13-14; 12:1-3), об Ангелах высших и низших (8:16; 9:21; 12:1), о воскресении мертвых (12:2), об обычае три раза в день молиться, обращаясь лицом к Иерусалиму (6:10), о посте и т. п. Но все эти верования имеют более раннее происхождение. Так, образ Всевышнего почти теми же самыми чертами определяется у пророка Иезекииля (Ср. Дан 7:9-10: и Иез 1:26-27); о Мессии и Его вечном, праведном и мирном царствовании говорит Исаия и другие допленные пророки (Ис 9:6-7; Пс 71).

Учение об Ангелах составляет один из существенных пунктов ветхозаветной догматики. Допленные книги говорят об архистратигах и воинстве небесном (Haв 5:14; Пс 102:20-21), об Ангелах народов и племен (Исх 14:19; 23:20; 32:34), об Ангелах хранителях частных лиц (Быт 16:7-9; 19:1; 21:17; Иов 33:23: и др.); не чуждо также им и учение о воскресении мертвых (Иов 19:25-32; Ис 26:19, 21; Ос 13:14; Иез 37:3-14). Обычай трижды в день молиться Богу существовал задолго до плена (Пс 54:18). К Иерусалиму и его храму, как месту пребывания Господа, должны были направлять свои молитвенные помыслы и пленные иудеи (3: Цар 8:47-48; 2: Пар 6:34). Что касается поста, то уже современник плена вавилонского - пророк Иезекииль также заботился о сохранении себя от осквернения пищею (Иез 4:14).

Со стороны своего содержания книга пророка Даниила разделяется на две части: историческую (1-6: гл.) и пророческую (7-12: гл.).

В первой описываются жизнь пророка Даниила и современные ему события в вавилонском и мидо-персидских царствах, в коих он или его друзья принимали непосредственное участие; во второй излагаются бывшие ему видения и откровения о судьбе Иудеи и языческих царств, имевших влияние на историю народа Божия, от плена Вавилонского и до утверждения на земле Царства "святых Вышнего".

Первое из них, падающее на первый год Валтасара, это видение четырех животных, означающих четыре царства в их преемственной последовательности: вавилонское, мидо-персидское, македонское (греческое) и римское (7: гл.); второе (третий год Валтасара) видение овна и козла, - символов царств мидо-персидского и греческого (8: гл.); третье (первый год Дария Мидянина) видение о семидесяти седьминах (9: гл.) и, наконец, четвертое - видение о будущей судьбе народа еврейского в связи с историей двух языческих царств - египетского и сирийского (10-12: гл.).

Различные по содержанию, обе части книги пророка Даниила раскрывают одно учение о всемирном Царстве Божием и Сыне Человеческом в их торжестве над язычеством. В своем развитии оно сводится к двум положениям: всемирное царство не может навсегда остаться во власти язычников, оно существует только при посредстве и ради Израиля; в лице Сына человеческого последний предназначен к господству над миром, осуществлению на земле Царства Божия.

Уяснению первого положения посвящены шесть начальных глав книги пророка Даниила. Власть над миром, учат они, принадлежит одному Всевышнему Богу. Но Его Царство откроется и наступит по истечении известного времени, после падения четырех мировых монархий (2: гл.). До этого же времени Господь вручает власть над вселенной то одному, то другому монарху. Языческие цари могут быть владыками мира лишь под условием сознания зависимости своей власти от верховной власти Бога. Так, Навуходоносор, лишенный престола за гордость и высокомерное отношение к Господу сил, остался царем лишь потому, что под конец своей жизни исповедал величие и силу Бога Израилева (4: гл.). Но как это, так и два предшествовавших исповедания (2-3: гл.) имеют значение для него одного и не сопровождаются никакими результатами для его подданных. Они остаются язычниками, не знающими истинного Бога, того Бога, который дарует спасение не только иудеям, но и им. Поэтому они и не могут быть владыками мира. И чем дальше идет время, тем яснее и яснее становится эта невозможность.

Преемники Навуходоносора уже утрачивают понятие о происхождении своей власти. Его потомок Валтасар знал, что царство, величие, честь и слава даруются Богом (5:18-22), и тем не менее вознесся против Владыки небес, - осквернил сосуды иерусалимского храма. За это он лишился престола и жизни: Вавилонская империя гибнет тогда, когда повелитель ее позабывает истинного Бога. Власть переходит к другому царю - Дарию Мидянину. Он не нуждался, подобно Навуходоносору, в наставлениях со стороны пророка Даниила для познания истинного Бога, которого считает владыкой вселенной. Уважает он и Даниила, видя в нем служителя Божия. Но это отвлеченное знание не принесло Дарию пользы. Он не имеет силы и мужества всенародно исповедать свою веру в Бога и защитить Его служителя Даниила, - позволяет бросить его в львиный ров. Дарий не враг Бога, как Валтасар, но и не такой убежденный поклонник Его, как Навуходоносор. Он действует нерешительно, поступает то вопреки совести, то сообразно с ней. Бесхарактерный, не твердый в вере Дарий также не мог быть владыкою мира, как и легкомысленный Валтасар. Так разъясняется на примерах из жизни языческих царей основное положение книги пророка Даниила о неспособности язычников быть владыками мира.

Понятие об истинном Боге, которым цари царствуют, не только не делает среди них прогресса, но, наоборот, все более и более ослабляется. При таких условиях власть над миром не может оставаться в руках язычников, а должна перейти к другому народу. И этим народом может быть только Израиль. Владыкой народов и вселенной он является уже при Навуходоносоре в лице своего представителя пророка Даниила. Но действительным правителем мира он сделается лишь после падения четвертой монархии. Царство перейдет тогда к "святым Вышнего", возглавляемым Сыном Человеческим, и они будут владеть им "во век и во веки веков". Восстановление славы и могущества Израиля в этот, а не иной какой-либо период определяется тем, что только к данному времени будут прощены все его прегрешения, мешавшие до сих пор открытию среди него вселенского Царства Божия (9: гл.). В состав открывающегося с данного момента вселенского царства войдут все "записанные в книге". Его членами сделаются и имеющие воскреснуть впоследствии мертвые. Они восстанут для участия в благах спасения, для получения награды за свое благочестие. Восстанут и грешники, но - для того, чтобы подвергнуться наказанию за содеянное зло (10-12: гл.). Главою этого вечного царства будет Сын человеческий, - обетованный Мессия.

В греко-славянской Библии книга пророка Даниила занимает среди пророческих книг четвертое место. Оно отводится ей, согласно исчислению ветхозаветных книг, в Синайском кодексе (Исаия, Иеремия, Иезекииль, Даниил и 12: пророков). В кодексах же Александрийском, Ватиканском, в 85: апостольском правиле, 60: пр. Лаодикийского собора в 39: - праздничном послании Афанасия Великого, у отцов церкви - Кирилла Иерусалимского, Григория Богослова, Амфилохия Иконийского, Епифания Кипрского, Иоанна Дамаскина книга Даниила поставлена последней между пророческими, а в реестре Мелитона Сардийского и Оригена - ранее книги пророка Иезекииля. Помещаемая в христианском каноне в отделе пророческих писаний, книга Даниила занимает у евреев неодинаковое место. При Сирахе она, по-видимому, не считалась пророческою (49:10-12), при Иосифе Флавии признавалась таковой, (Древн. 10: кн., 10-11: гл.), а ныне, как и при блаженном Иерониме, относится к отделу писаний (кетубим). "Напоминаю, - говорит он, - что у евреев не считали Даниила между пророками, но между теми, которые написали этнографы". И действительно, талмудисты не признавали Даниила пророком. "Даниил, читаем в Мидраше, не был пророк, если даже сравнивать с тремя последними пророками, но зато он был провидец и апокалиптик, чем не были те" (Furst. Kanon., 101: с.). По словам современных блаженному Иерониму иудеев, отнесение книги пророка Даниила к отделу "писаний" обусловливалось его жизнью при иноземном дворе (Comm. in. Dan. 1:3).

Наличность книги пророка Даниила в древнейших исчислениях канонических книг является убедительным и ясным доказательством ее канонического достоинства. В качестве канонической, хотя без упоминания имени автора, она нередко цитируется в Новом Завете в речи Иисуса Христа и Его апостолов. Так, помимо ссылки на Дан 9:27, Спаситель применяет к Себе заимствованное, по общему мнению, из книги Даниила наименование "Сын человеческий" (Дан 7:13; Мф 10:23; 16:27-28; 19:28; 24:30; 25:31: и т. п.) и тем самым подтверждает ее мессианское богодухновенное учение. Вполне согласно с Даниилом очерчивается Иисусом Христом и образ "Сына человеческаго". Он грядет на облаках с силою и славою, восседает одесную силы (Мф 24:30; 25:31-32; Лк 22:69; Мк 14:61-62; Дан 7:13-14). В том же пророчестве Даниила находит свое объяснение видение Сына человеческого архидиаконом Стефаном (Деян 7:56). Равным образом и Апостол Павел, говоря о мужах, угасивших силу огня и заградивших уста львов (Евр 11:33-34), несомненно имеет в виду лиц, описываемых в книге Даниила (3: и 6: гл.), и одинаково с ним характеризует антихриста (2: Фес 2:4; Дан 11:36-39). Наконец, и в Апокалипсисе встречается не мало образов и символов, объясняемых из книги пророка Даниила, особенно из 7: гл. (Откр 11:7, 15: = Дан 7:7, 27; Откр 5:11: = Дан 7:10; Откр 20:4, 11: = Дан 7:9: и т. п.).

Книга пророка Даниила дошла до нас в двух древнейших переводах - еврейском, масоретском и греческом. Последний принят церковью не в редакции LXX, а Феодотиона. "Церкви Господа, говорит блаженный Иероним в предисловии к переводу кн. Даниила, не читают книгу пророка Даниила по переводу LXX толковников, пользуясь изданием Феодотиона". Вошедшая в употребление в конце 4-гo или начале 5: в., редакция Феодотиона пользовалась известностью и в более раннее время. По его переводу читали книгу Даниила не только Ориген, Ипполит, Тертуллиан, но Ерм и Климент Римский, и с него же сделаны переводы книги на другие языки: древне-латинский, коптский, арабский и славянский. Подобное предпочтение перевода Феодотиона в книге Даниила тексту LXX объясняется неисправностью последнего. По словам блаженного Иеронима, он "сильно расходится с истиною (евр. текстом) и потому отвергнут по справедливости".

Новейшие исследования как нельзя более подтвердили законность такого отзыва. В переводе LXX книга пророка Даниила далеко не воспроизводит свой еврейско-арамейский оригинал. На каждом шагу встречаются всевозможные изменения фраз и отдельных выражений подлинника, опущения и сокращения чередуются с расширением текста. Ни одна глава не свободна от подобных промахов и недостатков. В этом отношении все они одинаковы; различие между ними заключается лишь в том, что общее несовершенство перевода принимает в различных главах различные оттенки, выступает то в больших, то в меньших размерах. Наибольшей близостью к подлиннику отличается перевод 1-3: гл. и 7-12: гл. В общем они переведены верно и тщательно, хотя выдерживают более смысл, чем букву. Особенно ясно сказывается данная черта в 1-3: и 7: гл. Мысль оригинала передана в них исторически и верно и искусно, так что здесь не страдает ни первоначальное значение слов, ни гений языка. Наоборот, гл. 8-12: следуют букве оригинала, следуют настолько рабски, что, напр., гл. 11: может быть понята только при сличении с оригиналом. Но при общей удовлетворительности перевода и данная группа глав представляет не мало случаев разнообразного уклонения от подлинника. Вольный перевод чередуется в них с добавлениями, опущениями и прямым непониманием. При этом одни из неправильно переведенных мест обнаруживают в авторе отсутствие исторических знаний, другие прямую тенденциозность. Так, 5-20: ст. 11: гл. представляют в подлиннике голый, но точный обзор истории Птоломеев и Селевкидов, а 21-39: ст. подробное пророческое изображение царствования Антиоха Епифана. Между тем, переводчик, не поняв оригинала, извратил его, нарисовал совершенно ложную картину.

Образцом тенденциозности может служить перевод 11: гл. Содержащееся в ней пророчество о 70: седьминах автор относит ко временам Антиоха Епифана и сообразно с этим изменяет числа подлинника: вместо 7: и 62: седьмин, имеющих пройти от издания указа о восстановлении Иерусалима до Христа, он поставил 77: и 62, дающие в сумме 139, - число, указывающее начало царствования Антиоха Епифана по Селевкидовой эре. Совершенно иным характером отличается перевод 4-6: гл. Уклонение их греческого александрийского текста от арамейского подобно тому, как если бы дело шло не о различных чтениях, а о двух совершенно самостоятельных рассказах. Переводчик распоряжается текстом этих глав с неограниченной свободой: он то расширяет его (4:7-9, 16, 24, 28, 30, 34; 5:4, 6, 30; 6:18, 20: и т. п.), то сокращает (4:3-7, 11-13; 5:1-3, 10-11; 6:8). Господствующий здесь произвол невероятен: без всякого права переводчик то истолковывает текст, то перефразирует, то сокращает. Почти ни один стих греческого текста не соответствует масоретскому, во многих случаях от оригинала остается слово, два (Bludau. Die alexandrinische Ubersetzung des Buches Daniel und ihr Verhaltnisszum massoretischen Text. Freiburg. 1897.). Отвержение древнею церковью александрийского перевода книги пророка Даниила было причиною того, что он вышел из употребления в последующее время и едва не затерялся. Он был найден в конце 18: ст. и издан в Риме в 1772: г. по рукописи 9: в.

Другой особенностью александрийского перевода кн. пророка Даниила является существование в нем лишних против еврейского текста добавлений. Это ст. 24-90: третьей главы, история Сусанны, изложенная в 13: гл., и рассказы 14: гл. о Виле и драконе. (О них см. в соответствующих местах).

Литература: Aрхиепископ Феодор (Бухарев). Святой пророк Даниил. Очерк его века, пророческого служения и св. книги. М. 1864. - O книге святого пророка Даниила. Прибавл. к твор. Святых Отец. 1871, 1: -146: с. - Смирнов. Святой пророк Даниил и его книга. Ряз. 1879: г. - Разумовский. Святой пророк Даниил. Спб. 1891. - Лесоцкий. Святой пророк Даниил. Киев. 1897: - А. Рождественский. Откровение Даниилу о семидесяти седьминах. Спб. 1896: г. - П. Юнгеров. Частное историко-критическое введение в священные ветхозаветные книги. Вып. второй. С. 87-110. Казань. 1907. У него же перечислена и выдающаяся иностранная литература о кн. пророка Даниила.
Matthew Henry: Concise Commentary on the Whole Bible - 1706
THE book of Ezekiel left the affairs of Jerusalem under a doleful aspect, all in ruins, but with a joyful prospect of all in glory again. This of Daniel fitly follows. Ezekiel told us what was seen, and what was foreseen, by him in the former years of the captivity: Daniel tells us what was seen, and foreseen, in the latter years of the captivity. When God employs different hands, yet it is about the same work. And it was a comfort to the poor captives that they had first one prophet among them and then another, to show them how long, and a sign that God had not quite cast them off. Let us enquire, I. Concerning this prophet His Hebrew name was Daniel, which signifies the judgment of God; his Chaldean name was Belteshazzar. He was of the tribe of Judah, and, as it should seem, of the royal family. He was betimes eminent for wisdom and piety. Ezekiel, his contemporary, but much his senior, speaks of him as an oracle when thus he upbraids the king of Tyre with his conceitedness of himself: Thou art wiser then Daniel, Ezek. xxxviii. 3. He is likewise there celebrated for success in prayer, when Noah, Daniel, and Job are reckoned as three men that had the greatest interest in heaven of any, Ezek. xiv. 14. He began betimes to be famous, and continued long so. Some of the Jewish rabbin are loth to acknowledge him to be a prophet of the higher form, and therefore rank his book among the Hagiographa, not among the prophecies, and would not have their disciples pay much regard to it. One reason they pretend is because he did not live such a mean mortified life as Jeremiah and some other of the prophets did, but lived like a prince, and was a prime-minister of state; whereas we find him persecuted as other prophets were (ch. vi.), and mortifying himself as other prophets did, when he ate no pleasant bread (ch. x. 3), and fainting sick when he was under the power of the Spirit of prophecy, ch. viii. 27. Another reason they pretend is because he wrote his book in a heathen country, and there had his visions, and not in the land of Israel; but, for the same reason, Ezekiel also must be expunged out of the roll of prophets. But the true reason is that he speaks so plainly of the time of the Messiah's coming that the Jews cannot avoid the conviction of it and therefore do not care to hear of it. But Josephus calls him one of the greatest of the prophets, nay, the angel Gabriel calls him a man greatly beloved. He lived long an active life in the courts and councils of some of the greatest monarchs the world ever had, Nebuchadnezzar, Cyrus, Darius; for we mistake of we confine the privilege of an intercourse with heaven to speculative men, or those that spend their time in contemplation; no, who was more intimately acquainted with the mind of God than Daniel, a courtier, a statesman, and a man of business? The Spirit, as the wind, blows where it lists. And, if those that have much to do in the world plead that as an excuse for the infrequency and slightness of their converse with God, Daniel will condemn them. Some have thought that he returned to Jerusalem, and was one of the masters of the Greek synagogue; but nothing of that appears in scripture; it is therefore generally concluded that he died in Persia at Susan, where he lived to be very old. II. Concerning this book. The first six chapters of it are historical, and are plain and easy; the last six are prophetical, and in them are many things dark, and hard to be understood, which yet would be more intelligible if we had a more complete history of the nations, and especially the Jewish nation, from Daniel's time to the coming of the Messiah. Our Saviour intimates the difficulty of apprehending the sense of Daniel's prophecies when, speaking of them, he says, Let him that readeth understand, Matt. xxiv. 15. The first chapter, and the first three verses of the second chapter, are in Hebrew; thence to the eighth chapter is in the Chaldee dialect; and thence to the end is in Hebrew. Mr. Broughton observes that, as the Chaldeans were kind to Daniel, and gave cups of cold water to him when he requested it, rather than the king's wine, God would not have them lose their reward, but made that language which they taught him to have honour in his writings through all the world, unto this day. Daniel, according to his computation, continues the holy story from the first surprising of Jerusalem by the Chaldean Babel, when he himself was carried away captive, until the last destruction of it by Rome, the mystical Babel, for so far forward his predictions look, ch. ix. 27. The fables of Susannah, and of Bel and the Dragon, in both which Daniel is made a party, are apocryphal stories, which we think we have no reason to give any credit to, they being never found in the Hebrew or Chaldee, but only in the Greek, nor ever admitted by the Jewish church. There are some both of the histories and of the prophecies of this book that bear date in the latter end of the Chaldean monarchy, and others of both that are dated in the beginning of the Persian monarchy. But both Nebuchadnezzar's dream, which Daniel interpreted, and his own visions, point at the Grecian and Roman monarchies, and very particularly at the Jews' troubles under Antiochus, which it would be of great use to them to prepare for; as his fixing the very time for the coming of the Messiah was of use to all those that waited for the consolation of Israel, and is to us, for the confirming of our belief, That this is he who should come, and we are to look for no other.

This chapter gives us a more particular account of the beginning of Daniel's life, his original and education, than we have of any other of the prophets. Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, began immediately with divine visions; but Daniel began with the study of human learning, and was afterwards honoured with divine visions; such variety of methods has God taken in training up men for the service of his church. We have here, I. Jehoiakim's first captivity (ver. 1, 2), in which Daniel, with others of the seed-royal, was carried to Babylon. II. The choice made of Daniel, and some other young men, to be brought up in the Chaldean literature, that they might be fitted to serve the government, and the provision made for them, ver. 3-7. III. Their pious refusal to eat the portion of the king's meat, and their determining to live upon pulse and water, which, having tried it, the master of the eunuchs allowed them to do, finding that it agreed very well with them, ver. 8-16. IV. Their wonderful improvement, above all their fellows, in wisdom and knowledge, ver. 17-21.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
Introduction to the Book of the Prophet Daniel
Daniel is said to have descended from the royal family of David; and he appears to have been carried into Babylon when very young, in the fourth year of Jehoiakim king of Judah, A.M. 3398, b.c. 602, or 606 before the vulgar era. He and his three fellow-captives, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah, being likely youths, were chosen to be about the king's court, and were appointed to have an education suitable to the employments for which they were destined. As they had been carefully bred up in the Mosaic institutions, they regulated their conduct by them, even in the court of a heathen king, where they were in the capacity of slaves; hence, though ordered to be fed from the royal table, they would not touch that food, because the Chaldeans ate of meat forbidden by the Mosaic law, and probably even that which might be dominated clean became defiled by having been sacrificed to idols before it was prepared for common use. At their earnest request, the officer under whose care they were placed permitted them to use vegetables only; and finding that they grew healthy and strong by this aliment, did not oblige them to use the portion sent from the king's table.
Daniel appears to have been instructed in all the wisdom of the Chaldeans, which was at that time greatly superior to the learning of the ancient Egyptians; and he was soon distinguished in the Babylonish court, as well for his wisdom and strong understanding as for his deep and steady piety.
His interpretation of Nebuchadnezzar's dream of the variously compounded metallic image raised his credit so high at the court that he was established governor of the province of Babylon, and made chief of all the Magians, or wise men in that country. The chief facts and incidents of his history are so particularly woven throughout the book bearing his name, and undoubtedly written by himself, that they need not be detailed here.
The reputation of Daniel was so great, even in his lifetime, that it became a proverb. "Thou art wiser than Daniel," said Ezekiel ironically to the king of Tyre, Eze 28:3; and by the same prophet God ranks him among the most holy and exemplary of men, when he declares, speaking relative to Jerusalem, which had been condemned to destruction, "Though these three men, Noah, Daniel, and Job, were in it, they should deliver but their own lives by their righteousness," Eze 14:14, Eze 14:20.
Josephus, Ant. lib. x., c. 12, says that God bestowed many favors on him: that he was advanced to the rank of the most considerable prophets; that he enjoyed the favor of princes, and the affection of the people during his life; and that after his death his memory became immortal. He observes also that, in the complexion of his predictions, he differs widely from all other prophets; they foretold scarcely any thing but disastrous events; on the contrary, he predicts the most joyous events, and fixes the times of accomplishment with more circumstantial precision than they did. And this is so true, that we cannot help thinking that God had given this eminent man a greater degree of light to fix the times when his predictions should issue, than he had given in general to all his predecessors, who simply declared the mind of God in relation to things future, without attempting to indicate the distance of time in which they should be fulfilled. There are but very few exceptions to this either in Isaiah or Jeremiah. And in this respect the prophecy of the seventy weeks of Daniel exceeds all that have gone before, as the incidents and transactions relative to its fulfillment were so various, and yet so fixed and declared six hundred years before the time, that when the time came in which they were predicted to take place, they were expected, and occurred exactly according to the prediction, and the expectations founded upon it. This prophet therefore, far from occupying a lower place among divinely inspired men, deserves to be placed in the front rank with all those who have been most distinguished among the men who have partaken most largely of the prophetic gift.
The rabbins have endeavored to degrade Daniel, and have placed his prophecies among the hagiographa, books which they consider to possess a minor degree of inspiration; and it is probable that he meets with this treatment from them because his prophecies are proofs too evident that Jesus Christ is the true Messiah, and that he came at the very time that Daniel said the Prince Messiah should come. But the testimony and sayings of such men are infinitely overpowered by the testimony of Ezekiel, which has been produced above; and the testimony of our Lord, who gives him the title of prophet, Mat 24:15, without the slightest intimation that he was to wear this title with abatement.
It is very probable that Daniel did not return at the general restoration from the Babylonish captivity. At that time, if alive, he must have been an old man; and it is most likely that he finished his days in Babylon, though some Asiatic authors hold that he returned to Judea with Ezra, came back afterward to Persia, and died in the city of Susa.
Josephus speaks of his skill in architecture, Antiq. lib. x., c. 12, and that he built a famous tower at Ecbatane or Susa, which remained to his time, and was so exquisitely finished that it always appeared as if newly built. In this tower or palace the kings of Persia were interred; and in consideration of its founder, the guard of it was always chosen from the Jews.
Daniel is famous among the orientalists. The author of the Tareekh Muntekheb says that Daniel flourished in the time of Lohorasp, king of Persia; and consequently in that of Ceresh, of Cyrus, who gave him the government of Syria; that he taught these two princes the knowledge of the true God; that he preached the true faith through the whole of the Babylonian Irak; and was, on the death of Nebuchadnezzar, sent by Bahman, (Artaxerxes Longimanus), son of Asfendiar, who then reigned in Persia, into Judea; and that, having returned, he died at Shouster, or Susa, the capital of Persia, where he lies interred.
Some have supposed that the Zoraster or Zeradusht of the Persians is a confused picture of the Prophet Daniel. The account given by Abul Pharaje, in his fifth dynasty, may be considered favorable to this opinion. He says, "Zeradusht, author of the Magiouseiah Magism, or sect of the worshippers of fire, flourished in the reign of Cambasous, (Cambyses); that he was a native of the province of Adherbigian, or Media, or, according to others, of Assyria; that he foretold to his disciples the coming of the Messiah, who should be pointed out by a star which should appear in the day time at his birth; that they should have the first information of his advent; that he should be born of a virgin; and that they should present him with gifts; because he is the Word that made the heavens." See Pococke's Abul Pharajius, p. 83 of the Arabic, and 54 of the Latin.
D'Herbelot, on this account, makes the following remark: "We may see by these words of the historian, that the prophesy of Balaam was pretty generally known throughout the east, and that the Magi, who came to worship our Lord, were the true Magians of Persia, and not Arab kings."
The account given by Abul Pharaje makes Daniel and Zeradusht contemporary, and thus far is favorable to the opinion that the history of former may be dismissed under that of the latter. There have been several Zoroasters, of whom many fables are told; and no wonder, when the persons themselves are generally fabulous.
The Asiatics make him the inventor of remel, or geomancy; and among them he passes for the author of a work entitled Assoul ol Tabeer, "The Principles of the Interpretation of Dreams." I have in my own library a very ancient work which pretends to be drawn from this, and is entitled Somnia Daniel; it was printed in the infancy of printing, but without date; small 4to. There is an Arabic work in the French king's library, No. 410, entitled Odhmet al Mancoul, an Danial an Nabi, "The Traditionary Predictions of Daniel the Prophet;" which is said to contain many falsities, built on the foundation of Daniel's prophecies; but it has never been given to the public, and I have no other notice of it than the above from D'Herbelot. But although all these are curious from their antiquity, yet they are doubtless impostures.
Abul Pharaje, in his history of the dynasties, says, that the seventy weeks of Daniel are to be dated from the twentieth year of Ardsheer Dirazdest, the Artaxerxes Longimanus of the Greeks, (called Bahman above), and the same to whom Nehemiah was sakee, or cup-bearer. Other orientalists are of the same opinion. This shall be considered more at large when we come to the prophecy itself.
Artaxerxes had the name of Longimanus, or Long-handed, from the great extent of his dominions.
Daniel cannot be ranked among the Hebrew poets: his book is all in prose; and it is written partly in Hebrew, and partly in Chaldee. The Chaldee, or Syro-Chaldaic part, begins with מלכא לעלמין חיי malka lealmin chei, "O king, live for ever!" and continues to the end of the seventh chapter.
In the interpretation of his prophecies I have endeavored to follow the best critics and chronologists; and, without an extended comment, to give in as short a space as possible the meaning of every place. On the metallic images and seventy weeks I have been obliged to be more prolix, as these are of too much importance to be slightly handled. It is not my province to enter into the controversy about the date when the seventy weeks commence; even they who disagree so much from each other on this point come so near to the general issue that the difference is immaterial.
The chronology of the several events mentioned in this book Calmet endeavors to fix as follows: -
A.M. Event 3398 Daniel led captive to Babylon, Dan 1:1-7. 3399 Death of Nabopolassar, father of Nebuchadnezzar. 3401 Jehoiakim revolts against Nebuchadnezzar, Kg2 24:1. 3402 Dream of the compound statue, Dan 2:1, etc. Daniel and his companions promoted to honor at court. Birth of Cyrus, son of Cambyses and Mandane. 3405 Jehoiakim is taken and put to death by the Chaldeans. Jeconiah is raised to his throne, but reigns only three months and ten days. Zedekiah, last king of Judah, succeeds; and reigns eleven years. 3416 Taking of Jerusalem, and destruction of the temple, 2 Chronicles 36. 3434 Return of Nebuchadnezzar to Babylon after his great conquests in Phoenicia, Judea, Egypt, etc. His dream of the great tree, Ch2 4:7, etc. 3435 He becomes insane, which lasts for seven years, 4:32, 33. 3442 He becomes sane, and re-ascends the throne. The golden image set up. The three Hebrews cast into the fiery furnace, 2: Death of Nebuchadnezzar after a reign of forty-three years, according to Berosus. Evil-Merodach succeeds him, and reigns two years. - Berosus. He sets Jeconiah at liberty, Jer 52:31. 3444 Belshazzar his son succeeds, Dan 7:1. Daniel's vision of the four beasts, representing the four great empires, chap. 7. 3447 Vision of the ram and he-goat, 8: The death of Belshazzar, chap. 5. 3449 Darius the Mede, called Cyaxares by Xenophon, and Astyages in the Apocrypha, son of Astyages, king of the Medes, and maternal great uncle to Belshazzar, succeeds him in the government of Chaldea, Dan 5:30, Dan 5:31. See Isa 13:1, etc. The visions of Daniel related, chap. 9, 10, 11, Dan 12:1-13 : Cyrus attacks the Medes in the first or second year of Darius the Mede, Dan 10:1. 3455 Daniel is cast into the den of lions, chap. 6. 3456 Death of Darius. Cyrus succeeds him. 3457 End of the Babylonish captivity declared by Cyrus, in the first year of his reign, Ch2 36:22, and Ezr 1:1; but afterward interrupted. See below. 3485 Termination of Jeremiah's seventy years under Darius Hystaspes, who gives orders to continue the rebuilding of the temple. 3550 Commencement of the seventy weeks, Dan 9:24. Nehemiah returns to Jerusalem, Neh 2:1-6.
In this chronology Calmet differs from Usher.
As a writer, this prophet is simple, yet pure and correct: and he is so conscientious that he relates the very words of those persons whom he introduces as speaking. He writes Hebrew where what he delivers is a bare narrative; but he relates in Chaldee the conversations which he had with the wise men and the kings; and in the same language he relates Nebuchadnezzar's edict, which he made after Daniel had interpreted his dream concerning the great metalline image. This is a proof of his great and conscientious accuracy; and exhibits this prophet in a most advantageous point of view. Daniel writes both Hebrew and Chaldee with great purity.
This book divides itself into two parts.
Part 1 is historical, and is contained in the six former chapters.
Part 2: is prophetical, and occupies the other six.

This chapter begins with giving a short account of Nebuchadnezzar's conquest of Judea, when Jehoiakim became tributary to him; and consequently the seventy years' captivity and vassalage began, Dan 1:1, Dan 1:2. On this expedition (taking Egypt in his way) the king of Babylon set out towards the end of the third year of Jehoiakim, but did not take Jerusalem before the ninth month of the year following. Hence the seeming discrepancy between Daniel and Jeremiah, (Jer 25:1), the one computing from the time of his setting out on the expedition, and the other from the time in which the purpose of it was accomplished. We have next an account of the manner in which Daniel and his companions were brought up at the king's court, Dan 1:3-7. They reject the daily provision of meat granted by the king, lest they should be defiled, and are allowed to live on pulse, Dan 1:8-16. Their great proficiency in the wisdom of that time, Dan 1:17-20. Daniel flourishes till the reign of Cyrus the Persian, Dan 1:21.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
Introduction to the Book of Daniel
Section I. The Life of Daniel
Of Daniel little more is known, or can now be ascertained, than is recorded in this book. There are two other persons of this name mentioned in the Bible - a son of David Ch1 3:1; and a Levite of the race of Ithamar Ezr 8:2; Neh 10:6. The latter has been sometimes confounded with the prophet, as he is in the apocryphal addenda to the Septuagint.
Daniel, supposed commonly to be the same person as the author of this book, is twice mentioned by Ezekiel, once as deserving to be ranked with Noah and Job, and once as eminent for wisdom. "Though these three men, Noah, Daniel, and Job, were in it, they should deliver but their own souls by their righteousness, saith the Lord God" Eze 14:14. "Behold, thou art wiser than Daniel; there is no secret that they can hide from thee" Eze 28:3. Whether this is the Daniel who is the author of this book, however or whether this was some ancient patriarch whose name had been handed down by tradition, and whose name was assumed" by the author of this book in later times, has been a question among recent critics, and will properly come up for examination under the next section in this Introduction.
Assuming now that the book is genuine, and that it was written by him whose name it bears, all that is known of Daniel is substantially as follows:
He was descended from one of the highest families in Judah, if not one of royal blood (notes at Dan 1:3; Josephus' Ant. b. x. chapter x. Section 1). His birthplace was probably Jerusalem (compare Dan 9:24), though it is not absolutely certain that this passage would demonstrate it.
Of his first years nothing is recorded. At an early age we find him in Babylon, among the captive Hebrews whom Nebuchadnezzar had carried away at the first deportation of the people of Judah, in the fourth year of Jehoiakim. He is mentioned in connection with three other youths, apparently of the same rank, Hananiah, Mishacl, and Azariah, who, with him, were selected for the purpose of being instructed in the language and literature of the Chaldeans, with a view to their being employed in the service of the court Dan 1:3-4. His age at that time it is impossible to determine with accuracy, but it is not; improbable that it was somewhere about twelve or fifteen years. In Dan 1:4, he and his three friends are called "children" (ילדם yelâ dı̂ ym). "This word properly denotes the period from the age of childhood up to manhood, and might be translated boys, lads, or youth" - (Prof. Stuart on Daniel, p. 373).
Ignatius (Ep. ad Magn.) says that Daniel was twelve years of age when he went into exile; Chrysostom says that he was eighteen (Opp, vi., p. 423); Epiphanius says, ἔτι νήπιος ὤν eti nē pios ō n; Jerome calls him admodum puer. These are, of course, mere conjectures, or traditions, but they are probably not far from the truth. Such was the age at which persons would be most likely to be selected for the training here referred to. The design of this selection and training is not mentioned, but in the circumstances of the case it is perhaps not difficult to conjecture it. The Hebrews were a captive people. It was natural to suppose that they would be restless, and perhaps insubordinate, in their condition, and it was a matter of policy to do all that could be done to conciliate them. Nothing would better tend to this than to select some of their own number who were of their most distinguished families; to place them at court; to provide for them from the royal bounty; to give them the advantages of the best education that the capital afforded; to make an arrangement that contemplated their future employment in the service of the state, and to furnish them every opportunity of promotion. Besides, in the dialog of the government with the captive Hebrews, of which, from the nature of the case, there would be frequent occasion, it would be an advantage to have native-born Hebrews in the confidence of the government, who could be employed to conduct that contact.
In this situation, and with this view, Daniel received that thorough education which Oriental etiquette makes indispensable in a courtier (compare Plato, Alcib. Section 37), and was more especially instructed in the science of the Chaldeans, and in speaking and writing their language. He had before evidently been carefully trained in the Hebrew learning, and in the knowledge of the institutions of his country, and was thoroughly imbued with the principles of the religion of his fathers. An opportunity soon occurred of putting his principles to the test. Trained in strict religious principles, and in the sternest rules of temperance in cating and drinking, and fearing the effect of the luxurious living provided for him and his companions by the royal bounty, he resolved, with them, to avoid at once the danger of conforming to the habits of idolaters; of "polluting" himself by customs forbidden by his religion, and of jeoparding his own health and life by intemperate indulgence. He aimed, also, to secure the utmost vigour of body, and the utmost clearness of mind, by a course of strict and conscientious temperance. He obtained permission, therefore, to abstain from the food provided for him, and to make an experiment of the most temperate mode of living Dan 1:8-14. "His prudent proceedings, wise bearing, and absolute refusal to comply with such customs, were crowned with the divine blessing, and had the most splendid results."
After the lapse of three years spent in this course of discipline, Daniel passed the examination which was necessary to admit him to the royal favor, and was received into connection with the government, to be employed in the purposes which had been contemplated in this preparatory training Dan 1:18-20. One of his first acts was an interpretation of a dream of Nebuchadnezzar, which none of the Chaldeans had been able to interpret, the result of which was that he was raised at once to that important office, the governorship of the province of Babylon, and the head inspectorship of the sacerdotal caste Dan. 2.
Considerably later in the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, we find Daniel interpreting another dream of his, to the effect that, in consequence of Iris pride, he would be deprived for a time of his reason and his throne, and would be suffered to wander from the abodes of men, and to live among wild beasts, but that after a time he would be again restored. The record which we have of this is found in a proclamation of the king himself, which is preserved by Daniel Dan. 4. In the interpretation of this remarkable dream, and in stating to the king - the most proud and absolute monarch of the earth at that time - what would come upon him, Daniel displays the most touching anxiety, love, and loyalty for the prince, and shows that he was led to this interpretation only by the conviction of the truth. In view of a calamity so great, he exhorted the monarch yet to humble himself and to repent of his sins, and to perform acts of charity, with the hope that God might be merciful, and avert from him a doom so humiliating - so much to be dreaded Dan 4:19-27.
Under the immediate successor of Nebuchadnezzar - Evil-Merodaeh - Daniel appears to have been forgotten, and his talents and his former services seem to have passed away from the recollection of those in power. His situation at court appears to have been confined to an inferior office Dan 8:27, and it would seem also that this led him occasionally, if not regularly, away from Babylon to some of the provinces to attend to business there. (Compare the notes at Dan 8:2). This was not strange. On the death of a monarch, it was not unusual to discharge the officers who had been employed in the government, as, at the present time, on the death of a king, or a change of dynasty, the members of the cabinet are changed; or as the same thing happens in our own country when a change occurs in the chief magistracy of the nation. Sir John Chardin, in his Manuscript Notes on Persia, says that, in his time, on the death of a Shah or king, all the soothsayers and physicians attached to the court were at once dismissed from office; the former because they did not predict his death, and the latter because they did not pRev_ent it.
It is to be remembered also, that Daniel was raised to power by the will of Nebuchadnezzar alone, and that the offices which he held were, in part, in consequence of the service which he had rendered that prince; and it is not strange, therefore, that on a change of the government, he, with perhaps the other favorites of the former sovereign, should be suffered to retire. We find consequently no mention made of Daniel during the reign of Evil-Merodach, or in the short reign of his successor; we lose sight of him until the reign of Belshazzar, the last king of Babylon, and then he is mentioned only in connection with the closing scene of his life Dan. 5. In consequence of a remarkable vision which Belshazzar had of a handwriting on the wall, and of the inability of any of the wise men of the Chaldeans to read and interpret it, Daniel, at the instance of the queen-mother, who remembered his former services at court, was called in, and read the writing, and announced to the king the impending destiny of himself and his empire. For this service he was again restored to honor, and the purpose was formed to raise him to an exalted rank at court - a purpose which was, however, frustrated by the fact that Babylon was that very night taken, and that the government passed into the hands of the Medes and Persians. It was under this king, however, that Daniel had two of his most remarkable visions Dan. 7; 8 respecting future events - visions which, perhaps, more definitely than any other in the Scriptures, disclose what is to occur in the ages to come.
After the conquest of Babylon by the united arms of the Medes and Persians, under the reign of Darius or Cyaxares, Daniel was raised again to an exalted station. The whole kingdom was divided into one hundred and twenty provinces, and over these three presidents or chief governors were appointed, and of these Daniel had the first rank Dan 6:1-3. The reasons of this appointment are not stated, but they were doubtless found in such circumstances as the following: that it was desirable for Darius to employ some one who was familiar with the affairs of the Babylonian empire; that Daniel probably had knowledge on that subject equal or superior to any other one that could be found; that, he had long been employed at court, and was familiar with the laws, usages, and customs that pRev_ailed there; that he knew better than anyone else, perhaps, what would secure the tranquility of that portion of the empire; that, being himself a foreigner, it might be supposed better to employ him than it would be a native Chaldean, for it might be presumed that he would be less inimical to a foreign dominion.
Under these circumstances he was again raised to a high rank among the officers of the government; but his elevation was not beheld without malice and envy. Those who might have expected this office for themselves, or who were dissatisfied that a foreigner should be thus exalted, resolved, if possible, to bring him into such a situation as would ruin him Dan 6:4. To do this, they determined to take advantage of a principle in the government of the Medes and Persians, that a law having once received the royal sanction could not be changed; and by securing the passing of such a law as they knew Daniel would not obey, they hoped to humble and ruin him. They, therefore, under plausible pretences, secured the passing of a law that no one in the realm should be allowed for a certain time to offer any petition to any God or man, except the king, on penalty of being thrown into a den of lions. Daniel, as they anticipated, was the first to disregard this law, by continuing his regular habit of worshipping God, praying, as he had been accustomed, three times a-day, with his window open. The consequence was, that the king, there being no way to pRev_ent the execution of the law, allowed it to be executed. Daniel was cast into the den of lions, but was miraculously preserved; and this new proof of his integrity, and of the divine favor, was the means of his being raised to more exalted honor Dan. 6.
In this situation at court, and with these advantages for promoting the interests of his people, he employed himself in seriously and diligently securing the return of the exiles to their own country, though it does not appear that he himself returned, or that he contemplated a return. It is probable that he supposed that at his time of life it would not be wise to attempt such a journey; or that he supposed he could be of more use to his countrymen in Babylon in favoring their return than he could by accompanying them to their own land. His position at the court of the Medo-Persian government gave him an opportunity of rendering material aid to his people, and it is not improbable that it was through his instrumentality that the decree was obtained from Cyrus which allowed them to return. One of the designs of Providence in raising him up was, doubtless, that he might exert that influence at court, and that he might thus be the means of restoring the exiles. He had at last the happiness to see his most ardent wishes accomplished in this respect.
In the third year of Cyrus, he had a vision, or a series of visions Dan. 10-12, containing minute details respecting the history and sufferings of his nation to the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, concluding with a more general representation Dan 12:1-13 of what would occur in the last days of the world's history.
Beyond this, nothing certain is known of Daniel. The accounts respecting him are vague, confused, and strange. How long he lived, and when and where he died, are points on which no certain information can now be obtained. Josephus gives no account of his latter days, or of his death, though he says respecting him, "he was so happy as to have strange Rev_elations made to him, and those as to one of the greatest of the prophets, insomuch that while he was alive he had the esteem and applause both of kings and of the multitude; and now he is dead, he retains a remembrance that will never fail." (Ant. b. x. chapter xi). It is commonly believed that he died in Chaldea, having been detained there by his employments in the Persian empire. Epiphanius says that he died in Babylon, and this has been the commonly received opinion of historians. This opinion, however, has not been universal. Some suppose that he died at Shushan or Susa. Josephus (Ant. b. x. chapter xi.) says that, "on account of the opinion which men had that he was beloved of God, he built a tower at Ecbatana in Media, which was a most elegant building and wonderfully made," and that it was still remaining in his day.
Benjamin of Tudela says that Iris monument was shown at Chuzestan, which is the ancient Susa. As Benjamin of Tudela professes to record what he saw and heard, and as his Itinerary is a book which has been more frequently transcribed and translated than almost any other book, except the Travels of Maundeville, it may be of some interest to copy what he has said of the tomb of Daniel. It is a record of the traditions of the East - the country where Daniel lived and died, and it is not improbably founded in essential truth. At any rate, it will show what has been the current tradition in the East respecting Daniel, and is all that can now be known respecting the place of his death and burial. Benjamin of Tudela was a Jewish rabbi of Spain, who traveled through Europe, Asia, and Africa, from Spain to China, between 1160 and 1173 a. d. His Itinerary was first printed in 1543, It was a work in wide circulation in the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries, and has been translated from the original Hebrew into Latin, English, French, Dutch, and Jewish German, and hi these languages has passed through not less than twenty-two editions.
I quote from the London and Berlin edition of 1840. "Four miles from hence begins Khuzestan, Elam of Scripture, a large province which, however, is but partially inhabited, a portion of it lying in ruins. Among the latter are the remains of Shushan, the metropolis and palace of king Achashverosh, which still contains very large and hand. some buildings of ancient date. Its seven thousand Jewish inhabitants possess fourteen synagogues, in front of one of which is the tomb of Daniel, who rests in peace. The river Ulai divides the parts of the city, which are connected with a bridge; that portion of it which is inhabited by the Jews contains the markets; to it all trade is confined, and there dwell all the rich; on the other side of the river they are poor, because they are deprived of the above-named advantages, and have even no gardens nor orchards. These circumstances gave rise to jealousy, which was fostered by the belief that all honor and riches originated from the possession of the remains of the prophet Daniel, who rests in peace, and who was buried on their side.
A request was made by the poor for permission to remove the sepulchre to the other side, but it was rejected; upon which a war arose, and was carried on between the two parties for a length of time. This strife lasted 'until their souls became loath' Num 21:4-5; Jdg 16:16, and they came to a mutual agreement, by which it was stipulated that the coffin which contained Daniel's bones should be deposited alternately every year on either side. Both parties faithfully adhered to this arrangement, which was, however, interrupted by the interference of Sanjar Shah Ben Shah, who governs all Persia, and holds supreme power over forty-five of its kings.
"When this great emperor Sanjar, king of Persia, came to Shushan, and saw that the coffin of Daniel was removed from side to side, he crossed the bridge with a very numerous retinue, and accompanied by Jews and Mahometans, inquired into the nature of these proceedings. Upon being told what we have related above, he declared that it was derogatory to the honor of Daniel, and recommended that the distance between the two banks should be exactly measured; that Daniel's coffin should be deposited in another coffin, made of glass, and that it should be suspended from the very middle of the bridge, fastened by chains of iron. A place of public worship was erected on the very spot, open to every one who desired to say his prayers, whether he be Jew or Gentile, and the coffin of Daniel is suspended from the bridge unto this very day." - (Vol. i. pp. 117-120).
This story, trifling as it is in some of its details, may be admitted as evidence of a tradition in the East that Daniel died and was buried at Shushan. This tradition, moreover, is very ancient. In a note on this passage (vol. ii. p. 152), A. Asher, the publisher of the Itinerary of Benjamin, says: "Aasim of Cufah, a venerable historian, who preceded lbn Hankel by two hundred years (for he died 735), mentions the discovery of Daniel's coffin at Sus. Ibn Haukel, who traveled in the tenth century, speaks of it, and ascribes to the possession of the bones of Daniel the virtue of dispelling all sorts of distress, particularly that of famine from want of rain." It has been a matter of much controversy whether the place now known as Chouck, Chouz, or Sous is the ancient Shushan (lat. 31 55', long. 83 40'), or the place now called Shuster (lat. 31 30', long. 84 30'). The former opinion is maintained by Rennel, Ouseley, Barbie du Bocage, Kinneir, and Hoek; the latter by d'Herbelot, d'Anville, Vincent, Mannert, and Hammer. Major Rawlinson, who has furnished the most recent account of this place, maintains that "Shushan the palace" is the present Susan on the Kulan or Eulaeus, the Ulai of Scripture. (See vol. ix. of the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society).
Section II. Genuineness and Authenticity of the Book of Daniel
Consideration of Objections.
Until a comparatively recent period, with some slight exceptions, the genuineness and authenticity of the book of Daniel have been regarded as settled, and its canonical authority was as little doubted as that of any other portion of the Bible. The ancient Hebrews never called its genuineness or authenticity in question (Lengerke, Das Buch Daniel, Knigsberg, 1835, p. 6; Hengstenberg, Die Authentie des Daniel, Berlin, 1831, p. 1). It is true that in the Talmud (Tract. Baba Bathra, Fol. 15, Ed. Venet.) it is said that "the men of the Great Synagogue wrote - כתוב the קדנג K. D. N. G. - that is, portions (eleven chapters) of the book of Ezekiel, the prophet Daniel, and the book of Esther;" but this, as Lengerke has remarked (p. v.), does not mean that they had introduced this book into the canon, as Bertholdt supposes, but that, partly by tradition, and partly by inspiration, they Rev_ised it anew. But whatever may be the truth in regard to this, it does not prove that the ancient Jews did not consider it canonical. It is true that much has been said about the fact that the Jews did not class this book among the prophets, but placed it in the Hagiographa or Kethubim, כתוּבים kethû bı̂ ym. It has been inferred from this, that they believed that it was composed a considerable time after the other prophetic books, and that they did not deem it worthy of a place among their prophetic books in general. But, even if this were so, it would not prove that they did not regard it as a genuine production of Daniel; and the fact that it was not placed among the prophetic books may be accounted for without the supposition that they did not regard it as genuine. The usual statement on that subject is, that they placed the book there because they say that Daniel lived the life of a courtier in Babylon, rather than the life of a prophet; and the Jews further assert that, though he received Divine communications, they were only by dreams and visions of the night, which they regard as the most imperfect kind of Rev_elations. - (Horne, Intro. 4:188). The place which Daniel should occupy in the Sacred Writings probably became a matter of discussion among the Hebrews only after the coming of the Saviour, when Christians urged so zealously his plain prophecies (Dan 9:24-27) in proof of the Messiahship of the Lord Jesus.
The first open and avowed adversary to the genuineness and authenticity of the book of Daniel was Porphyry, a learned adversary of the Christian faith in the third century. He wrote fifteen books against Christianity, all of which are lost, except some fragments preserved by Eusebius, Jerome, and others. His objections against Daniel were made in his twelfth book, and all that we have of these objections has been preserved by Jerome in his commentary on the book of Daniel. A full account of Porphyry, and of his objections against the Christians and the sacred books of the Old and New Testament, so far as can now be known, may be seen in Lardner, Jewish and Heathen Testimonies, vol. vii. pp. 390-470, of his works, Ed. London, 1899. In regard to the book of Daniel, he maintained, according to Jerome (Pr. and Explan. in Daniel), "that the book was not written by him whose name it bears, but by another who lived in Judea in the time of Antiochus, surnamed Epiphanes; and that the book of Daniel does not foretell things to come, but relates what had already happened. In a word, whatever it contains to the time of Antiochus is true history; if there is anything relating to after-times it is falsehood; forasmuch as the writer could not see things future, but at the most only could make some conjectures about them. To him several of our authors have given answers of great labour and diligence - in particular. Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea, in three volumes, the 18th, the 19th, and the 20th; Apollinarius, also, in one large book, that is, the 26th; and before them, in part, Methodius. 'As it is not my design,' says Jerome, 'to confute the objections of the adversary, which would require a long discourse; but only to explain the prophet to our own people, that is, to Christians, I shall just observe that none of the prophets have spoken so clearly of Christ as Daniel, for he not only foretells his coming, as do others likewise, but he also teaches the time when he will come, and mentions in order the princes of the intermediate space, and the number of the years, and the signs of his appearance. And because Porphyry saw all these things to have been fulfilled, and could not deny that they had actually come to pass, he was compelled to say as he did; and because of some similitude of circumstances, he asserted that the things foretold as to be fulfilled in Antichrist at the end of the world happened in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes: - which kind of opposition is a testimony of truth; for such is the plain interpretation of the words, that to incredulous men the prophet seems not to foretell things to come, but to relate things already past; and though, as before said, it is not my intention to confute all his objections, I shall, as occasion offers, take notice of some of his weak arguments. And it may be proper for us, among other things, to observe now, that Porphyry argued that the book of Daniel was not genuine, because it was written in Greek, and, therefore, was not the work of any Jew, but the forgery of some Greek writer. This he argued from some Greek words which are in the fable of Susanna, to which both Eusebius and Apollinarius returned the same answer, that the fabulous stories of Susanna, and Bel and the Dragon, are not in the Hebrew, but are said to have been composed by a person of the tribe of Levi; whereas the sacred Scriptures assure us that Daniel and the three children, his companions, were of the tribe of Judah. And they said they were not accountable for what was not received by the Jews, nor was a part of the sacred Scriptures.'" A few of the objections which Porphyry makes to the credibility of certain parts of Daniel, Jerome has quoted in his commentary on the particular passages referred to. These have been collected by Dr. Lardner, and may Be seen in his works, vol. vii. pp. 402-415. It is not necessary to transcribe them here, as they will come up for consideration in the notes on the particular chapters.
Dr. Lardner (vol. vii. p. 401) remarks respecting Porphyry, "that Porphyry's work against the Christians was much laboured, and that in this argument he displayed all his learning, which was very considerable. Hence we can perceive the difficulty of undertaking an answer to him, for which very few were fully qualified; in which none of the apologists for Christianity seem to have answered expectations." We cannot now form a correct opinion of the argument of Porphyry, for we have only the few fragments of his work which Jerome and others have seen proper to preserve. We are in danger, therefore, of doing injustice to what may have been the real force of his argument, for it may have been stronger than would be indicated by those fragments that remain. It is impossible to recover his main objections; and all that can now be said is, that, as far as is known, he did not make any converts to his opinions. and that his objections produced no change in the faith of the Christian world.
No further attack on the genuineness and authenticity of Daniel seems to have been made, and no further doubt entertained, until the time of Spinoza. Spinoza was by birth a Jew; was born at Amsterdam in 1632; became professedly converted to Christianity in consequence of supposing that his life was in danger among the Jews, But was probably indifferent to all religions. He gave himself up to philosophical inquiries, and is commonly understood to have been a pantheist. He maintained (Tractat. Theol. Politicus, c. 10, t. i. p. 308, Ed. Paulus), that the last five chapters of Daniel were written by Daniel himself, But that the seven pRev_ious chapters were collected about the time of the Maccabees from the chronological writings of the Chaldeans, and that the whole was arranged by some unknown hand. Edward Wells, who lived in the first part of the eighteenth century, maintained that the work was composed by some one soon after the death of Daniel. Antony Collins, one of the British Deists, maintained also that it was not written by Daniel. In more recent times, the genuineness of the book has been doubted or denied, in whole or in part, by Corrodi, Gesenius, Lderwald, Dereser, Scholl, Lengerke, Eichhorn, De Wette, Griesenger, Bertholdt, Bleek, Ewald, Hitzig, and Kirms; it has been defended by the English writers generally, and among the Germans by Staudlin, Beekhaus, Jahn, Hvernick Hengstenberg, and others. The general ground taken by those who have denied its genuineness and authenticity is, that the book was written, at or about the time of the Maccabees, By some Jew, who, in order to give greater authority and importance to his work, wrote under the assumed name of Daniel, and laid the scene in Babylon in the time of the captivity.
The various arguments urged against the genuineness of the book may be seen in Bertholdt, Eichhorn, Lengerke, Kirms (Commentatio Historico Critica, Jenae, 1825), and De Wette. The best defence of its authenticity, probably, is the work of Hengstenberg (Die Authentie des Daniel, Berlin, 1831). The examination of the objections alleged against the particular chapters, and particular portions of chapters, it will be most convenient to examine in the introductions to the respective chapters. I propose, in this general Introduction, merely to examine the objections of a general character which have been made to the work. These have been concisely arranged and stated by De Wette (Lehrbuch der Historisch-kritischen, Einleitung, Berlin, 1845, pp. 382-389), and in the examination of the objections I shall consider them in the order in which he has stated them.
The view which De Wette entertains of the book is stated in the following manner: - "That in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, when the spirit of prophecy among the Jews had been a long time extinct, a Jewish friend of his country endeavoured to encourage and strengthen his contemporary sufferers, and those who were contending for their liberty, through these apocalyptic prophecies respecting the future ascendancy of the theocratic principle, which, in order to give the work greater reputation and authority, he ascribed to an ancient Seer of the name of Daniel, of whom probably something had been handed down by tradition. Designedly he suffered the promises to extend to a great length of time, in order to make them appear the more certain. After the manner of the ancient prophets also, he inwove much that was historical, and especially such as would be fitted to excite and arouse the martyr spirit of his own people." - (Lehrbuch, p. 390).
I. The first objection which is urged against the genuineness of the book is derived from what is denominated the fabulous contents - Mhrchenhaften Inhalte - of its narrative parts. This objection, in the words of De Wette, is, that "the book is full of improbabilities (Dan 2:3, Dan 2:46; Dan 3:1, Dan 3:5, Dan 3:20, Dan 3:22, Dan 3:28, Dan 31; Dan 4:31; Dan 5:11, Dan 5:18, Dan 5:29, Dan 6:8, Dan 6:26); of wonders (Dan 2:28, Dan 3:23; Dan 5:5, Dan 6:23, Dan 6:25); its historical inaccuracies are such as are found in no prophetic book of the Old Testament, and are founded on the same type (comp. Dan 2:2-11, with Dan 4:4; Dan 5:8; Dan 3:4-12, Dan 3:26-30, with Dan 6:8-18, Dan 6:21-24).. This seeking after wonders and strange things, and the religious fanaticism nourished through these persecutions, which it breathes, place the book in the same condition as the second book of the Maccabees, as a production of the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, and the similarity of the former of the two books betrays the fictitious character. (Dichtung) of the book." - (Lehrbuch, pp. 382, 383).
In reference to this objection, which turns on the marvellous character of the book, and the improbable historical statements in it, the following remarks may be made: -
(a) These objections are noticed in detail in the introductions to the respective chapters where the historical events here objected to are stated, and the question whether they are fabulous, or are in accordance with true history, is there fully considered. This will make it needless to notice them here particularly. In the introduction to the respective chapters, I have noticed, and have endeavoured to answer, all the objections which I have found of this character in the works of Eichhorn, Bertholdt, Bleek, and Lengerke. This will make it the less necessary to dwell on this point in this general Introduction.
(b) But as to the alleged contradiction between Daniel and the historical accounts which we have of the affairs to which he refers, it may be proper to observe in general - (1.) That, for anything that appears, Daniel may be as accurate an historian as any of the heathen writers of those times. There is, in the nature of the case, no reason why we should put implicit confidence in Berosus, Abydenus, Xenophon, and Herodotus, and distrust Daniel; nor why, if a statement is omitted by them, we should conclude at once that, if mentioned by Daniel, it is false. It is an unhappy circumstance, that there are many persons who suppose that the fact that a thing is mentioned by a profane historian is presumptive evidence of its truth; if mentioned by a sacred writer, it is presumptive evidence of its falsehood. Under the influence of the same feeling, it is inferred, that if an event is mentioned by a sacred writer which is omitted by a profane historian, it is regarded as demonstrative that the work in which it is found is fabulous. It is unnecessary to show that this feeling exists in many minds; and yet nothing can be more unjust - for the mere fact that an author writes on sacred subjects, or is the professed friend of a certain religion, should not be allowed to cast a suspicion on his testimony. That testimony must depend, in regard to its value, on his credibility as a historian, and not on the subject on which he writes. In the nature of things, there is no more reason why a writer on sacred subjects should be unworthy of belief, than one who is recording the ordinary events of history. (2.) Daniel, according to the account which we have of him, had opportunities of ascertaining the truth of the facts which he narrates, which no profane historian had. He spent the greater part of a long life in Babylon, in the very midst of the scenes which he describes; he was intimately acquainted with the affairs of the government; he enjoyed, in a remarkable degree, the confidence of those in authority, and he was himself deeply concerned in most of these transactions, and could have adopted the language of Aeneas - et quorum magna pars fui. (3.) It is to be remembered, also, in regard to these events and times, that we have few fragments of history remaining. We have fragments of the writings of Berosus, a Chaldean, indeed, who wrote in Greece; and of Abydenus, a Greek, who wrote in Chaldea; we have some historical statements in Xenophon, and a few in Herodotus: but the Chaldean history, if ever written, is lost; the public documents are destroyed; the means of an accurate and full knowledge of the Chaldean or Babylonish power in the time when Daniel lived, have disappeared for ever. Under these circumstances, it would not be strange if we should not be able to clear up all the difficulties of a historical nature that may be suggested respecting these fragmentary accounts, or be able to verify the statements which we find in the sacred books by the explicit testimony of contemporary writers.
(c) As a matter of fact, the investigations of history, as far as they can be made, go to confirm the authority of Daniel. Instances of this will occur in the examination of the particular chapters in this book, and all that can now be done is merely to refer to them, particularly to the introductions to ch. 1, 4-6. In general, it may be said here, that none of the historical authorities contradict what is stated by Daniel, and that the few fragments which we have go to confirm what he has said, or at least to make it probable.
(d) As to the objections of De Wette and others, derived from the miraculous and marvellous character of the book, it may be observed further, that the same objection would lie against most of the books of the Bible, and that it is, therefore, not necessary to notice it particularly in considering the book of Daniel. The Bible is a book full of miracles and marvels; and he who would have any proper understanding of it must regard and treat it as such. It is impossible to understand or explain it without admitting the possibility and the reality of miraculous events; and in a book which claims to be founded miracles, it does not prove that it is not authentic or genuine simply to say that it assumes that miracles are possible. To destroy the credibility of the book, it is necessary to show that all claims of a miraculous character are unfounded, and all miracles impossible and absurd; and this objection would not lie against the book of Daniel peculiarly, but equally against the whole Bible. Two remarks here may be made, however, of a more particular character: (1), that the statements in Daniel are not more marvellous than those which occur in other parts of the Bible, and if they may be believed, those occurring in Daniel may be also; and (2), that it would rather be an argument against the genuineness and authenticity of the book if no miraculous and marvellous statements were found in it. It would be so unlike the other books of the Bible, where miracles abound, that we should feel that there was wanting in its favour the evidence of this nature, which would show that it had the same origin as the other portions of the volume. The particular objections in regard to the statements in Daniel of this nature are considered in the notes on the book.
II. A second objection to the genuineness of the book of Daniel relates to the prophecies which are found in it. This objection is derived from the peculiar character of these prophecies; from the minuteness of the detail; the exact. designation of the order of events; the fact that they seem to be a summary of history written after the events occurred; and that in these respects they are essentially unlike the other prophecies in the Bible. This objection, we have seen, is as old as Porphyry; and this was in fact, with him the principal argument against the authenticity of the book. This objection is summed up and stated by De Wette in the following manner (Section 255b, pp. 385, 385): "The ungenuineness (Unchtheit) appears further from the prophetic contents of the same, which is to a remarkable extent different from that of all the remaining prophetic books, (a) through its apocalyptic character, or through this - that the coming of the kingdom of the Messiah is mentioned and determined according to certain definite periods of time, or specified periods, and that the representation of it occurs so much in the form of visions; (b) that the circumstances of the distant future, and the fortune of the kingdoms which were not yet in existence, even down to the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, are described with so much particularity and accuracy (Dan 8:14, Dan 9:25; Dan 12:11) that the account must have been written after the event; (c) and that, if Daniel was a prophet, he must have lived in the times of Ezekiel and Zechariah, and we must suppose that his prophecies would have borne the general character of the prophecies of those times, but that in fact we find in them the spirit of a later age - the spirit that ultimately developed itself in the Sibylline books, to which these prophecies bear a strong resemblance."
In reply to this it may be remarked: -
(1.) That all that is said in Daniel is possible: that is, it is possible that prophetic intimations of the future should be given with as much particularity as are found in Daniel. No one can demonstrate, or even affirm, that God could not, if he chose, inspire a prophet to predict in detail the occurrences of the most remote times, and the fall of kingdoms not yet in being. All this knowledge must be with him: and for anything that appears, it would be as easy to inspire a prophet to predict these events as any other. The solo inquiry, therefore, is in regard to a fact; and this is to be settled by an examination of the evidence, that the prophet lived and prophesied before the events predicted occurred.
(2.) The prophecies in Daniel are not, in their structure and character, so unlike those whose genuineness is undisputed as to make it certain, or even probable, that the latter are genuine and those of Daniel not. Dreams and visions were common methods of communicating the Divine will to the prophets - see Introduction to Isaiah, Section 7, (2), (4) - and who will undertake from any infernal evidence to determine between those of Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel?
(3.) As to the allegation respecting the details in Daniel of future events - the particularity with which he describes them - all is to be admitted that is affirmed on the subject. It is a fact that there is such particularity and minuteness of detail as could be founded only on truth, and that the delineations of Alexander and his conquests, and the statements of the events that would succeed his reign down to the time of Antiochus Epiphanes (ch. 11), are drawn with as much accuracy of detail as they would be by one writing after the events had occurred. No one can doubt this who attentively examines these remarkable prophecies. Porphyry was undoubtedly right in affirming, that in regard to their minuteness and accuracy, these prophecies appeared to be written after the events; and if it can be shown, therefore, that they were written before the events referred to, the testimony of Porphyry is a strong evidence of the fact that Daniel was inspired; for no one will maintain that man, by any natural sagacity, could describe events before they occur with the exactness of detail and the minute accuracy which is found in this part of Daniel.
But is not what is here said of Daniel as to the accuracy and minuteness of detail true also, in the main, of other prophecies in the Old Testament? Are there not many prophecies that are as accurate, and in some respects as minute, as they would have been if they were written after the events referred to? Is not this true of the predictions respecting the destruction of Tyre and of Babylon, and carrying away of the Jews into captivity? Is not Cyrus expressly mentioned by Isaiah, and is not the work which he would perform in the conquest of Babylon drawn out in exact detail? (See Isa 45:1, seq.) So in Jeremiah (Jer 50:1, Jer 51:1), there is a prophetic account of the destruction of Babylon, as minute in many respects as the predictions of Daniel, and as exact and minute as it would have been if written after the events had occurred, and the author had been making a historical record instead of uttering a prediction. But on this point I must content myself with referring to the argument of Hengstenberg, Authentie des Daniel, pp. 173-195. It may be added, however, that it is on this accuracy of detail in Daniel that we ground one of the strong arguments for his inspiration. It will be admitted on all hands - it cannot be denied - that no one could foresee those events, and describe them with such accuracy of detail, by any natural sagacity; but no one who believes in the fact of inspiration at all, can doubt that it would be as easy for the Divine Spirit to present future events in this accuracy of detail as in a more general manner. At all events, this accuracy and minuteness of detail removes the prophecies from the region of conjecture, and is an answer to the usual objections that they are obscure and ambiguous. No one can pretend this of the writings of Daniel; and if it can be shown that the book was written before the events occurred, the conclusion cannot be avoided that the author was inspired.
III. A third objection to the genuineness and authenticity of the book of Daniel is thus stated by De Wette (Section 255, b. 3, p. 385): "Grounds of objection lie further in the repeated mention of himself in so honourable a manner (Dan 1:17, Dan 1:19; Dan 5:11; Dan 6:4; Dan 9:23; Dan 10:11, et al.)"
This objection cannot be regarded as having any great degree of force, or as contributing much to set aside the direct evidence of the authority of the book: - for (a) it is possible that all these honours were conferred on him. This is, in itself, no more incredible or remarkable than that Joseph should have reached the honours in Egypt, which are attributed to him in Genesis; and no one can show that if the account had been written by another, it would have been unworthy of belief. (b) If it were a fact that he was thus honoured, it was not improper to state it. If Daniel was the historian of those times, and kept the records of the events of his own life, and actually obtained those honours, there was no impropriety in his making a record of those things. He has done no more than what Caesar did in the mention of himself, his plans, his conquests, his triumphs. In the record of Daniel there is no unseemly parading of his wisdom, or the honours conferred on him; there is no praise for the mere sake of praise; there is no language of panegyric on account of his eminent piety. The account is a mere record of facts as they are said to have occurred - that Daniel was successful in his early studies, and his preparation for the examination through which he and his companions were to pass (ch. 1); that on more than one occasion he succeeded in interpreting a dream or vision which no one of the Chaldeans could do; that in consequence of this he was raised to an exalted rank; that he was enabled to maintain his integrity in the midst of extraordinary temptations; and that he was favoured with the Divine protection when in extraordinary danger. I presume that no one who has read the book of Daniel with an unprejudiced mind ever received an impression that there was any want of modesty in Daniel in these records, or that there was any unseemly or unnecessary parading of his own virtues and honours before the world.
IV. A fourth objection which has been urged against the genuineness of Daniel is derived from the language in which it is written. This objection, as stated by De Wette (Section 935, b. 4, p. 385), is founded on "the corrupt Hebrew and Chaldee, and the intermingling of Greek words in the composition." The objection is urged more at length in Bertholdt (p. 24, seq.), and by Bleek, Kirms, and others. The objection, as derived from the language of the book, is properly divided into three parts: - (a) that it is written in Hebrew and Chaldee; (b) that in each part of it there is a want of purity of style, indicating a later age than the time of the captivity; and (c) that there is an intermingling of Greek words, such as it cannot be presumed that one who wrote in the time of the exile, and in Babylon, would have employed, and such as were probably introduced into common use only by a later intercourse with the Greeks, and particularly by the Macedonian conquest.
(a) As to the first of these, little stress can be laid on it, and indeed it is rather an argument for the genuineness of the work than against it. It is well known that from the fourth verse of the second chapter to the end of the seventh chapter, the work is written in the Chaldee language, while the remainder is pure Hebrew. The only way in which this fact could be regarded as an objection to the genuineness of the book, would be that it is an indication that it is the production of two different authors. But this would be an objection only on the supposition that the author could write and speak only one language, or that, supposing he was acquainted with two, there were no circumstances which could account for the use of both. But neither of these suppositions applies here. There is every reason to believe that Daniel was acquainted with both the Hebrew and the Chaldee; and there is no improbability in the supposition that he wrote in both with equal ease. And, on the other hand, it may be remarked, that the very circumstance here referred to is a confirmation of the genuineness of the book; for (1.) it accords with all that is known of Daniel. He was a youth when he left his native country, and there is every probability that he familiar with the Hebrew in early life, and that he would never forget it, though it might be true that he would ordinarily use the language of Chaldea. He was still familiar with the Hebrew books, and it is to be presumed that the language used by the Hebrews in exile was their native tongue. In all his intercourse with his own countrymen, therefore, it is every way probable that he would use his native language, and would thus through life retain his knowledge of it. (2.) It is equally clear that he was familiar with the Chaldee language. He was early, in connection with three other Hebrew youths (Dan 1:3, Dan 1:4), placed under the best instruction in Babylon, for the express purpose of acquiring, with other branches of learning, a knowledge of the "tongue of the Chaldeans;" and he speedily made such acquisitions as to pass with honour the examination appointed before he was admitted to public employment (Dan 1:18-20). He was, moreover, employed at court during a considerable part of his long life, and no one, therefore, can doubt that he was entirely familiar with the language used in Babylon, and that he could compose in it with ease. (3.) It is evident that the work must, if it is the production of one author, have been composed by some person who was, in this respect, in the circumstances of Daniel; that is, by one who was familiar with both the languages: and the circumstances bear on their face evidence that the work was written by one in the condition in which Daniel was known to be; that is, one who had been early trained in the Hebrew and who had lived in Chaldea. No native-born Hebrew who had not lived in Chaldea would be likely to be so well acquainted with the two languages that he could use either with equal facility; and it may be presumed that no native-born Chaldean could evince so intimate an acquaintance with the Hebrew. The direct evidence that it is the production of one author will be adduced in another part of this Introduction. (4.) It is by no means probable that one who lived so late as the time of Antiochus Epiphanes could have written the book as it is written; that is, that he would have been so familiar with the two languages, Hebrew and Chaldee, that he could use them with equal ease. It is an uncommon thing for a man to write in two different languages in the same work, and he never does it without some special design - a design for which there would not be likely to be occasion if one were writing in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes. It was perfectly natural that Daniel should write in this manner, and perfectly unnatural that any one should do it in a later age, and in different circumstances. If the book had been forged by a Hebrew in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, there is every reason to believe that he would have been careful to write it in as pure Hebrew as possible, for that was the language in which the canonical books were written, and if he had endeavoured to gain credit for the book as one of Divine authority, he would not have intermingled so much of a foreign language. If he were a Chaldean, and could write Hebrew at all, as it is certain that the author of this book could, then, for the reason just given, he would have been careful to write the whole book in as pure Hebrew as possible, and would not have jeoparded credit by so large an infusion of a foreign tongue. (5.) This reasoning is conclusive, unless it be supposed that the author meant to represent it as a composition of some Hebrew in the time of the exile, and that in order to give it the greater verisimilitude he adopted this device - to make it appear as if written by one who was a native Hebrew, but who had become familiar with a foreign language. But this device would be too refined to be likely to occur, and, for the reasons given above, would be difficult of execution if it should occur. Even in such a case, the writer would be much more likely to represent its author as writing in the sacred language of the prophets, in order to procure for himself the credit of employing the language used in all the Divine communications to men. The language in which the book is written, therefore, is just such as it would be on the supposition that it is genuine, and just such as it would not be on the supposition that it is a forgery of a later age.
(b) As to the statement that the language is corrupt Hebrew and Chaldee - in der Verderbten sowohl Hebrischen als Chaldishen Sprache (De Wette) - it may be remarked that this position has never been satisfactorily made out, nor has it been shown that it is not such as might be employed, or would be employed, by one who resided in Babylon in the time of the exile. That the language would not be the purest kind of Hebrew, or the purest Chaldee, might be possible, in the circumstances of the case; but it could be shown that it was not such as might be employed there, in case there are words and forms of speech which did not come into use until a later period of the world. This has not been shown. It is true that there are Persian words; But this is not unnatural in the circumstances of the case - bordering as Chaldea did on Persia, and during a part of the time referred to in the book, being actually subject to Persia. It is true that there are Greek words; but under the next specification I shall endeavor to show that this does not militate against the supposition that the book may have been written in Babylon in the time of the exile. It is true that there are words and forms of speech which were not in use in the earlier periods of Hebrew literature, but which became common in the later periods of their literature; but this does not prove that they may not have been in use as early as the exile. A specimen of the words referred to - indeed all on which the argument is founded - may be seen in De Wette, p. 385, note (e). They are few in number, and in respect to none of these can it be proved that they were not in existence in the time Daniel. They are of Persian, of Syriac, or of Chaldee origin, and are such words as would be likely to come into use in the circumstances of the case. In regard to this objection it may be added, that it has been abandoned by some of the objectors to the genuineness of the book of Daniel themselves. Bleek is candid enough to give it up entirely. He says: "We have, in general, too few remains of the different centuries after the exile to draw any conclusions as to the gradual depreciation of the language, and to determine with any certainty to what particular period any writer belongs." - (Zeitschr. p. 213). "Daniel," says Prof. Stuart, "in the judgment of Gesenius (Geschich. Heb. Sprach. p. 35), has decidedly a purer diction than Ezekiel; in which opinion," says he, "as far as I am able to judge, after much time spent upon the book, and examining minutely every word and. phrase in it many times over, I should entirely coincide." - (Com. p. 465).
(c) A more material objection is derived from the use of Greek words in the composition of the book. That there are such words is undeniable, though they are by no means numerous. Bertholdt (pp. 24, 25) has enumerated ten such words; De Wette has referred to four (p. 386). The words enumerated by Bertholdt are פרתמים - προτιμοι; פתגם - φθεγμα; כרוזא - κηρυξ; כרז - κηρυσσειν; קיתרס - κιθαρις; סבכא - σαμβυκη; סומפניא - συμφωνια; פסנטר - ψαλτηριον; פטיש - πετασος; נכזכה - νομισμα.
In regard to this objection, it may be remarked, in general, that it does not assert that the structure of the book of Daniel is fashioned after the Greek manner, or that the Greek style pervades it; it asserts only that a few Greek words have been incorporated into the book. The question then is, whether even all these words are of Greek origin; and whether, if they are, or if only a part of them are, their use in the book can be accounted for on the supposition that it was written in the time of the captivity, or rather, whether their occurrence in the book is a proof that the book could not have been written at that time.
The first point is the question, whether these words are of undoubted Greek origin; and this question will require us to examine them in detail.
(1.) The first word specified is פרתמים parethemı̂ ym, rendered princes (Dan 1:3), which it is alleged is the same as the Greek προτιμοι protimoi. The word used by Daniel occurs only in two other places in the Old Testament (Est 1:3, Est 6:9), where it is rendered nobles, and most noble; and it is obvious to remark, that the fact that, it is found in Esther might be urged in proof that the book of Daniel was written at the time in which it is commonly believed to have been, since the antiquity and genuineness of the book of Esther is not called in question. But apart from this, there is no evidence that the word is of Greek origin. Gesenius, who may be considered as impartial authority on the subject, says, "it is of Persian origin, 1-9. Pehlvi, pardom, the first, see Anquetil du perron Zendavesta, ii. p. 465. Comp. Sanser. prathama the first. In the Zend dialect the form is peoerim. Comp. Sanser. pura prius, antea, purna, antiquus. From the former comes the Greek prw

Section I. - Authenticity of the Chapter
For the general argument in favor of the genuineness and authenticity of the Book of Daniel, see the Introduction, Sections II and III. To the genuineness and authenticity of each particular chapter in detail, however, objections, derived from something peculiar in each chapter, have been urged, which it is proper to meet, and which I propose to consider in a particular introduction to the respective chapters. These objections it is proper to consider, not so much because they have been urged by distinguished German critic - De Wette, Bertholdt, Bleek, Eichhorn, and others - for their writings will probably fall into the hands of few persons who will read these Notes - but
(a) because it may be presumed that men of so much learning, industry, acuteness, and ingenuity, have urged all the objections which can, with any appearance of plausibility, be alleged against the book; and
(b) because the objections which they have urged may be presumed to be felt, to a greater or less degree, by those who read the book, though they might not be able to express them with so much clearness and force. There are numerous objections to various portions of the Scriptures floating in the minds of the readers of the Bible, and many difficulties which occur to such readers which are not expressed, and which it would be desirable to remove, and which it is the duty of an expositor of the Bible, if he can, to remove. Sceptical critics, in general, but collect and embody in a plausible form difficulties which are felt by most readers of the Scriptures. It is for this reason, and with a view to remove what "seems" to furnish plausible arguments against the different portions of this book, that the objections which have been urged, principally by the authors above referred to, will be noticed in special sections preceding the exposition of each chapter.
The only objection to the genuineness and authenticity of the first chapter which it seems necessary to notice is, that the account of Daniel in the chapter is inconsistent with the mention of Daniel by Ezekiel. The objection substantially is, that it is improbable that the Daniel who is mentioned by Ezekiel should be one who was a cotemporary with himself, and who at that time lived in Babylon. Daniel is three times mentioned in Ezekiel, and in each case as a man of eminent piety and integrity; as one so distinguished by his virtues as to deserve to be classed with the most eminent of the patriarchs. Thus in Eze 14:14, "Though these three men, Noah, Daniel, and Job, were in it, they should deliver but their own souls by their righteousness, saith the Lord God." So again, Eze 14:20, "Though Noah, Daniel, and Job, were in it, as I live, saith the Lord God, they shall deliver neither son nor daughter, they shall deliver but their own souls by their righteousness."
And again, Eze 28:3, speaking of the prince of Tyre, "Behold thou art wiser than Daniel." The objection urged in respect to the mention of Daniel in these passages is substantially this - that if the account in the book of Daniel is true, he must have been a cotemporary with Ezekiel, and must have been, when Ezekiel prophesied, a young man; that it is incredible that he should have gained a degree of reputation which would entitle him to be ranked with Noah and Job; that he could not have been so well known as to make it natural or proper to refer to him in the same connection with those eminent men; and "especially" that he could not have been thus known to the prince of Tyre, as is supposed of those mentioned by Ezekiel in the passages referred to, for it cannot be presumed that a man so young had acquired such a fame abroad as to make it proper to refer to him in this manner in an address to a pagan prince. This objection was urged by Bernstein (uber das Buch Hiob, in den Analekten von Keil und Tzschirner, i. 3, p. 10), and it is found also in Bleek, p. 284, and De Wette, "Einl." p. 380. De Wette says that it is probable that the author of the book of Daniel used the name of "an ancient mythic or poetic person falsely," in order to illustrate his work.
Now, in regard to this objection, it may be remarked
(a) that, according to all the accounts which we have in the Bible, Ezekiel and Daniel "were" cotemporary, and were in Babylon at the same time. As Daniel, however, lived a long time in Babylon after this, it is to be admitted, also, that at the period referred to by Ezekiel, he must have been comparatively a young man. But it does not follow that he might not then have had a well-known character for piety and integrity, which would make it proper to mention his name in connection with the most eminent saints of ancient times. If the account in the book of Daniel "itself" is a correct account of him, this will not be doubted, for he soon attracted attention in Babylon; he soon evinced that extraordinary piety which made him so eminent as a man of God, and that extraordinary wisdom which raised him to the highest rank as an officer of state in Babylon. It was very soon after he was taken to Babylon that the purpose was formed to tram him, and the three other selected youths, in the learning of the Chaldeans Dan 1:1-4, and that Daniel showed that he was qualified to pass the examination, preparatory to his occupying an honorable place in the court Dan 1:18-21; and it was only in the second year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar that the remarkable dream occurred, the interpretation of which gave to Daniel so much celebrity Dan. 2.
According to computation of Hengstenberg ("Authentie des Daniel," p. 71), Daniel was taken to Babylon full ten years before the prophecy of Ezekiel in which the first mention of him was made; and if so, there can be no real ground for the objection referred to. In that time, if the account of his extraordinary wisdom is true; if he evinced the character which it is said that he did evince - and against this there is no intrinsic improbability; and if he was exalted to office and rank, as it is stated that he was, there can be no improbability in what Ezekiel says of him, that he had a character which made it proper that he should be classed with the most eminent men of the Jewish nation.
(b) As to the objection that the name of Daniel could not have been known to the king of Tyre, as would seem to be implied in Eze 28:3, it may be remarked, that it is not necessary to suppose that these prophecies were ever known to the king of Tyre, or that they were ever designed to influence him. The prophecies which were directed against the ancient pagan kings were uttered and published among the Hebrew people, primarily for "their" guidance, and were designed to furnish to them, and to others in future times, arguments for the truth of religion, though they assumed the form of direct addresses to the kings themselves. Such an imaginary appeal may have been made in this case by Ezekiel to the king of Tyre; and, in speaking of him, and of his boasted wisdom, Ezekiel may have made the comparison which would then naturally occur to him, by mentioning him in connection with the most eminent man for wisdom of that age.
But it should be said, also, that there can be no certain evidence that the name of Daniel was "not" known to the king of Tyre, and no intrinsic improbability in the supposition that it was. If Daniel had at that time evinced the remarkable wisdom at the court of Babylon which it is said in this book that he had; if he had been raised to that high rank which it is affirmed he had reached, there is no improbability in supposing that so remarkable a circumstance should have been made known to the king of Tyre. Tyre was taken by Nebuchadnezzar, 572 b. c., after a siege of thirteen years, and it is in no way improbable that the king of Tyre would be made acquainted with what occurred at the court of the Chaldeans. The prophecy in Ezekiel, where Daniel is mentioned Eze 28:3, could not have been uttered long before Tyre was taken, and, in referring to what was to occur, it was not unnatural to mention the man most distinguished for wisdom at the court of Babylon, and in the councils of Nebuchadnezzar, with the presumption that his name and celebrity would not be unknown to the king of Tyre.
(c) As to the objection of Bernstein, that it would be improbable, if Daniel lived there, and if he was comparatively a young man, that his name would be placed "between" that of Noah and Job Eze 14:14, as if he had lived "before" Job, it may be remarked, that there might be a greater similarity between the circumstances of Noah and Daniel than between Noah and Job, and that it was proper to refer to them in this order. But the mere circumstance of the "order" in which the names are mentioned cannot be adduced as a proof that one of the persons named did not exist at that time. They may have occurred in this order to Ezekiel, because in his apprehension, that was the order in Which the degree of their piety was to be estimated.
To this objection thus considered, that the mention of Daniel in connection with Noah and Job, proves that Ezekiel referred to some one of ancient times, it may be further replied, that, if this were so, it is impossible to account for the fact that no such person is mentioned by any of the earlier prophets and writers. How came his name to be known to Ezekiel? And if there had been a patriarch so eminent as to be ranked with Noah and Job, how is it to be accounted for that all the sacred writers, up to the time of Ezekiel, are wholly silent in regard to him? And why is it that, when "he" mentions him, he does it as of one who was well known? The mere mention of his name in this manner by Ezekiel, proves that his character was well known to those for whom he wrote. Noah and Job were thus known by the ancient records; but how was "Daniel" thus known? He is nowhere mentioned in the ancient writings of the Hebrews; and if he was so well known that he could be referred to in the same way as Noah and Job, it must be either because there was some "tradition" in regard to him, or because he was then living, and his character was well understood by those for whom Ezekiel wrote. But there is no evidence that there was any such tradition, and no probability that there was; and the conclusion, then, is inevitable, that he was then so well known to the Hebrews in exile, that it was proper for Ezekiel to mention him just as he did Noah and Job. If so, this furnishes the highest evidence that he actually lived in the time of Ezekiel; that is, in the time when this book purports to have been written.
Section II. - Analysis of the Chapter
This chapter is entirely historical, the prophetic portions of the book commencing with the second chapter. The "object" of this chapter seems to be to state the way in which Daniel, who subsequently acted so important a part in Babylon, was raised to so distinguished favor with the king and court. It was remarkable that a Jewish captive, and a young man, should be so honored; that he should be admitted as one of the principal counselors of the king, and that he should ultimately become the prime-minister of the realm; and there was a propriety that there should be a preliminary statement of the steps of this extraordinary promotion. This chapter contains a record of the way in which the future premier and prophet was introduced to the notice of the reigning monarch, and by which his wonderful genius and sagacity were discovered. It is a chapter, therefore, that may be full of interest and instruction to all, and especially to young men. The chapter contains the record of the following points, or steps, which led to the promotion of Daniel:
I. The history of the Jewish captivity, as explanatory of the reason why those who are subsequently referred to were in Babylon. They were exiles, having been conveyed as captives to a foreign land, Dan 1:1-2.
II. The purpose of the king, Nebuchadnezzar, to bring forward the principal talent to be found among the Jewish captives, and to put it under a process of training, that it might be employed at the court, Dan 1:3-4. In carrying out this purpose, a confidential officer of the court, Ashpenaz, was directed to search out among the captives the most promising youths, whether by birth or talent, and to put them under a process of training, that they might become fully instructed in the science of the Chaldeans. What were the reasons which led to this cannot be known with certainty. They may have been such as these;
(1) The Chaldeans had devoted themselves to science, especially to those sciences which promised any information respecting future events, the secrets of the unseen world, etc. Hence, they either originated or adopted the science of astrology; they practiced the arts of magic; they studied to interpret dreams; and, in general, they made use of all the means which it was then supposed could be employed to unlock the secrets of the invisible world, and to disclose the future.
(2) They could not have been ignorant of the fact, that the Hebrews claimed to have communications with God. They had doubtless heard of their prophets, and of their being able to foretell what was to occur. This kind of knowledge would fall in with the objects at which the Chaldeans aimed, and if they could avail themselves of it, it would enable them to secure what they so ardently sought. It is probable that they considered this as a sort of "permanent" power which the Hebrew prophets had, and supposed that at all times, and on all subjects, they could interpret dreams, and solve the various questions about which their own magicians were so much engaged. It is not to be presumed that they had any very accurate knowledge of the exact character of the Hebrew prophecies, or the nature of the communication which the prophets had with God; but it was not unnatural for them to suppose that this spirit of prophecy or divination would be possessed by the most noble and the most talented of the land. Hence, Ashpenaz was instructed to select those of the royal family, and those in whom there was no blemish, and who were handsome, and who were distinguished for knowledge, and to prepare them, by a suitable course, for being presented to the king.
(3) It may have been the purpose of the Chaldean monarch to bring forward all the talent of the realm, whether native or foreign, to be employed in the service of the government. There is no reason to suppose that there was any jealousy of foreign talent, or any reluctance to employ it in any proper way, in promoting the interests of the kingdom. As the Chaldean monarch had now in his possession the Hebrew royal family, and all the principal men that had been distinguished in Judea, it was not unnatural to suppose that there might be valuable talent among them of which he might avail himself, and which would add to the splendor of his own court and cabinet. It might have been naturally supposed, also, that it would tend much to conciliate the captives themselves, and repress any existing impatience, or insubordination, to select the most noble and the most gifted of them, and to employ them in the service of the government; and in any questions that might arise between the government and the captive nation, it would be an advantage for the government to be able to employ native-born Hebrews in making known the wishes and purposes of the government. It was, moreover, in accordance with the proud spirit of Nebuchadnezzar (see Dan. 4) to surround himself with all that would impart splendor to his own reign.
III. The method by which this talent was to be brought forward, Dan 1:5-7. This was by a course of living in the manner of the royal household, with the presumption that at the end of three years, in personal appearance, and in the knowledge of the language of the Chaldeans Dan 1:4, they would be prepared to appear at court, and to be employed in the service to which they might be appointed.
IV. The resolution of Daniel not to corrupt himself with the viands which had been appointed for him and his brethren, Dan 1:8. He had heretofore been strictly temperate; he had avoided all luxurious living; he had abstained from wine; and, though now having all the means of luxurious indulgence at command, and being unexpectedly thrown into the temptations of a splendid Oriental court, he resolved to adhere stedfastly to his principles.
V. The apprehension of the prince of the eunuchs that this would be a ground of offence with his master, the king, and that he would himself be held responsible, Dan 1:9-10. This was a very natural apprehension, as the command seems to have been positive, and as an Oriental monarch was entirely despotic. It was not unreasonable for him to whom this office was entrusted to suppose that a failure on his part to accomplish what he had been directed to do would be followed by a loss of place or life.
VI. The experiment, and the result, Dan 1:11-17. Daniel asked that a trial might be made of the effects of temperance in preparing him and his companions for presentation at court. He requested that they might be permitted, even for a brief time, yet long enough to make a fair experiment, to abstain from wine, and the other luxuries of the royal table, and that then it might be determined whether they should be allowed to continue the experiment. The result was as he had anticipated. At the end of ten days, on a fair comparison with those who had indulged in luxurious living, the benefit of their course was apparent, and they were permitted to continue this strict abstinence during the remainder of the time which was deemed necessary for their preparation to appear at court.
VII. The presentation at court, Dan 1:18-21. At the end of the time appointed for preparation, Daniel and his selected companions were brought into the royal presence, and met with the most favorable reception which could have been hoped for. They were distinguished, it would seem, for beauty and manly vigour, and as much distinguished for wisdom as they were for the beauty and healthfulness of their bodily appearance. They at once took an honorable station, greatly surpassing in true wisdom and knowledge those at the court who were regarded as skilled in the arts of divination and astrology. These years of preparation we are not to suppose were spent in merely cultivating the beauty of their personal appearance, but they were doubtless employed, under all the advantages of instruction which could be afforded them, in the careful cultivation of their mental powers, and in the acquisition of all the knowledge which could be obtained under the best masters at the court of the Chaldeans. Compare Dan 1:4.

R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
Dan 1:1, Jehoiakim's captivity; Dan 1:3, Ashpenaz takes Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah; v. 8, They refusing the king's portion do prosper with pulse and water; v. 17, Their proficiency in wisdom.
Carl Friedrich Keil and Franz Delitzsch
Historico-Biographical Introduction
When Nebuchadnezzar first besieged Jerusalem he not only took away the holy vessels of the temple, but also commanded that several Israelitish youths of noble lineage, among whom was Daniel, should be carried to Babylon and there educated in the science and wisdom of the Chaldeans for service in his court, which they entered upon when their education was completed. This narrative, in which the stedfast attachment of Daniel and his three friends to the religion of their fathers, and the blessings which flowed to them from this fidelity (Dan 1:8-17), are particularly set forth, forms the historical introduction to the following book, whilst it shows how Daniel reached the place of influence which he held, a place which was appointed for him according to the divine counsel, during the Babylonish exile, for the preservation and development of the Old Testament kingdom of God. It concludes (Dan 1:21) with the remark, that Daniel continued to occupy this place till the first year of Cyrus.
John Gill
INTRODUCTION TO DANIEL 1.
This chapter begins with an account of the first captivity of the Jews, in the times of Jehoiakim; of which captivity Daniel was one, and it is mentioned on his account, Dan 1:1, who, with others, were selected by the order of the king of Babylon, to be educated in the learning of the Chaldeans, and to be maintained at his expense, in order to be his ministers, Dan 1:3, but Daniel and his three companions refused the king's meat and wine, lest they should be defiled; in which they were indulged by their governor, after trial being made, that they were fairer and fatter for it, Dan 1:8, and, at the end of the time appointed, they appeared to have a large share of knowledge, wisdom, and learning; upon which they were taken into the king's court and service, Dan 1:17, and the chapter is concluded with observing the long continuation of Daniel here, even to the first year of Cyrus, Dan 1:21.
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1:1 ἐπὶ επι in; on βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king Ιωακιμ ιωακιμ the Ιουδαίας ιουδαια Ioudaia; Iuthea ἔτους ετος year τρίτου τριτος third παραγενόμενος παραγινομαι happen by; come by / to / along Ναβουχοδονοσορ ναβουχοδονοσορ monarch; king Βαβυλῶνος βαβυλων Babylōn; Vavilon εἰς εις into; for Ιερουσαλημ ιερουσαλημ Jerusalem ἐπολιόρκει πολιορκεω he; him
1:1 בִּ bi בְּ in שְׁנַ֣ת šᵊnˈaṯ שָׁנָה year שָׁלֹ֔ושׁ šālˈôš שָׁלֹשׁ three לְ lᵊ לְ to מַלְכ֖וּת malᵊḵˌûṯ מַלְכוּת kingship יְהֹויָקִ֣ים yᵊhôyāqˈîm יְהֹויָקִים Jehoiakim מֶֽלֶךְ־ mˈeleḵ- מֶלֶךְ king יְהוּדָ֑ה yᵊhûḏˈā יְהוּדָה Judah בָּ֣א bˈā בוא come נְבוּכַדְנֶאצַּ֧ר nᵊvûḵaḏneṣṣˈar נְבוּכַדְנֶאצַּר Nebuchadnezzar מֶֽלֶךְ־ mˈeleḵ- מֶלֶךְ king בָּבֶ֛ל bāvˈel בָּבֶל Babel יְרוּשָׁלִַ֖ם yᵊrûšālˌaim יְרוּשָׁלִַם Jerusalem וַ wa וְ and יָּ֥צַר yyˌāṣar צור bind עָלֶֽיהָ׃ ʕālˈeʸhā עַל upon
1:1. anno tertio regni Ioachim regis Iuda venit Nabuchodonosor rex Babylonis Hierusalem et obsedit eamIn the third year of the reign of Joakim, king of Juda, Nabuchodonosor, king of Babylon, came to Jerusalem, and beseiged it.
1. In the third year of the reign of Jehoiakim king of Judah came Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon unto Jerusalem, and besieged it.
[13] missing verse:

1:1
ἐπὶ επι in; on
βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king
Ιωακιμ ιωακιμ the
Ιουδαίας ιουδαια Ioudaia; Iuthea
ἔτους ετος year
τρίτου τριτος third
παραγενόμενος παραγινομαι happen by; come by / to / along
Ναβουχοδονοσορ ναβουχοδονοσορ monarch; king
Βαβυλῶνος βαβυλων Babylōn; Vavilon
εἰς εις into; for
Ιερουσαλημ ιερουσαλημ Jerusalem
ἐπολιόρκει πολιορκεω he; him
1:1
בִּ bi בְּ in
שְׁנַ֣ת šᵊnˈaṯ שָׁנָה year
שָׁלֹ֔ושׁ šālˈôš שָׁלֹשׁ three
לְ lᵊ לְ to
מַלְכ֖וּת malᵊḵˌûṯ מַלְכוּת kingship
יְהֹויָקִ֣ים yᵊhôyāqˈîm יְהֹויָקִים Jehoiakim
מֶֽלֶךְ־ mˈeleḵ- מֶלֶךְ king
יְהוּדָ֑ה yᵊhûḏˈā יְהוּדָה Judah
בָּ֣א bˈā בוא come
נְבוּכַדְנֶאצַּ֧ר nᵊvûḵaḏneṣṣˈar נְבוּכַדְנֶאצַּר Nebuchadnezzar
מֶֽלֶךְ־ mˈeleḵ- מֶלֶךְ king
בָּבֶ֛ל bāvˈel בָּבֶל Babel
יְרוּשָׁלִַ֖ם yᵊrûšālˌaim יְרוּשָׁלִַם Jerusalem
וַ wa וְ and
יָּ֥צַר yyˌāṣar צור bind
עָלֶֽיהָ׃ ʕālˈeʸhā עַל upon
1:1. anno tertio regni Ioachim regis Iuda venit Nabuchodonosor rex Babylonis Hierusalem et obsedit eam
In the third year of the reign of Joakim, king of Juda, Nabuchodonosor, king of Babylon, came to Jerusalem, and beseiged it.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ gnv▾ kad▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
1. Первый отмечаемый Библией исторический факт из жизни пророка Даниила - отведение его в плен Вавилонский (3-6) совпадает по времени с завоеванием Иерусалима Навуходоносором "в третий год царствования Иоакима, царя Иудейского". Встречающаяся во всех древних переводах книги Даниила, эта дата расходится с показаниями пророка Иеремии. Последний не знает о взятии Иерусалима Навуходоносором не только в третьем году Иоакима, но даже и в четвертом. Помеченная данным годом его пророческая речь говорит о нашествии Навуходоносора на Иудею, как о событии только еще предстоящем (25:1, 9). Оно полагает начало 70-летнему плену (11-12); следовательно, является первым по времени вторжением халдеев в Иудею; более раннего (до 4: года Иоакима) не было. К тому же самому выводу приводит сравнение 15-26: ст. той же 25: гл. кн. пророка Иеремии с 46: гл. Подчинение Навуходоносору вместе с иудеями других народов, начиная с египтян, о чем говорит первое место, последует, по указанию второго, после битвы при Кархемисе. И так как эта последняя падает на четвертый год правления Иоакима иудейского (46:2), то очевидно, что до этого времени Иудея и Иерусалим не подвергалась нашествию вавилонян.

Одним из наиболее надежных средств к устранению указанного разногласия считается у экзегетов несколько иной по сравнению с принятым перевод 1-го стиха. Именно, основываясь на том, что еврейский глагол "бо", переданный в настоящем случае фразой: "пришел" ("в третий год... пришел Навуходоносор"), значит еще "отправиться, начать, предпринять путь" (Иона 1:3; ср. Быт 37:10; Исх 6:11; 9:1; 10:1; Чис 32:6: и т. п.), все данное место читают так: "в третий год царствования Иоакима, царя иудейского, выступил (из Вавилона) Навуходоносор к Иерусалиму и осадил его". Пророк Даниил отмечает, таким образом, только начало похода, а затем указывает результат его, не определяя при этом ни времени прибытия Навуходоносора к Иерусалиму, ни продолжительности и окончания осады города. По мнению других экзегетов (Раши, Саадиас), под третьим годом Иоакима разумеется третий год со времени его измены Навуходоносору (4: Цар 24:2). Но подобное понимание несовместимо с библейским выражением: "в третий год царствования Иоакима", - третий год от вступления на престол, но не со времени попытки восстановить независимость.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:1: In the third year of the reign of Jehoiakim - This king was raised to the throne of Judea in the place of his brother Jehoahaz, by Pharaoh-necho, king of Egypt, Kg2 23:34-36, and continued tributary to him during the first three years of his reign; but in the fourth, which was the first of Nebuchadnezzar, Jer 25:1, Nebuchadnezzar completely defeated the Egyptian army near the Euphrates, Jer 46:2; and this victory put the neighboring countries of Syria, among which Judea was the chief, under the Chaldean government. Thus Jehoiakim, who had first been tributary to Egypt, became now the vassal of the king of Babylon, Kg2 24:1.
At the end of three years Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar, who, then occupied with other wars, did not proceed against Jerusalem till three years after, which was the eleventh and last of Jehoiakim, Kg2 23:36.
There are some difficulties in the chronology of this place. Calmet takes rather a different view of these transactions. He connects the history thus: Nabopolassar, king of Babylon, finding that one of his lords whom he had made governor of Coelesyria and Phoenicia had revolted from him, and formed an alliance with the king of Egypt, sent Neubuchadnezzar his son, whom he invested with the authority of king, to reduce those provinces, as was customary among the easterns when the heir presumptive was sent on any important expedition or embassy. This young prince, having quelled the insurrection in those parts, marched against Jerusalem about the end of the third or beginning of the fourth year of the reign of Jehoiakim, king of Judah. He soon took the city, and put Jehoiakim in chains with the design of carrying him to Babylon; but, changing his mind, he permitted him to resume the reins of government under certain oppressive conditions. At this year, which was A.M. 3398, the seventy years of the Babylonish captivity commence. Nabopolassar dying in the interim, Nebuchadnezzar was obliged to return speedily to Babylon, leaving his generals to conduct the Jewish captives to Babylon, among whom were Daniel and his companions.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:1: In the third year of the reign of Jehoiakim king of Judah came Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon unto Jerusalem - This event occurred, according to Jahn ("History of the Hebrew Commonwealth"), in the year 607 b. c., and in the 368th year after the Rev_olt of the ten tribes. According to Usher, it was in the 369th year of the Rev_olt, and 606 b. c. The computation of Usher is the one generally received, but the difference of a year in the reckoning is not material. Compare Michaelis, Anmerkung, zu 2 Kon. xxiv. 1. Jehoiakim was a son of Josiah, a prince who was distinguished for his piety, Kg2 22:2; Ch2 35:1-7. After the death of Josiah, the people raised to the throne of Judah Jehoahaz, the youngest son of Josiah, probably because he appeared better qualified to reign than his elder brother, Kg2 23:30; Ch2 36:1. He was a wicked prince, and after he had been on the throne three months, he was removed by Pharaoh-nechoh, king of Egypt, who returned to Jerusalem from the conquest of Phoenicia, and placed his elder brother, Eliakim, to whom he gave the name of Jehoiakim, on the throne, Kg2 23:34; Ch2 36:4.
Jehoahaz was first imprisoned in Riblah, Kg2 23:33, and was afterward removed to Egypt, Ch2 36:4. Jehoiakim, an unworthy son of Josiah, was, in reality, as he is represented by Jeremiah, one of the worst kings who reigned over Judah. His reign continued eleven years, and as he came to the throne 611 b. c., his reign continued to the year 600 b. c. In the third year of his reign, after the battle of Megiddo, Pharaoh-nechoh undertook a second expedition against Nabopolassar, king of Babylon, with a numerous army, drawn in part from Western Africa, Lybia and Ethiopia. - Jahn's Hist. Heb. "Commonwealth," p. 134. This Nabopolassar, who is also called Nebuchadnezzar I, was at this time, as Berosus relates, aged and infirm. He therefore gave up a part of his army to his son Nebuchadnezzar, who defeated the Egyptian host at Carchemish (Circesium) on the Euphrates, and drove Nechoh out of Asia. The victorious prince marched directly to Jerusalem, which was then under the sovereignty of Egypt. After a short siege Jehoiakim surrendered, and was again placed on the throne by the Babylonian prince.
Nebuchadnezzar took part of the furniture of the temple as booty, and carried back with him to Babylon several young men, the sons of the principal Hebrew nobles, among whom were Daniel and his three friends referred to in this chapter. It is not improbable that one object in conveying them to Babylon was that they might be hostages for the submission and good order of the Hebrews in their own land. It is at this time that the Babylonian sovereignty over Judah commences, commonly called the Babylonian captivity, which, according to the prophecy of Jeremiah, Jer 25:1-14; Jer 29:10, was to continue seventy years. In Jer 25:1; Jer 46:2, it is said that this was in the fourth year of Jehoiakim; in the passage before us it is said that it was the third year. This difference, says Jahn, arises from a different mode of computation: "Jehoiakim came to the throne at the end of the year, which Jeremiah reckons as the first (and such a mode of reckoning is not uncommon), but Daniel, neglecting the incomplete year, numbers one less:" For a more full and complete examination of the objection to the genuineness of Daniel from this passage, I would refer to Prof. Stuart on Daniel, "Excursus" I. (See App. I. to this Vol.)
And besieged it - Jerusalem was a strongly-fortified place, and it was not easy to take it, except as the result of a siege. It was, perhaps, never carried by direct and immediate assault. Compare Kg2 25:1-3, for an account of a siege of Jerusalem a second time by Nebuchadnezzar. At that time the city was besieged about a year and a half. How long the siege here referred to continued is not specified.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:1: Kg2 24:1, Kg2 24:2, Kg2 24:13; Ch2 36:5-7
Carl Friedrich Keil and Franz Delitzsch
1:1
Of this expedition of Nebuchadnezzar against Jerusalem it is related in the second book of Kings (4Kings 24:1): "In his days Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon came up, and Jehoiakim became his servant three years; then he turned and rebelled against him;" and in the second book of Chronicles (2Chron 36:6): "Against him came up Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon, and bound him in fetters to carry him to Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar also carried off the vessels of the house of the Lord to Babylon, and put them in his temple at Babylon." That both of these statements refer to the same expedition of Nebuchadnezzar against Jehoiakim mentioned here, appears not only from the statement of the book of Chronicles agreeing with Dan 1:2 of this chapter, namely, that Nebuchadnezzar took away a part of the sacred vessels of the temple to Babylon, and there put them in the temple of his god, but also from the circumstance that, beyond all doubt, during the reign of Jehoiakim where was not a second siege of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar. It is true, indeed, that when Jehoiakim threw off the yoke at the end of three years' subjection, Nebuchadnezzar sent Chaldean, Aramaean, Moabitish, and Ammonitish hosts against him for the purpose of bringing him into subjection, but Jerusalem was not again laid siege to by these hosts till the death of Jehoiakim. Not till his son Jehoiachin ascended the throne did the servants of Nebuchadnezzar again come up against Jerusalem and besiege it. When, during the siege, Nebuchadnezzar himself came up, Jehoiachin surrendered to him after three months, and was, along with the chief men of his kingdom, and the strength of the population of Jerusalem and Judah, and the treasures of the royal palace and of the temple, carried down to Babylon (4Kings 24:2-16). The year, however, in which Nebuchadnezzar, in the reign of Jehoiakim, first took Jerusalem and carried away a part of the treasures of the temple to Babylon, is stated neither in the second book of Kings nor in Chronicles, but may be pretty certainly determined by the statements of Jeremiah (Jer 46:2; Jer 25:1., Jer 36:1.). According to Jer 46:2, Nebuchadnezzar smote the Egyptian king Pharaoh-Necho with his army at Carchemish in the fourth year of the reign of Jehoiakim. That same year is spoken of (Jer 25:1) as the first year of Nebuchadnezzar the king of Babylon, and is represented by Jeremiah not only as a critical period for the kingdom of Judah; but also, by the prediction that the Lord would bring His servant Nebuchadnezzar against Judah and against its inhabitants, and against all the nations round about, that He would make Judah a desolation, and that these nations would serve the king of Babylon seventy years (Jer 25:2-11), he without doubt represents it as the beginning of the seventy years of Babylonish exile: In this the fourth year of Jehoiakim, the prophet was also commanded (Jer 36:1.) to write in a book all the words which the Lord had spoken unto him against Israel, and against Judah, and against all the nations, from the day in which He had spoken to him in the time of Josiah even till then, that the house of Judah might hear all the evil which He purposed to do unto them, and might return every man from his evil way. Jeremiah obeyed this command, and caused these predictions, written in the roll of a book, to be read by Baruch to the people in the temple; for he himself was a prisoner, and therefore could not go to the temple.
The first capture of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar cannot therefore have taken place in the third, but must have been in the fourth year of Jehoiakim, i.e., in the year 606 b.c. This, however, appears to stand in opposition to the statement of the first verse of this chapter: "In the third year of the reign of Jehoiakim בּא Nebuchadnezzar to Jerusalem." The modern critics accordingly number this statement among the errors which must disprove the genuineness of this book (see above, p. 508f.). The apparent opposition between the language of Daniel (Dan 1:1) that Nebuchadnezzar undertook his first expedition against Jerusalem in the third year of Jehoiakim, and the affirmation of Jeremiah, according to which not only was Pharaoh-Necho slain by Nebuchadnezzar at the Euphrates in the fourth year of Jehoiakim, but also in this same year Nebuchadnezzar's invasion of Judea is for the first time announced, cannot be resolved either by the hypothesis of a different mode of reckoning the years of the reign of Jehoiakim and of Nebuchadnezzar, nor by the supposition that Jerusalem had been already taken by Nebuchadnezzar before the battle of Carchemish, in the third year of Jehoiakim. The first supposition is set aside by the circumstance that there is no certain analogy for it.
(Note: The old attempt to reconcile the difference in this way has already been shown by Hengstenberg (Beit. z. Einl. in d. A. T. p. 53) to be untenable; and the supposition of Klief. (p. 65f.), that Jehoiakim entered on his reign near the end of a year, and that Jeremiah reckons the year of his reign according to the calendar year, but that Daniel reckons it from the day of his ascending the throne, by which it is made out that there is no actual difference, is wholly overthrown by the circumstance that in the sacred Scriptures there is no analogy for the reckoning of the year of a king's reign according to the day of the month on which he began to reign. On this supposition we might reconcile the apparent difference only if no other plan of reconciliation were possible. But such is not the actual state of the case.)
The latter supposition is irreconcilable with Jer. 25 and 36.
(Note: Following the example of Hofmann (die 70 Jahre Jer. p. 13ff.), Hvernick (Neue Krit. Unterss. ber d. B. Daniel, p. 52ff.), Zndel (Krit. Unterss. p. 20ff.), and others have decided in favour of it.)
If Jeremiah in the fourth year of Jehoiakim announced that because Judah did not hearken unto his warnings addressed to them "from the thirteenth year of Josiah even unto this day," that is, for the space of three and twenty years, nor yet to the admonitions of all the other prophets (Jer 25:3-7) whom the Lord had sent unto them, therefore the Lord would now send His servant Nebuchadnezzar with all the people of the north against the land and against the inhabitants thereof, and against all these nations round about, utterly to destroy the land and make it desolate, etc. - then it must be affirmed that he publicly made known the invasion of Judah by the Chaldeans as an event which had not yet taken place, and therefore that the supposition that Jerusalem had already in the preceding year been taken by Nebuchadnezzar, and that Jehoiakim had been brought under his subjection, is entirely excluded. It is true that in Daniel 25 Jeremiah prophesies a judgment of "perpetual desolations against Jerusalem and against all the nations," but it is as unwarrantable to apply, as Klief. does, this prophecy only "to the total destruction of Jerusalem and of Judah, which took place in the eleventh year of Zedekiah," as with older interpreters only to the first expedition of Nebuchadnezzar against Jehoiakim, 4Kings 24:1 and 2Chron 36:6. In the words of threatening uttered by the prophet there are included all the expeditions of Nebuchadnezzar against Jerusalem and Judah, from his first against Jehoiakim to the final destruction of Jerusalem under Zedekiah; so that we cannot say that it is not applicable to the first siege of Jerusalem under Jehoiakim, but to the final destruction of Judah and Jerusalem, as this whole prophecy is only a comprehensive intensified summary of all the words of God hitherto spoken by the mouth of the prophet. To strengthen the impression produced by this comprehensive word of God, he was commanded in that same year (Jer 36:1.), as already mentioned, to write out in the roll of a book all the words hitherto spoken by him, that it might be seen whether or not the several words gathered together into a whole might not exert an influence over the people which the separate words had failed to do.
Moreover a destruction of Jerusalem by the Chaldeans before the overthrow of the Egyptian power on the Euphrates, which took place in the fourth year of Jehoiakim, cannot at all be thought of. King Jehoiakim was "put into bands" by Pharaoh-Necho and made a tributary vassal to him (4Kings 23:33.), and all the land from the river of Egypt even unto the Euphrates was brought under his sway; therefore Nebuchadnezzar could not desolate Judah and Jerusalem before Pharaoh-Necho was slain. Neither could Nebuchadnezzar pass in the presence of the Egyptian host stationed in the stronghold of Carchemish, on the Euphrates, and advance toward Judah, leaving behind him the city of Babylon as a prize to so powerful an enemy, nor would Necho, supposing that Nebuchadnezzar had done this, have quietly allowed his enemy to carry on his operations, and march against his vassal Jehoiakim, without following in the rear of Egypt's powerful foe.
(Note: With the above compare my Lehrb. der Einl. 131, and my Commentary on 4Kings 24:1. With this Kran. agrees (p. 17f.), and in addition remarks: "In any case Necho would at once have regarded with jealousy every invasion of the Chaldean into the region beyond the Euphrates, and would least of all have suffered him to make an extensive western expedition for the purpose of conquering Judea, which was under the sway of Egypt.")
The statement in the first verse may indeed, literally taken, be interpreted as meaning that Nebuchadnezzar came up against Jerusalem and took in in the third year of the reign of Jehoiakim, because בּוא frequently means to come to a place. But it is not necessary always so to interpret the word, because בּוא means not only to come, but also to go, to march to a place. The assertion, that in this verse בּוא is to be interpreted (Hv. N. Kr. U. p. 61, Ew., and others) as meaning to come to a place, and not to march to it, is as incorrect as the assertion that the translation of בּא by he marched is inadmissible or quite impossible, because עלה is generally used of the march of an army (Staeh., Znd.). The word בּוא, from the first book of the Canon (cf. Gen 14:5) to the last, the book of Daniel not excepted (cf. e.g., Dan 11:13, Dan 11:17, Dan 11:29, etc.), is used of military expeditions; and regarding the very general opinion, that בּוא, in the sense of to march, to go to a place, occurs less frequently, Kran. (p. 21) has rightly remarked, that "it stands always and naturally in this sense whenever the movement has its point of departure from the place of him who observes it, thinks of it, or makes a communication regarding it." Therefore, e.g., it is used "always in a personal verbal command with reference to the movement, not yet undertaken, where naturally the thought as to the beginning or point of departure passes into the foreground; as e.g., in Gen 45:17; Ex 6:11; 7:26; Ex 9:1; Ex 10:1; Num 32:6; 1Kings 20:19; 4Kings 5:5. In Jon 1:3 it is used of the ship that was about to go to Tarshish; and again, in the words עמּהם לבוא, ibid., it is used when speaking of the conclusion of the journey." "On the contrary, if the speaker or narrator is at the terminus ad quem of the movement spoken of, then of course the word בּוא is used in the other sense of to come, to approach, and the like." Accordingly these words of Daniel, "Nebuchadnezzar בּוא to Jerusalem," considered in themselves, may be interpreted without any regard to the point of departure or the termination of the movement. They may mean "Nebuchadnezzar came to Jerusalem," or that "he marched to Jerusalem," according as the writer is regarded as writing in Judah or Jerusalem, or in Babylon at the point of departure of Nebuchadnezzar's journey. If the book was composed by a Maccabean Jew in Palestine, then the translation, "he came to Jerusalem," would be the more correct, because such a writer would hardly have spoken of a military movement from its eastern point of departure. The case is altogether different if Daniel, who lived as a courtier in Babylon from his youth up to old age, wrote this account. "For him, a Jew advanced in years, naturally the first movement of the expedition threatening and bringing destruction to his fatherland, whether it moved directly or by a circuitous route upon the capital, would be a significant fact, which he had in every respect a better opportunity of comprehending than his fellow-countrymen living in the remote west, since this expedition was an event which led to the catastrophe of the exile. For the Jew writing in Babylon about the expedition, the fatal commencement of the march of the Chaldean host would have a mournful significance, which it could not have for a writer living in Jerusalem."
In this way Kran. has thoroughly vindicated the rendering of בּא, "he marched" to Jerusalem, and also the explanation of the word as referring to the setting out of the Chaldean army which Hitz., Hofm., Staeh., Znd., and others have declared to be opposed to the meaning of the word and "impossible," and at the same time he has set aside as groundless the further remark of Hitzig, that the designation of the time also applies to ויּצר. If בּא is to be understood of an expedition with reference to its point of departure, then the fixing of its time cannot of course refer also to the time of the arrival of the expedition at its termination and the siege then ensuing. The time of its arrival before Jerusalem, as well as the beginning, duration, and end of the siege, is not defined, and only its result, the taking of Jerusalem, is, according to the object of the author, of sufficient importance to be briefly announced. The period of the taking of the city can only be determined from dates elsewhere given. Thus from the passages in Jeremiah already referred to, it appears that this happened in the fourth year of Jehoiakim, in which year Nebuchadnezzar overcame the army of Necho king of Egypt at the Euphrates (Jer 46:2), and took all the land which the king of Egypt had subdued, from the river of Egypt to the Euphrates, so that Pharaoh-Necho came no more out of his land (4Kings 24:7). With this agrees Berosus in the fragments of his Chaldean history preserved by Josephus (Ant. x. 11. 1, and c. Ap. i. 19). His words, as found in the latter passage, are these: "When his (Nebuc.) father Nabopolassar heard that the satrap whom he had set over Egypt and over the parts of Coelesyria and Phoenicia had revolted from him, he was unable to bear the annoyance any longer, but committing a part of his army to his son Nabuchodonosor, who was then a youth, he sent him against the rebel. Nabuchodonosor encountered him in battle and overcame him, and brought the land again under his dominion. It happened that his father Nabopolassar at this time fell sick and died at the city of Babylon, after he had reigned twenty-one years (Berosus says twenty-nine years). But when Nabuchodonosor not long after heard of the death of his father, he set the affairs of Egypt and of the other countries in order, and committed the prisoners he had taken from the Jews, the Phoenicians, and Syrians, and from the nations belonging to Egypt, to some of his friends, that they might conduct the heavy armed troops with the rest of the baggage to Babylonia, while he himself hastened with a small escort through the desert to Babylon. When he came hither, he found that the public affairs had been managed by the Chaldeans, and that the principal persons among them had preserved the kingdom for him. He now obtained possession of all his father's dominions, and gave directions that the captives should be placed as colonies in the most favourably situated districts of Babylonia," etc. This fragment illustrates in an excellent manner the statements made in the Bible, in case one be disposed to estimate the account of the revolt of the satrap placed over Egypt and the countries lying round Coelesyria and Phoenicia as only the expression of boastfulness on the part of the Babylonish historian, claiming that all the countries of the earth of right belonged to the monarch of Babylon; and it also shows that the rebel satrap could be none other than Pharaoh-Necho. For Berosus confirms not only the fact, as declared in 4Kings 24:7, that Pharaoh-Necho in the last year of Nabopolassar, after the battle at Megiddo, had subdued Judah, Phoenicia, and Coelesyria, i.e., "all the land from the river of Egypt unto the river Euphrates," but he also bears witness to the fact that Nebuchadnezzar, after he had slain Pharaoh-Necho (Jer 46:2) "by the river Euphrates in Carchemish," made Coelesyria, Phoenicia, and Judah tributary to the Chaldean empire, and consequently that he took Jerusalem not before but after the battle at Carchemish, in prosecution of the victory he had obtained over the Egyptians.
This does not, however, it must be confessed, prove that Jerusalem had already in the fourth year of Jehoiakim come under the dominion of Nebuchadnezzar. Therefore Hitz. and others conclude from Jer 36:9 that Nebuchadnezzar's assault upon Jerusalem was in the ninth month of the fifth year of Jehoiakim as yet only in prospect, because in that month Jeremiah prophesied of the Chaldean invasion, and the extraordinary fast then appointed had as its object the manifestation of repentance, so that thereby the wrath of God might be averted. This Kran. endeavours to prove from 4Kings 25:27, cf. Jer 52:31. But in the ninth month of the fifth year of Jehoiakim, Jeremiah caused to be rehearsed to the people in the court of the temple his former prophecies, written by Baruch in a book according to the commandment of the Lord, and pronounced the threatening against Jehoiakim because he had cut to pieces this book and had cast it into the fire, Jer 36:29. This threatening, that God would bring upon the seed and upon the servants of Jehoiakim, and upon the inhabitants of Jerusalem, all the evil which He had pronounced against them (Jer 36:31), does not exclude the previous capture of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, but announces only the carrying out of the threatened judgment in the destruction of Jerusalem and of the kingdom of Judah to be as yet imminent.
The extraordinary fast of the people also, which was appointed for the ninth month, was not ordained with the view of averting the destruction of Judah and Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, which was then expected, after the battle at Carchemish; for although fasts were sometimes appointed or kept for the purpose of turning away threatened judgment or punishment (e.g., 2Kings 12:15.; 3Kings 21:27; Esther 4:1; Esther 3:1-15 :16), yet, in general, fasts were more frequently appointed to preserve the penitential remembrance of punishments and chastisements which had been already endured: cf. e.g., Zech 7:5; Ezra 10:6.; Neh 1:4; 1Kings 31:13; 2Kings 1:12, etc. To ascertain, therefore, what was the object of this fast which was appointed, we must keep in view the character of Jehoiakim and his relation to this fast. The godless Jehoiakim, as he is represented in 4Kings 23:37; 2Chron 36:5, and Jer 22:13., was not the man who would have ordained a fast (or allowed it if the priests had wished to appoint it) to humble himself and his people before God, and by repentance and prayer to turn away the threatened judgment. Before he could ordain a fast for such a purpose, Jehoiakim must hear and observe the word of the prophet, and in that case he would not have been so enraged at the reading of the prophecies of Jeremiah as to have cut the book to pieces and cast it into the fire. If the fast took place previous to the arrival of the Chaldeans before Jerusalem, then neither the intention of the king nor his conduct in regard to it can be comprehended. On the other hand, as Znd. p. 21, and Klief. p. 57, have shown, both the ordaining of a general fast, and the anger of the king at the reading of the prophecies of Jeremiah in the presence of the people in the temple, are well explained, if the fast is regarded as designed to keep in remembrance the day of the year on which Nebuchadnezzar took Jerusalem. As Jehoiakim bore with difficulty the yoke of the Chaldean oppression, and from the first meditated on a revolt, for after three years he did actually revolt, he instituted the fast "to stir up the feelings of the people against the state of vassalage into which they had been brought" (Klief.), "and to call forth a religious enthusiasm among them to resist the oppressor" (Znd.). This opposition could only, however, result in the destruction of the people and the kingdom. Jeremiah therefore had his prophecies read to the people in the temple on that day by Baruch "as a counterbalance to the desire of the king," and announced to them that Nebuchadnezzar would come again to subdue the land and to destroy from out of it both man and beast. "Therefore the king was angry, and destroyed the book, because he would not have the excitement of the people to be so hindered; and therefore also the princes were afraid (Jer 36:16) when they heard that the book of these prophecies was publicly read" (Klief.).
The words of 4Kings 25:27, cf. Jer 52:31, do not contradict this conclusion from Jer 36:9, even though that drawn by Kran., p. 18, from this passage were adopted, viz., that since almost thirty-seven whole years had passed from the carrying away of Jehoiachin to the end of the forty-three years of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, but Jehoiachin had reigned only for a few months, the beginning of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar must be dated in the sixth of the eleven years' reign of Jehoiakim, the predecessor of Jehoiachin. For since, according to the testimony of Berosus, Nebuchadnezzar conducted the war against Hither Asia, in which he slew king Necho at Carchemish, and as a further consequence of this victory took Jerusalem, before the death of his father, in the capacity of a commander-in-chief clothed with royal power, and when in Hither Asia, as it seems, and on the confines of Egypt, he then for the first time heard tidings of his father's death, and therefore hastened by the shortest road to Babylon to assume the crown and lay claim to all his father's dominions, - then it follows that his forty-three years' reign begins after the battle of Carchemish and the capture of Jerusalem under Jehoiakim, and might possibly have begun in the sixth year of Jehoiakim, some five months after the ninth month of the fifth year of Jehoiakim (Jer 36:9). Against this supposition the circumstance that Nebuchadnezzar, as stated in Jer 46:2; Jer 25:1, and also Dan 1:1, was called king of Babylon before he had actually ascended the throne is no valid objection, inasmuch as this title is explained as a prolepsis which would be easily understood by the Jews in Palestine. Nabopolassar came into no contact at all with Judah; the Jews therefore knew scarcely anything of his reign and his death; and the year of Nebuchadnezzar's approach to Jerusalem would be regarded in a general way both by Jeremiah and his contemporaries as the first year of his reign, and the commander of the Chaldean army as the king of Babylon, no matter whether on account of his being actual co-regent with his aged and infirm father, or merely because he was clothed with royal power as the chief commander of the army.
(Note: Thus not only Hgstb. Beitr. i. p. 63, Hv., Klief., Kran., etc., but also v. Lengerke, Daniel. p. 3, and Hitz. Daniel. p. 3. The latter, e.g., remarks: "The designation as king does not furnish any obvious objection, for Nebuchadnezzar, the commander-in-chief of the army, is to the Jewish writers (thus Jer 25:1) a king when he first comes under their notice. They appear to have had no knowledge whatever of his father.")
In this sense Daniel (Dan 1:1) names him who was afterwards king, at a time when he was not yet the possessor of the throne, the king of Babylon; for he was in effect the king, so far as the kingdom of Judah was concerned, when he undertook the first expedition against it.
But the reckoning of Kran. is also not exact. Nebuchadnezzar's ascending the throne and the beginning of his reign would only happen in the sixth year of Jehoiakim if either the three months of Jehoiachin (37 years' imprisonment of Jehoiachin + 1 year's reign + 5 years of Jehoiakim = 43 years of Nebuchadnezzar) are to be reckoned as 1 year, or at least the 11 years of Jehoiakim as 11 full years, so that 5 3/4 years of Jehoiakim's reign must be added to the 37 years of Jehoiachin's imprisonment and the 3 months of his reign so as to make up the 43 years of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar. Thus Jehoiakim must have reigned 5 1/4 years at the time when Nebuchadnezzar ascended the throne. Whereas if Jehoiakim's reign extended only to 10 1/2 years, which were reckoned as 11 years in the books of the Kings, according to the general method of recording the length of the reign of kings, then Nebuchadnezzar's ascending the throne took place in the fifth years of Jehoiakim's reign, or, at the furthest, after he had reigned 4 3/4 years. This latter reckoning, whereby the first year of Nebuchadnezzar's reign is made to coincide with the fifth year of Jehoiakim's, is demanded by those passages in which the years of the reign of the kings of Judah are made parallel with the years of Nebuchadnezzar's reign; viz., 4Kings 24:12, where it is stated that Jehoiachin was taken prisoner and carried away captive in the eighth year of Nebuchadnezzar; also Jer 32:1, where the tenth years of Zedekiah corresponds with the eighteenth of Nebuchadnezzar; and finally, Jer 52:5, Jer 52:12, and 4Kings 25:2, 4Kings 25:8, where the eleventh year of Zedekiah corresponds with the nineteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar. According to all these passages, the death of Jehoiakim, or the end of his reign, happened either in the eighth year, or at all events in the end of the seventh year, of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, for Jehoiachin reigned only three months; so that Nebuchadnezzar reigned six full years, and perhaps a few months longer, as contemporary with Jehoiakim, and consequently he must have mounted the throne in the fifth of the eleven years of Jehoiakim's reign.
(Note: The synchronistic statements in the passages, 4Kings 24:12; 4Kings 25:2, 4Kings 25:8; Jer 32:1 and Jer 52:5, Jer 52:12, might indeed be interpreted as meaning, that in them the years of Nebuchadnezzar's reign are reckoned from the time when his father entrusted to him the chief command of the army at the breaking out of the war with Necho (see my Commentary on 4Kings 24:12); but in that case the years of Nebuchadnezzar's reign would amount to 44 1/4 years, viz., 37 years of Jehoiachin's imprisonment, 3 months of his reign, and 7 years of Jehoiakim's reign. And according to this reckoning, it would also result from the passages referred to, that the beginning of his 43 years' reign happened in the fifth year of Jehoiakim.)
The above discussion has at the same time also furnished us with the means of explaining the apparent contradiction which has been found between Dan 1:1. and Dan 2:1., and which has been brought forward as an historical error in argument against the genuineness of the book. According to Dan 1:3., Nebuchadnezzar after the capture of Jerusalem commanded that young Israelites of noble birth should be carried away to Babylon, and there educated for the space of three years in the literature and wisdom of the Chaldeans; and, according to Dan 1:18, after the expiry of the appointed time, they were brought in before the king that they might be employed in his service. But these three years of instruction, according to Dan 2:1., expired in the second year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, when Daniel and his companions were ranked among the wise men of Babylon, and Daniel interpreted to the king his dream, which his Chaldean magi were unable to do (Dan 2:13., 19ff.). If we observe that Nebuchadnezzar dreamed his dream "in the second year of his reign," and that he entered on his reign some time after the destruction of Jerusalem and the captivity of Jehoiakim, them we can understand how the three years appointed for the education of Daniel and his companions came to an end in the second year of his reign; for if Nebuchadnezzar began to reign in the fifth year of Jehoiakim, then in the seventh year of Jehoiakim three years had passed since the destruction of Jerusalem, which took place in the fourth year of this king. For the carrying away of the Israelitish youths followed, without doubt, immediately after the subjugation of Jehoiakim, so that a whole year or more of their period of education had passed before Nebuchadnezzar mounted the throne. This conclusion is not set aside by what Berosus affirms, that Nebuchadnezzar, after he heard of the death of his father, committed the captives he had taken from the Jews to the care of some of his friends that they might be brought after him, while he himself hastened over the desert to Babylon; for that statement refers to the great transport of prisoners who were carried away for the colonization of Central Asia. As little does the consideration that a twofold method of reckoning the year of Nebuchadnezzar's government by Daniel is improbable militate against this reconciliation of the discrepancy, for no such twofold method of reckoning exists. In Daniel 1 the year of Nebuchadnezzar's reign is not given, but Nebuchadnezzar is only named as being king;
(Note: If, on the contrary, Bleek understands from Dan 1:1 that Nebuchadnezzar had become king of Babylon in the third year of Jehoiakim at Jerusalem, whilst, "perhaps only with the design of making the pretended opposition between Dan 1:1 and Dan 2:1 truly evident, he understands the appositional designation בבל מלך as a more definite determination of the meaning of the verb בּא, this idea finds recommendation neither in the position of the words, nor in the expression, Dan 1:3, nor in the accents." Kranichfeld, p. 19.)
while in Dan 2:1 mention is made not merely of the second year of Nebuchadnezzar, but of the second year of his reign, from which it appears that the historian here reckons from the actual commencement of his reign. Also, as Klief., p. 67, has well remarked, one may "easily discover the ground on which Daniel in Dan 1:1 followed a different mode of reckoning from that adopted in Dan 2:1. In Daniel 1 Daniel had to do with Israelitish circumstances and persons, and therefore followed, in making reference to Nebuchadnezzar, the general Israelitish mode of contemplation. He reckons his years according to the years of the Israelitish kings, and sees in him already the king; on the contrary, in Daniel 2 Daniel treats of the relations of the world-power, and he reckons here accurately the year of Nebuchadnezzar, the bearer of the world-power, from the day in which, having actually obtained the possession of the world-power, he became king of Babylon."
If we now, in conclusion, briefly review the results of the preceding discussions, it will be manifest that the following is the course of events: - Necho the king of Egypt, after he had made Jehoiakim his vassal king, went forth on an expedition against the Assyrian kingdom as far as the Euphrates. Meanwhile, however, with the dissolution of the Assyrian kingdom by the fall of Nineveh, the part of that kingdom lying on this side of the Tigris had come under the dominion of the Chaldeans, and the old and enfeebled king Nabopolassar gave to his son Nebuchadnezzar the chief command of the army, with the commission to check the advance of the Egyptians, and to rescue from them the countries they had occupied and bring them again under the Chaldean rule. In consequence of this, Nebuchadnezzar took the field against Hither Asia in the third year of the reign of Jehioakim, and in the first month of the fourth year of Jehoiakim slew Pharaoh-Necho at Carchemish and pursued his army to the confines of Egypt, and in the ninth month of the same year took Jerusalem and made king Jehoiakim his subject. While Nebuchadnezzar was busied in Hither Asia with the subjugation of the countries that had been conquered by Pharaoh-Necho, he received the tidings of the death of his father Nabopolassar in Babylon, and hastened forward with a small guard by the nearest way through the desert to Babylon in order to assume the government, giving directions that the army, along with the whole band of prisoners, should follow him by slow marches. But as soon as the Chaldean army had left Judea and returned to Babylon, Jehoiakim sought how he might throw off the Chaldean yoke, and three years after his subjugation he revolted, probably at a time when Nebuchadnezzar was engaged in establishing his dominion in the East, so that he could not immediately punish this revolt, but contented himself meanwhile with sending against Jehoiakim the armies of Chaldeans, Syrians, Moabites, and Ammonites, whom he had left behind on the confines of Judah. They were unable, however, to vanquish him as long as he lived. It was only after his son Jehoiachin had ascended the throne that Nebuchadnezzar, as commander of the army, returned with a powerful host to Jerusalem and besieged the city. While the city was being besieged, Nebuchadnezzar came in person to superintend the war. Jehoiachin with his mother, and his chief officers from the city, went out to surrender themselves to the king of Babylon. But Nebuchadnezzar took him as a prisoner, and commanded that the golden vessels of the temple and the treasures of the royal palace should be taken away, and he carried the king with the great men of the kingdom, the men of war, the smiths and craftsmen, as prisoners to Babylon, and made his vassal Mattaniah, Jehoiachin's uncle, king in Jerusalem, under the name of Zedekiah (2 Kings 28:8-17). This happened in the eighth year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar (4Kings 24:12), and thus about six years after Daniel had interpreted his dream (Daniel 2), and had been promoted by him to the rank of president of the wise men in Babylon.
The name נבוּכדנאצּר is written in Dan 1:1 with ,א as it is uniformly in Jeremiah, e.g., Jer 27:6, Jer 27:8,Jer 27:20; Jer 28:3, Jer 28:11, Jer 28:12; Jer 29:1, Jer 29:3, and in the books of the Kings and Chronicles, as 4Kings 24:1, 4Kings 24:10-11; 4Kings 25:1; 2Chron 36:6, 2Chron 36:10,2Chron 36:13; whereas in Dan 1:18 it is written without the ', as it is also in Dan 2:1, Dan 2:28, Dan 2:46; Dan 3:1-3, Dan 3:5., and Ezra 1:7; Ezra 5:12, Ezra 5:14; Esther 2:6. From this circumstance Hitzig concludes that the statement in Daniel is derived from 4Kings 24:1, because the manner of writing the name with the is not peculiar to this book (and is not the latest form), but is that of 4Kings 24:1. Both statements are incorrect. The writings without the אcannot on this account be taken as the latest form, because it is not found in the Chronicles, and that with the אis not peculiar to the second book of Kings, but is the standing form, along with the more national Babylonian form נבוּכדראצּר (with r), in Jer 21:2, Jer 21:7; Jer 32:1; Jer 35:11; Jer 39:11; Ezek 26:7; Ezek 29:18; Ezek 30:10, which, according to Mnant (Grammaire Assyrienne, 1868, p. 327), is written in Babylonian inscriptions Nabukudurriusur (אצר כדר נבו, i.e., Nebo coronam servat), the inscription of Behistan having the form Nabukudratschara. Megastehenes and Berosus, in Polyhistor, write the name Ναβουκοδρόσορος. The writing Nebuchadnezar, with n and without the ,א appears to be the Aramean form, since it prevails in the Chaldean portions of Daniel and Ezra, and accounts for the Masoretic pronunciation of the word (the צּ with Dagesch forte). On other forms of the name, cf. Niebuhr, Gesch. Assurs, p. 41f.
Geneva 1599
1:1 In the (a) third year of the reign of Jehoiakim king of Judah came Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon unto Jerusalem, and besieged it.
The Argument - The great providence of God, and his singular mercy towards his Church are set forth here most vividly, who never leaves his own destitute, but now in their greatest miseries and afflictions gives them Prophets, such as Ezekiel and Daniel, whom he adorned with special graces of his Holy Spirit. And Daniel above all others had most special revelations of such things as would come to the Church, even from the time that they were in captivity, to the last end of the world, and to the general resurrection, as of the four Monarchies and empires of all the world, that is, of the Babylonians, Persians, Grecians, and Romans. Also of the certain number of the times even until Christ, when all ceremonies and sacrifices would cease, because he would be the accomplishment of them: moreover he shows Christ's office and the reason of his death, which was by his sacrifice to take away sins, and to bring everlasting life. And as from the beginning God always exercised his people under the cross, so he teaches here, that after Christ is offered, he will still leave this exercise to his Church, until the dead rise again, and Christ gathers his own into his kingdom in the heavens.
(a) Read (4Kings 24:1; Jer 25:1).
John Gill
1:1 In the third year of the reign of Jehoiakim king of Judah,.... At the close of it, and at the beginning of the fourth, which was the first of Nebuchadnezzar, Jer 25:1. Jerusalem seems to have been taken twice in his time, and two captivities in it: the first was in the third or fourth year of his reign; when humbling himself, he was restored to his kingdom, though he became a tributary to the king of Babylon; Daniel and his companions, who were carried captive with him, were retained as hostages; but after three years he rebelled, but it was not until his eleventh year that Nebuchadnezzar came against him again, took him, and bound him, in order to carry him to Babylon, but he died by the way; see 4Kings 24:1, some, as Jarchi and Saadiah Gaon, make this to be the third year of his rebellion, and the last of his reign; they suppose that he was conquered by the king of Babylon, and became subject to him in the fifth year of his reign; that he served him three years, and rebelled against him three years: at the end of which
came Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon unto Jerusalem, and besieged it; with his army, and took it; and the same way it is accounted for in the Jewish chronicle (p) according to Bishop Usher (q), this was in the year of the world 3398 A.M., and before Christ 607 or 859; according to Mr. Bedford (r), 605.
(p) Seder Olam Rabba, c. 25. in principio. (q) Annales Vet. Test. A. M. 3398. ((r)) Scripture Chronology, p. 676.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:1 THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY BEGINS; DANIEL'S EDUCATION AT BABYLON, &C. (Dan. 1:1-21)
third year--compare Jer 25:1, "the fourth year; Jehoiakim came to the throne at the end of the year, which Jeremiah reckons as the first year, but which Daniel leaves out of count, being an incomplete year: thus, in Jeremiah, it is "the fourth year"; in Daniel, "the third" [JAHN]. However, Jeremiah (Jer 25:1; Jer 46:2) merely says, the fourth year of Jehoiakim coincided with the first of Nebuchadnezzar, when the latter conquered the Egyptians at Carchemish; not that the deportation of captives from Jerusalem was in the fourth year of Jehoiakim: this probably took place in the end of the third year of Jehoiakim, shortly before the battle of Carchemish [FAIRBAIRN]. Nebuchadnezzar took away the captives as hostages for the submission of the Hebrews. Historical Scripture gives no positive account of this first deportation, with which the Babylonian captivity, that is, Judah's subjection to Babylon for seventy years (Jer 29:10), begins. But 2Chron 36:6-7, states that Nebuchadnezzar had intended "to carry Jehoiakim to Babylon," and that he "carried off the vessels of the house of the Lord" thither. But Jehoiakim died at Jerusalem, before the conqueror's intention as to him was carried into effect (Jer 22:18-19; Jer 36:30), and his dead body, as was foretold, was dragged out of the gates by the Chaldean besiegers, and left unburied. The second deportation under Jehoiachin was eight years later.
1:11:1: Յամին երրորդի թագաւորութեանն Յովակիմայ արքայի Յուդայ. ե՛կն Նաբուքոդոնոսոր արքայ Բաբելացւոց յԵրուսաղէմ, եւ պաշարեաց զնա։
1 Յուդայի երկրի Յովակիմ արքայի թագաւորութեան երրորդ տարում բաբելացիների Նաբուքոդոնոսոր արքան եկաւ Երուսաղէմ
1 Յուդայի թագաւորին Յովակիմին թագաւորութեան երրորդ տարին Բաբելոնի Նաբուգոդոնոսոր թագաւորը Երուսաղէմ եկաւ ու զանիկա պաշարեց։
Յամին երրորդի թագաւորութեանն Յովակիմայ արքայի Յուդայ, եկն Նաբուքոդոնոսոր արքայ Բաբելացւոց յԵրուսաղէմ, եւ պաշարեաց զնա:

1:1: Յամին երրորդի թագաւորութեանն Յովակիմայ արքայի Յուդայ. ե՛կն Նաբուքոդոնոսոր արքայ Բաբելացւոց յԵրուսաղէմ, եւ պաշարեաց զնա։
1 Յուդայի երկրի Յովակիմ արքայի թագաւորութեան երրորդ տարում բաբելացիների Նաբուքոդոնոսոր արքան եկաւ Երուսաղէմ
1 Յուդայի թագաւորին Յովակիմին թագաւորութեան երրորդ տարին Բաբելոնի Նաբուգոդոնոսոր թագաւորը Երուսաղէմ եկաւ ու զանիկա պաշարեց։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:11:1 В третий год царствования Иоакима, царя Иудейского, пришел Навуходоносор, царь Вавилонский, к Иерусалиму и осадил его.
1:2 καὶ και and; even παρέδωκεν παραδιδωμι betray; give over αὐτὴν αυτος he; him κύριος κυριος lord; master εἰς εις into; for χεῖρας χειρ hand αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him καὶ και and; even Ιωακιμ ιωακιμ the βασιλέα βασιλευς monarch; king τῆς ο the Ιουδαίας ιουδαια Ioudaia; Iuthea καὶ και and; even μέρος μερος part; in particular τι τις anyone; someone τῶν ο the ἱερῶν ιερος sacred σκευῶν σκευος vessel; jar τοῦ ο the κυρίου κυριος lord; master καὶ και and; even ἀπήνεγκεν αποφερω carry away / off αὐτὰ αυτος he; him εἰς εις into; for Βαβυλῶνα βαβυλων Babylōn; Vavilon καὶ και and; even ἀπηρείσατο απερειδω he; him ἐν εν in τῷ ο the εἰδωλίῳ ειδωλειον shrine αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him
1:2 וַ wa וְ and יִּתֵּן֩ yyittˌēn נתן give אֲדֹנָ֨י ʔᵃḏōnˌāy אֲדֹנָי Lord בְּ bᵊ בְּ in יָדֹ֜ו yāḏˈô יָד hand אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker] יְהֹויָקִ֣ים yᵊhôyāqˈîm יְהֹויָקִים Jehoiakim מֶֽלֶךְ־ mˈeleḵ- מֶלֶךְ king יְהוּדָ֗ה yᵊhûḏˈā יְהוּדָה Judah וּ û וְ and מִ mi מִן from קְצָת֙ qᵊṣˌāṯ קְצָת end כְּלֵ֣י kᵊlˈê כְּלִי tool בֵית־ vêṯ- בַּיִת house הָֽ hˈā הַ the אֱלֹהִ֔ים ʔᵉlōhˈîm אֱלֹהִים god(s) וַ wa וְ and יְבִיאֵ֥ם yᵊvîʔˌēm בוא come אֶֽרֶץ־ ʔˈereṣ- אֶרֶץ earth שִׁנְעָ֖ר šinʕˌār שִׁנְעָר Shinar בֵּ֣ית bˈêṯ בַּיִת house אֱלֹהָ֑יו ʔᵉlōhˈāʸw אֱלֹהִים god(s) וְ wᵊ וְ and אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker] הַ ha הַ the כֵּלִ֣ים kkēlˈîm כְּלִי tool הֵבִ֔יא hēvˈî בוא come בֵּ֖ית bˌêṯ בַּיִת house אֹוצַ֥ר ʔôṣˌar אֹוצָר supply אֱלֹהָֽיו׃ ʔᵉlōhˈāʸw אֱלֹהִים god(s)
1:2. et tradidit Dominus in manu eius Ioachim regem Iudae et partem vasorum domus Dei et asportavit ea in terram Sennaar in domum dei sui et vasa intulit in domum thesauri dei suiAnd the Lord delivered into his hands Joakim, the king of Juda, and part of the vessels of the house of God: and he carried them away into the land of Sennaar, to the house of his god, and the vessels he brought into the treasure house of his god.
2. And the Lord gave Jehoiakim king of Judah into his hand, with part of the vessels of the house of God; and he carried them into the land of Shinar to the house of his god: and he brought the vessels into the treasure house of his god.
In the third year of the reign of Jehoiakim king of Judah came Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon unto Jerusalem, and besieged it:

1:1 В третий год царствования Иоакима, царя Иудейского, пришел Навуходоносор, царь Вавилонский, к Иерусалиму и осадил его.
1:2
καὶ και and; even
παρέδωκεν παραδιδωμι betray; give over
αὐτὴν αυτος he; him
κύριος κυριος lord; master
εἰς εις into; for
χεῖρας χειρ hand
αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him
καὶ και and; even
Ιωακιμ ιωακιμ the
βασιλέα βασιλευς monarch; king
τῆς ο the
Ιουδαίας ιουδαια Ioudaia; Iuthea
καὶ και and; even
μέρος μερος part; in particular
τι τις anyone; someone
τῶν ο the
ἱερῶν ιερος sacred
σκευῶν σκευος vessel; jar
τοῦ ο the
κυρίου κυριος lord; master
καὶ και and; even
ἀπήνεγκεν αποφερω carry away / off
αὐτὰ αυτος he; him
εἰς εις into; for
Βαβυλῶνα βαβυλων Babylōn; Vavilon
καὶ και and; even
ἀπηρείσατο απερειδω he; him
ἐν εν in
τῷ ο the
εἰδωλίῳ ειδωλειον shrine
αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him
1:2
וַ wa וְ and
יִּתֵּן֩ yyittˌēn נתן give
אֲדֹנָ֨י ʔᵃḏōnˌāy אֲדֹנָי Lord
בְּ bᵊ בְּ in
יָדֹ֜ו yāḏˈô יָד hand
אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker]
יְהֹויָקִ֣ים yᵊhôyāqˈîm יְהֹויָקִים Jehoiakim
מֶֽלֶךְ־ mˈeleḵ- מֶלֶךְ king
יְהוּדָ֗ה yᵊhûḏˈā יְהוּדָה Judah
וּ û וְ and
מִ mi מִן from
קְצָת֙ qᵊṣˌāṯ קְצָת end
כְּלֵ֣י kᵊlˈê כְּלִי tool
בֵית־ vêṯ- בַּיִת house
הָֽ hˈā הַ the
אֱלֹהִ֔ים ʔᵉlōhˈîm אֱלֹהִים god(s)
וַ wa וְ and
יְבִיאֵ֥ם yᵊvîʔˌēm בוא come
אֶֽרֶץ־ ʔˈereṣ- אֶרֶץ earth
שִׁנְעָ֖ר šinʕˌār שִׁנְעָר Shinar
בֵּ֣ית bˈêṯ בַּיִת house
אֱלֹהָ֑יו ʔᵉlōhˈāʸw אֱלֹהִים god(s)
וְ wᵊ וְ and
אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker]
הַ ha הַ the
כֵּלִ֣ים kkēlˈîm כְּלִי tool
הֵבִ֔יא hēvˈî בוא come
בֵּ֖ית bˌêṯ בַּיִת house
אֹוצַ֥ר ʔôṣˌar אֹוצָר supply
אֱלֹהָֽיו׃ ʔᵉlōhˈāʸw אֱלֹהִים god(s)
1:2. et tradidit Dominus in manu eius Ioachim regem Iudae et partem vasorum domus Dei et asportavit ea in terram Sennaar in domum dei sui et vasa intulit in domum thesauri dei sui
And the Lord delivered into his hands Joakim, the king of Juda, and part of the vessels of the house of God: and he carried them away into the land of Sennaar, to the house of his god, and the vessels he brought into the treasure house of his god.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ kad▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ mh▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
2. По воззрению древних в том числе ассиро-вавилонян, могущество известного народа находилось в полном соответствии с силой его национального бога (4: Цар 18:33-35), так что поражение какого-либо народа другим считалось поражением и его бога, победой над ним бога победителей (Иер 46:14-15). В знак этого ассиро-вавилонские завоеватели вместе с военной добычей захватывали статуи богов побежденных племен, приносили их в дар своим национальным божествам, - ставили, как трофеи, в храмах этих последних. "Я, говорит, например, Соргон в одной из своих надписей, взял город Музазир, увез с собою бога Халди с другими богами и священных сосудов их великое множество". "Обитателей Бит-Янина и их богов, - рассказывает Сеннахерим, - я увел с собою". "Я, - замечает Ассурбанипал, - возвратил вавилонскому городу Ереху изображение богини Нана, увезенной оттуда в качестве военного трофея в Сузы еламским царем Кубур Нанхунди". Теми же самыми соображениями руководился и Навуходоносор, отправляя в Сеннаар (общее название областей Вавилонского царства), за неимением изображений Всевышнего, сосуды иерусалимского царства и помещая их в находящейся при храме своего Бога Бала сокровищнице (ср. 1: Езд 1:7; 5:14). По библейскому повествованию, Навуходоносор не принимал непосредственного участия в доставлении сосудов в Вавилон: он их "отправил". И эта небольшая подробность как нельзя более подтверждается и разъясняется рассказом халдейского историка Бероза (конец 4: в. начало 3: в. до Р. X.) о походе Навуходоносора против египетского фараона Нехао, во время которого им был завоеван Иерусалим. Разбив Нехао в битве при Кархемисе и отняв у него после этого Сирию, Финикию, Палестину и Египет, Навуходоносор, рассказывает Бероз, услыхал о смерти своего отца Набополассара. Ввиду этого он поручил своим полководцам отправиться на родину со всей добычей, с войском и пленниками из иудеев, финикиян, сирийцев и египтян, а сам с небольшим отрядом поспешил в Вавилон кратчайшими путем через пустыню и, прибыв в столицу, вступил на престол. (И. Флавий. Древности. 2: ч., с. 162-163).
Matthew Henry: Concise Commentary on the Whole Bible - 1706
1 In the third year of the reign of Jehoiakim king of Judah came Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon unto Jerusalem, and besieged it. 2 And the Lord gave Jehoiakim king of Judah into his hand, with part of the vessels of the house of God: which he carried into the land of Shinar to the house of his god; and he brought the vessels into the treasure house of his god. 3 And the king spake unto Ashpenaz the master of his eunuchs, that he should bring certain of the children of Israel, and of the king's seed, and of the princes; 4 Children in whom was no blemish, but well favoured, and skilful in all wisdom, and cunning in knowledge, and understanding science, and such as had ability in them to stand in the king's palace, and whom they might teach the learning and the tongue of the Chaldeans. 5 And the king appointed them a daily provision of the king's meat, and of the wine which he drank: so nourishing them three years, that at the end thereof they might stand before the king. 6 Now among these were of the children of Judah, Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah: 7 Unto whom the prince of the eunuchs gave names: for he gave unto Daniel the name of Belteshazzar; and to Hananiah, of Shadrach; and to Mishael, of Meshach; and to Azariah, of Abednego.
We have in these verses an account,
I. Of the first descent which Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, in the first year of his reign, made upon Judah and Jerusalem, in the third year of the reign of Jehoiakim, and his success in that expedition (v. 1, 2): He besieged Jerusalem, soon made himself master of it, seized the king, took whom he pleased and what he pleased away with him, and then left Jehoiakim to reign as tributary to him, which he did about eight years longer, but then rebelled, and it was his ruin. Now from this first captivity most interpreters think the seventy years are to be dated, though Jerusalem was not destroyed, nor the captivity completed, till about nineteen years after, In that first year Daniel was carried to Babylon, and there continued the whole seventy years (see v. 21), during which time all nations shall serve Nebuchadnezzar, and his son, and his son's son, Jer. xxv. 11. This one prophet therefore saw within the compass of his own time the rise, reign, and ruin of that monarchy; so that it was res unius ætatis--the affair of a single age, such short-lived things are the kingdoms of the earth; but the kingdom of heaven is everlasting. The righteous, that see them taking root, shall see their fall, Job v. 3; Prov. xxix. 16. Mr. Broughton observes the proportion of times in God's government since the coming out of Egypt: thence to their entering Canaan forty years, thence seven years to the dividing of the land, thence seven Jubilees to the first year of Samuel, in whom prophecy began, thence to this first year of the captivity seven seventies of years, 490 (ten Jubilees), thence to the return one seventy, thence to the death of Christ seven seventies more, thence to the destruction of Jerusalem forty years.
II. The improvement he made of this success. He did not destroy the city or kingdom, but did that which just accomplished the first threatening of mischief by Babylon. It was denounced against Hezekiah, for showing his treasures to the king of Babylon's ambassadors (Isa. xxxix. 6, 7), that the treasures and the children should be carried away, and, if they had been humbled and reformed by this, hitherto the king of Babylon's power and success should have gone, but no further. If less judgments do the work, God will not send greater; but, if not, he will heat the furnace seven times hotter. Let us see what was now done. 1. The vessels of the sanctuary were carried away, part of them, v. 2. They fondly trusted to the temple to defend them, though they went on in their iniquity. And now, to show them the vanity of that confidence, the temple is first plundered. Many of the holy vessels which used to be employed in the service of God were taken away by the king of Babylon, those of them, it is likely, which were most valuable, and he brought them as trophies of victory to the house of his god, to whom, with a blind devotion, he gave praise of his success; and having appropriated these vessels, in token of gratitude, to his god, he put them in the treasury of his temple. See the righteousness of God; his people had brought the images of other gods into his temple, and now he suffers the vessels of the temple to be carried into the treasuries of those other gods. Note, When men profane the vessels of the sanctuary with their sins it is just with God to profane them by his judgments. It is probable that the treasures of the king's house were rifled, as was foretold, but particular mention is made of the taking away of the vessels of the sanctuary because we shall find afterwards that the profanation of them was that which filled up the measure of the Chaldeans' iniquity, ch. v. 3. But observe, It was only part of them that went now; some were left them yet upon trial, to see if they would take the right course to prevent the carrying away of the remainder. See Jer. xxvii. 18. 2. The children and young men, especially such as were of noble or royal extraction, that were sightly and promising, and of good natural parts, were carried away. Thus was the iniquity of the fathers visited upon the children. These were taken away by Nebuchadnezzar, (1.) As trophies, to be made a show of for the evidencing and magnifying of his success. (2.) As hostages for the fidelity of their parents in their own land, who would be concerned to conduct themselves well that their children might have the better treatment. (3.) As a seed to serve him. He took them away to train them up for employments and preferments under him, either out of an unaccountable affectation, which great men often have, to be attended by foreigners, though they be blacks, rather than by those of their own nation, or because he knew that there were no such witty, sprightly, ingenious young men to be found among his Chaldeans as abounded among the youth of Israel; and, if that were so, it was much for the honour of the Jewish nation, as of an uncommon genius above other people, and a fruit of the blessing. But it was a shame that a people who had so much wit should have so little wisdom and grace. Now observe, [1.] The directions which the king of Babylon gave for the choice of these youths, v. 4. They must not choose such as were deformed in body, but comely and well-favoured, whose countenances were indexes of ingenuity and good humour. But that is not enough; they must be skilful in all wisdom, and cunning, or well-seen in knowledge, and understanding science, such as were quick and sharp, and could give a ready and intelligent account of their own country and of the learning they had hitherto been brought up in. He chose such as were young, because they would be pliable and tractable, would forget their own people and incorporate with the Chaldeans. He had an eye to what he designed them for; they must be such as had ability in them to stand in the king's palace, not only to attend his royal person, but to preside in his affairs. This is an instance of the policy of this rising monarch, now in the beginning of his reign, and was a good omen of his prosperity, that he was in care to raise up a succession of persons fit for public business. He did not, like Ahasuerus, appoint them to choose him out young women for the service of his government. It is the interest of princes to have wise men employed under them; it is therefore their wisdom to take care for the finding out and training up of such. It is the misery of this world that so many who are fit for public stations are buried in obscurity, and so many who are unfit for them are preferred to them. [2.] The care which he took concerning them. First, For their education. He ordered that they should be taught the learning and tongue of the Chaldeans. They are supposed to be wise and knowing young men, and yet they must be further taught. Give instructions to a wise man and he will increase in learning. Note, Those that would do good in the world when they grow up must learn when they are young. That is the learning age; if that time be lost, it will hardly be redeemed. It does not appear that Nebuchadnezzar designed they should learn the unlawful arts that were used among the Chaldeans, magic and divination; if he did, Daniel and his fellows would not defile themselves with them. Nay, we do not find that he ordered them to be taught the religion of the Chaldeans, by which it appears That he was at this time no bigot; if men were skilful and faithful, and fit for his business, it was not material to him what religion they were of, provided they had but some religion. They must be trained up in the language and laws of the country, in history, philosophy, and mathematics, in the arts of husbandry, war, and navigation, in such learning as might qualify them to serve their generation. Note, It is real service to the public to provide for the good education of the youth. Secondly, For their maintenance. He provided for them three years, not only necessaries, but dainties for their encouragement in their studies. They had daily provision of the king's meat, and of the wine which he drank, v. 5. This was an instance of his generosity and humanity; though they were captives, he considered their birth and quality, their spirit and genius, and treated them honourably, and studied to make their captivity easy to them. There is a respect due to those who are well-born and bred when they have fallen into distress. With a liberal education there should be a liberal maintenance.
III. A particular account of Daniel and his fellows. They were of the children of Judah, the royal tribe, and probably of the house of David, which had grown a numerous family; and God told Hezekiah that of the children that should issue from him some should be taken and made eunuchs, or chamberlains, in the palace of the king of Babylon. The prince of the eunuchs changed the names of Daniel and his fellows, partly to show his authority over them and their subjection to him, and partly in token of their being naturalized and made Chaldeans. Their Hebrew names, which they received at their circumcision, had something of God, or Jah, in them: Daniel--God is my Judge; Hananiah--The grace of the Lord; Mishael--He that is the strong God; Azariah--The Lord is a help. To make them forget the God of their fathers, the guide of their youth, they give them names that savour of the Chaldean idolatry. Belteshazzar signifies the keeper of the hidden treasures of Bel; Shadrach--The inspiration of the sun, which the Chaldeans worshipped; Meshach--Of the goddess Shach, under which name Venus was worshipped; Abed-nego, The servant of the shining fire, which they worshipped also. Thus, though they would not force them from the religion of their fathers to that of their conquerors, yet they did what they could by fair means insensibly to wean them from the former and instil the latter into them. Yet see how comfortably they were provided for; though they suffered for their fathers' sins they were preferred for their own merits, and the land of their captivity was made more comfortable to them than the land of their nativity at this time would have been.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:2: Part of the vessels of the house of God - He took the richest and finest of them for the service of his god Bel, and left what were necessary for carrying on the public worship of Jehovah, (for he did not attempt to alter the civil or religious constitution of Judea); for leaving Jehoiakim on the throne, he only laid the land under tribute. The Chaldeans carried these sacred vessels away at three different times.
1. In the war spoken of in this place.
2. In the taking of Jerusalem and Jeconiah a few months after, Kg2 24:13.
3. Eleven fears after, under the reign of Zedekiah, when the city and temple were totally destroyed, and the land ruined, Kg2 25:8-16.
The land of Shinar - This was the ancient name of Babylon. See Gen 11:2.
The treasure house of his god - This was Bel, who had a splendid temple in Babylon, and was the tutelar god of the city and empire.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:2: And the Lord gave Jehoiakim king of Judah into his hand - Jehoiakim was taken captive, and it would seem that there was an intention to convey him to Babylon Ch2 36:6, but that for some cause he was not removed there, but died at Jerusalem Kg2 24:5-6, though he was not honorably buried there, Jer 22:19; Jer 36:30. In the second book of Chronicles Ch2 36:6, it is said that "Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon came up, and bound Jehoiakim in fetters, to take him to Babylon." Jahn supposes that an error has crept into the text in the book of Chronicles, as there is no evidence that Jehoiakim was taken to Babylon, but it appears from Kg2 24:1-2, that Jehoiakim was continued in authority at Jerusalem under Nebuchadnezzar three years, and then rebelled against him, and that then Nebuchadnezzar sent against him "bands of the Chaldees, and bands of the Syrians, and bands of the Moabites, and bands of the children of Ammon, and sent them against Judah to destroy it." There is no necessity of supposing an error in the text in the account in the book of Chronicles. It is probable that Jehoiakim was taken, and that the "intention" was to take him to Babylon, according to the account in Chronicles, but that, from some cause not mentioned, the purpose of the Chaldean monarch was changed, and that he was placed again over Judah, under Nebuchadnezzar, according to the account in the book of Kings, and that he remained in this condition for three years until he rebelled, and that then the bands of Chaldeans, etc., were sent against him. It is probable that at this time, perhaps while the siege was going on, he died, and that the Chaldeans dragged his dead body out of the gates of the city, and left it unburied, as Jeremiah had predicted, Jer 22:19; Jer 36:30.
With part of the vessels of the house of God - Ch2 36:7. Another portion of the vessels of the temple at Jerusalem was taken away by Nebuchadnezzar, in the time of Jehoiachin, the successor of Jehoiakim, Ch2 36:10. On the third invasion of Palestine, the same thing was repeated on a more extensive scale, Kg2 24:13. At the fourth and final invasion, under Zedekiah, when the temple was destroyed, all its treasures were carried away, Kg2 25:6-20. A part of these treasures were brought back under Cyrus, Ezr 1:7; the rest under Darius, Ezr 6:5. Why they were not "all" taken away at first does not appear, but perhaps Nebuchadnezzar did not then intend wholly to overthrow the Hebrew nation, but meant to keep them tributary to him as a people. The temple was not at that time destroyed, but probably he allowed the worship of Jehovah to be celebrated there still, and he would naturally leave such vessels as were absolutely necessary to keep up the services of public worship.
Which he carried into the land of Shinar - The region around Babylon. The exact limits of this country are unknown, but it probably embraced the region known as Mesopotamia - the country between the rivers Tigris and Euphrates. The derivation of the name "Shinar" is unknown. It occurs only in Gen 10:10; Gen 11:2; Gen 14:1, Gen 14:9; Jos 7:21; Isa 11:11; Dan 1:2; Zac 5:11.
To the house of his god - To the temple of Bel, at Babylon. This was a temple of great magnificence, and the worship of Bel was celebrated there with great splendor. For a description of this temple, and of the god which was worshipped there, see the notes at Isa 46:1. These vessels were subsequently brought out at the command of Belshazzar, at his celebrated feast, and employed in the conviviality and Rev_elry of that occasion. See Dan 5:3.
And he brought the vessels into the treasure-house of his god - It would seem rom this that the vessels had been taken to the temple of Bel, or Belus, in Babylon, not to be used in the worship of the idol, but to be laid up among the valuable treasures there. As the temples of the gods were sacred, and were regarded as inviolable, it would be natural to make them the repository of valuable spoils and treasures. Many of the spoils of the Romans were suspended around the walls of the temples of their gods, particularly in the temple of Victory. Compare Eschenberg, "Manual of Class." Literally, pt. iii. Sections 149, 150.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:2: Cir am 3398, bc 606
the Lord: Dan 2:37, Dan 2:38, Dan 5:18; Deu 28:49-52, Deu 32:30; Jdg 2:14, Jdg 3:8, Jdg 4:2; Psa 106:41, Psa 106:42; Isa 42:24
with part: Dan 5:2; Ch2 36:7; Jer 27:19, Jer 27:20
Shinar: Gen 10:10, Gen 11:2; Isa 11:11; Zac 5:11
and he: Dan 5:2, Dan 5:3; Jdg 16:23, Jdg 16:24; Sa1 5:2, Sa1 31:9, Sa1 31:10; Ezr 1:7; Jer 51:44; Hab 1:16
Carl Friedrich Keil and Franz Delitzsch
1:2
"The Lord gave Jehoiakim into his hands" corresponds with the words in 4Kings 24:1, "he became his servant," and with 2Chron 36:6, "and he bound him in fetters." "And part of the vessels of the house of God." מקצת without the Dag. forte, meaning properly from the end of extremity, is abbreviated from קצה עד מקּצה, cf. Jer 25:33; Gen 47:21; Ex 26:28, and shows that "that which was found from end to end contributed its share; meaning that a great part of the whole was taken, although קצת of itself never means a part" (Kran.). As to the statement of the text, cf. 2Chron 36:7. These vessels he brought (commanded to be brought) into the land of Shinar, i.e., Babylonia (Gen 10:10), into the temple of his god, i.e., Bel, and indeed into the treasure-house of this temple. Thus we understand the meaning of the two latter clauses of Dan 1:2, while Hitz. and Kran., with many older interpreters, refer the suffix in יביאם to Jehoiakim, and also to the vessels, on account of the express contrast in the following words, ואת־הכּלים (Kran.), and because, if it is not stated here, it is nowhere else mentioned that Nebuchadnezzar carried away men also (Hitz.). But the latter fact is expressly affirmed in Dan 1:3, and not only supposed, as Hitz. alleges, and it was not necessary that it should be expressed in Dan 1:2. The application of the suffix to Jehoiakim or the Jewish youths who were carried captive is excluded by the connection of יביאם with אלהיו בּית, into the house of his god. But the assertion that בּית, house, here means country, is not proved from Hos 8:1; Hos 9:15, nor is warranted by such passages as Ex 29:45; Num 35:34; Ezek 37:27, etc., where mention is made of God's dwelling in the land. For God's dwelling in the land is founded on the fact of His gracious presence in the temple of the land, and even in these passages the word land does not stand for the word house. Equally unfounded is the further remark, that if by the expression אלהיו בּית the temple is to be understood, the preposition אל would stand before it, for which Zech 11:13; Is 37:23; Gen 45:25 are appealed to. But such passages have been referred to without observing that in them the preposition אל stands only before living objects, where it is necessary, but not before inanimate objects, such as בּית, where the special object of the motion is with sufficient distinctness denoted by the accusative. The words following, ואת־הכּלים, fall in not as adversative, but explicative: and indeed (or, namely) the vessels brought he into the treasure-house of his god - as booty. The carrying away of a part of the vessels of the temple and a number of the distinguished Jewish youth to Babylon, that they might be there trained for service at the royal court, was a sign and pledge of the subjugation of Judah and its God under the dominion of the kings and the gods of Babylon. Both are here, however, mentioned with this design, that it might be known that Daniel and his three friends, of whom this book gives further account, were among these youths, and that the holy vessels were afterwards fatal (Daniel 5) to the house of the Babylonian king.
Geneva 1599
1:2 And the Lord gave Jehoiakim king of Judah into his hand, with part of the vessels of the house of God: which he carried into the land of (b) Shinar to the house of his god; and he brought the vessels into the treasure house of his god.
(b) Which was a plain by Babylon, where the temple of their great god was, and is here taken for Babylon.
John Gill
1:2 The Lord gave Jehoiakim king of Judah into his hand,.... And the city of Jerusalem too, or he could not have took the king, and so the Syriac version renders it,
and the Lord delivered it into his hands, and Jehoiakim, &c.: this was from the Lord, because of his sins, and the sins of his ancestors, and of his people; or otherwise the king of Babylon could not have taken the city, nor him, because of the great power of the Jews, as Jacchiades observes:
with part of the vessels of the house of God; not all of them; for some, as Saadliah says, were hid by Josiah and Jeremiah, which is not to be depended on; however, certain it is that all were not carried away, because we read of some of the vessels of the temple being carried away afterwards, in Jeconiah's time, 4Kings 24:13, and still there were some left, as the pillars, sea, bases, and other vessels, which were to be carried away, and were carried away by the king of Babylon, in Zedekiah's time, Jer 27:19,
which he carried into the land of Shinar, to the house of his god; which Jarchi understands both of the men that were carried captive, and the vessels that were taken out of the temple; but the latter seem only to be intended, since of men Jehoiakim is only spoken of before; and it does not appear he was ever carried into Babylon; but it is certain the vessels of the temple were carried thither; which is meant by the land of Shinar, where Babylon stood, and where the tower of Babel was built, Gen 10:2, the same, as Grotius thinks, with the Singara of Pliny (s) and Ptolemy (t). So the Targum of Onkelos, on Gen 10:10, interprets the land of Shinar the land of Babylon; likewise the Jerusalem Targum on Gen 10:10, and the Targum of Jonathan on Gen 11:2, Zech 5:11, only on Gen 10:10, he paraphrases it the land of Pontus. So Hestiaeus (u) an ancient Phoenician writer, calls Shinar Sennaar of Babylonia. It seems to have its name from which signifies to "shake out"; because from hence the men of the flood, as Saadiah says, or the builders of Babel, were shook out by the Lord, and were scattered over the face of the earth. And as the tower of Babel itself, very probably, was built for idolatrous worship, for which reason the Lord was so displeased with the builders of it; so in this same place, or near it, now stood an idol's temple, where the king of Babylon, and the inhabitants thereof, worshipped, here called "the house of his gods" (w), as it may be rendered; for the Babylonians worshipped more gods than one; there were Rach, Shach and Nego, from whom Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, are supposed to have their names given them by the Chaldeans, Dan 1:7. Rach is thought to be the sun, whose priests were called Rachiophantae, observers of the sun; Shach, to which Sheshach is referred by some, Jer 51:41, for which a feast was kept once a year for five days, when servants had the rule and government of their masters; and Nego either was worshipped for the sun, or some star, so called from its brightness. Venus was also had in veneration with the Babylonians, whom they called Mylitta; in whose temple many acts of uncleanness and filthiness were committed, as Herodotus (x) relates. And, besides these, there were Merodach, Nebo, and Bel; of which see Is 46:1, the latter seems to have been their chief deity, and who was called Jupiter Belus; and with whom were the goddesses Juno and Rhea. And in the city of Babylon stood the temple of Bel, or Jupiter Belus, which was extant in the times of Herodotus, and of which he gives an account (y), and is this:
"the temple of Jupiter Belus had gates of brass; it was four hundred and forty yards on every side, and was foursquare. In the midst of the temple was a solid tower, two hundred and twenty yards in length and breadth; upon which another temple was placed, and so on to eight. The going up them was without, in a winding about each tower; as you went up, in the middle, there was a room, and seats to rest on. In the last tower was a large temple, in which was a large bed splendidly furnished, and a table of gold set by it; but there was no statue there; nor did any man lie there in the night; only one woman, a native of the place, whom the god chose from among them all, as the Chaldean priests of this deity say.''
Diodorus Siculus says (z) it was of an extraordinary height, where the Chaldeans made observations on the stars, and could take an exact view of the rise and setting of them; it was all made of brick and bitumen, at great cost and expense. Here the vessels of the sanctuary were brought by Nebuchadnezzar, to the praise and glory of his idols, as Jarchi and Jacchiades observe; to whom he imputed the victory he had obtained over the Jews. Even these
he brought into the treasure house of his god; very probably this was the chapel Herodotus (a) speaks of, where was a large golden statue of Jupiter sitting, and a large golden table by it, and a golden throne and steps, reckoned by the Chaldeans at eight hundred talents of gold. And Diodorus Siculus (b) relates that there were three golden statues, of Jupiter, Juno, and Rhea. That of Jupiter was as one standing on his feet, and, as it were, walking, was forty feet in length, and weighed a thousand Babylonian talents (computed three millions and a half of our money). That of Rhea was of the same weight, sitting upon a throne of gold, and two lions standing at her knees; and near to them serpents of a prodigious size, made of silver, which weighed thirty talents. That of Juno was a standing statue, weighing eight hundred talents; in her right hand she held the head of a serpent, and in her left a sceptre set with precious stones; and there was a golden table, common to them all, forty feet long, fifteen broad, and of the weight of fifty talents. Moreover, there were two bowls of thirty talents, and as many censers of three hundred talents, and three cups of gold; that which was dedicated to Jupiter weighed a thousand two hundred Babylonian talents, and the other six hundred. Here all the rich things dedicated to their god were laid up, and here the king of Babylon brought the treasures and rich vessels he took out of the temple of Jerusalem; and to this agrees the testimony of Berosus (c), who says, that with the spoils of war Nebuchadnezzar took from the Jews and neighbouring nations, he adorned the temple of Belus. The riches of this temple, according to historians, are supposed to be above one and twenty millions sterling (d), even of those only which Diodorus Siculus gives an account of, as above.
(s) Nat. Hist. l. 5. c. 24. (t) Geograph. l. 5. c. 18. (u) Apud Joseph. Antiqu. l. 1. c. 4. sect. 3. (w) "domum deorum suorum", Cocceius, Michaelis. (x) Clio, sive l. 1. c. 199. (y) Ibid. c. 181. (z) Biblioth. 1. 2. p. 98. Ed. Rhodoman. (a) Clio, sive l. 1. c. 183. (b) Biblioth. I. 2. p. 98. (c) Apud Joseph. Antiqu. l. 10. c. 11. sect. 1. (d) Vid. Rollin's Ancient History, vol. 2. p. 70. and Universal History, vol. 4. p. 409.
John Wesley
1:2 With part of the vessels - In this expedition Nebuchadnezzar carried away some captives, among whom were Daniel and his friends. His god - Baal, or Bell, and Nebo, which words they put into the names of their kings and favourites.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:2 Shinar--the old name of Babylonia (Gen 11:2; Gen 14:1; Is 11:11; Zech 5:11). Nebuchadnezzar took only "part of the vessels," as he did not intend wholly to overthrow the state, but to make it tributary, and to leave such vessels as were absolutely needed for the public worship of Jehovah. Subsequently all were taken away and were restored under Cyrus (Ezra 1:7).
his god--Bel. His temple, as was often the case among the heathen, was made "treasure house" of the king.
1:21:2: Եւ ետ Տէր ՚ի ձեռս նորա զՅովակիմ արքայ Յուդայ, եւ ՚ի մասնէ սպասուց տանն Աստուծոյ. եւ տարա՛ւ զայն յերկիրն Սենայար ՚ի տուն աստուծոյ իւրոյ. եւ զսպասն եմո՛յծ ՚ի տուն գանձի աստուծոյ իւրոյ[12027]։ [12027] ՚Ի բազումս պակասի. ՚Ի Սենայար ՚ի տուն աստուծոյ իւրոյ. եւ զսպասն եմոյծ ՚ի տուն գանձի աստուծոյ իւրոյ։ Ուր օրինակ մի. Եւ տարաւ զայն յերկիրն իւր բարի տուն աստուծոյ իւրոյ եւ զսպասն ե՛՛։
2 եւ պաշարեց այն: Տէրը Յուդայի երկրի Յովակիմ արքային եւ Աստծու Տան սպասքի մի մասը տուեց նրա ձեռքը: Նաբուքոդոնոսորը նրան տարաւ իր աստծու տունը՝ Սենաար, իսկ սպասքը դրեց իր աստծու գանձատունը:
2 Տէրը անոր ձեռքը տուաւ Յուդայի Յովակիմ թագաւորը ու Աստուծոյ տանը անօթներուն մէկ մասը։ Անիկա զանոնք Սենաար երկիրը, իր աստուծոյն տունը տարաւ ու անօթները իր աստուծոյն գանձատունը դրաւ։
Եւ ետ Տէր ի ձեռս նորա զՅովակիմ արքայ Յուդայ, եւ ի մասնէ սպասուց տանն Աստուծոյ, եւ տարաւ զայն յերկիրն Սենաար ի տուն աստուծոյ իւրոյ, եւ զսպասն եմոյծ ի տուն գանձի աստուծոյ իւրոյ:

1:2: Եւ ետ Տէր ՚ի ձեռս նորա զՅովակիմ արքայ Յուդայ, եւ ՚ի մասնէ սպասուց տանն Աստուծոյ. եւ տարա՛ւ զայն յերկիրն Սենայար ՚ի տուն աստուծոյ իւրոյ. եւ զսպասն եմո՛յծ ՚ի տուն գանձի աստուծոյ իւրոյ[12027]։
[12027] ՚Ի բազումս պակասի. ՚Ի Սենայար ՚ի տուն աստուծոյ իւրոյ. եւ զսպասն եմոյծ ՚ի տուն գանձի աստուծոյ իւրոյ։ Ուր օրինակ մի. Եւ տարաւ զայն յերկիրն իւր բարի տուն աստուծոյ իւրոյ եւ զսպասն ե՛՛։
2 եւ պաշարեց այն: Տէրը Յուդայի երկրի Յովակիմ արքային եւ Աստծու Տան սպասքի մի մասը տուեց նրա ձեռքը: Նաբուքոդոնոսորը նրան տարաւ իր աստծու տունը՝ Սենաար, իսկ սպասքը դրեց իր աստծու գանձատունը:
2 Տէրը անոր ձեռքը տուաւ Յուդայի Յովակիմ թագաւորը ու Աստուծոյ տանը անօթներուն մէկ մասը։ Անիկա զանոնք Սենաար երկիրը, իր աստուծոյն տունը տարաւ ու անօթները իր աստուծոյն գանձատունը դրաւ։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:21:2 И предал Господь в руку его Иоакима, царя Иудейского, и часть сосудов дома Божия, и он отправил их в землю Сеннаар, в дом бога своего, и внес эти сосуды в сокровищницу бога своего.
1:3 καὶ και and; even εἶπεν επω say; speak ὁ ο the βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king Αβιεσδρι αβιεσδρι the ἑαυτοῦ εαυτου of himself; his own ἀρχιευνούχῳ αρχιευνουχος lead; pass αὐτῷ αυτος he; him ἐκ εκ from; out of τῶν ο the υἱῶν υιος son τῶν ο the μεγιστάνων μεγιστανες magnate τοῦ ο the Ισραηλ ισραηλ.1 Israel καὶ και and; even ἐκ εκ from; out of τοῦ ο the βασιλικοῦ βασιλικος regal; royal γένους γενος family; class καὶ και and; even ἐκ εκ from; out of τῶν ο the ἐπιλέκτων επιλεκτος choice
1:3 וַ wa וְ and יֹּ֣אמֶר yyˈōmer אמר say הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֔לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king לְ lᵊ לְ to אַשְׁפְּנַ֖ז ʔašpᵊnˌaz אַשְׁפְּנַז Ashpenaz רַ֣ב rˈav רַב chief סָרִיסָ֑יו sārîsˈāʸw סָרִיס official לְ lᵊ לְ to הָבִ֞יא hāvˈî בוא come מִ mi מִן from בְּנֵ֧י bbᵊnˈê בֵּן son יִשְׂרָאֵ֛ל yiśrāʔˈēl יִשְׂרָאֵל Israel וּ û וְ and מִ mi מִן from זֶּ֥רַע zzˌeraʕ זֶרַע seed הַ ha הַ the מְּלוּכָ֖ה mmᵊlûḵˌā מְלוּכָה kingship וּ û וְ and מִן־ min- מִן from הַֽ hˈa הַ the פַּרְתְּמִֽים׃ ppartᵊmˈîm פַּרְתְּמִים nobles
1:3. et ait rex Asfanaz praeposito eunuchorum suorum ut introduceret de filiis Israhel et de semine regio et tyrannorumAnd the king spoke to Asphenez, the master of the eunuchs, that he should bring in some of the children of Israel, and of the king's seed, and of the princes,
3. And the king spake unto Ashpenaz the master of his eunuchs, that he should bring in of the children of Israel, even of the seed royal and of the nobles;
And the Lord gave Jehoiakim king of Judah into his hand, with part of the vessels of the house of God: which he carried into the land of Shinar to the house of his god; and he brought the vessels into the treasure house of his god:

1:2 И предал Господь в руку его Иоакима, царя Иудейского, и часть сосудов дома Божия, и он отправил их в землю Сеннаар, в дом бога своего, и внес эти сосуды в сокровищницу бога своего.
1:3
καὶ και and; even
εἶπεν επω say; speak
ο the
βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king
Αβιεσδρι αβιεσδρι the
ἑαυτοῦ εαυτου of himself; his own
ἀρχιευνούχῳ αρχιευνουχος lead; pass
αὐτῷ αυτος he; him
ἐκ εκ from; out of
τῶν ο the
υἱῶν υιος son
τῶν ο the
μεγιστάνων μεγιστανες magnate
τοῦ ο the
Ισραηλ ισραηλ.1 Israel
καὶ και and; even
ἐκ εκ from; out of
τοῦ ο the
βασιλικοῦ βασιλικος regal; royal
γένους γενος family; class
καὶ και and; even
ἐκ εκ from; out of
τῶν ο the
ἐπιλέκτων επιλεκτος choice
1:3
וַ wa וְ and
יֹּ֣אמֶר yyˈōmer אמר say
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֔לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
לְ lᵊ לְ to
אַשְׁפְּנַ֖ז ʔašpᵊnˌaz אַשְׁפְּנַז Ashpenaz
רַ֣ב rˈav רַב chief
סָרִיסָ֑יו sārîsˈāʸw סָרִיס official
לְ lᵊ לְ to
הָבִ֞יא hāvˈî בוא come
מִ mi מִן from
בְּנֵ֧י bbᵊnˈê בֵּן son
יִשְׂרָאֵ֛ל yiśrāʔˈēl יִשְׂרָאֵל Israel
וּ û וְ and
מִ mi מִן from
זֶּ֥רַע zzˌeraʕ זֶרַע seed
הַ ha הַ the
מְּלוּכָ֖ה mmᵊlûḵˌā מְלוּכָה kingship
וּ û וְ and
מִן־ min- מִן from
הַֽ hˈa הַ the
פַּרְתְּמִֽים׃ ppartᵊmˈîm פַּרְתְּמִים nobles
1:3. et ait rex Asfanaz praeposito eunuchorum suorum ut introduceret de filiis Israhel et de semine regio et tyrannorum
And the king spoke to Asphenez, the master of the eunuchs, that he should bring in some of the children of Israel, and of the king's seed, and of the princes,
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ kad▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
3. Приказ Навуходоносора о воспитании при царском дворе некоторых знатных иудейских юношей-пленников не составляет исключительного явления в истории ассиро-вавилонских государей. При завоевании какой-либо страны они нередко брали в плен небольших мальчиков знатного происхождения, давали им при дворе прекрасное воспитание наряду с детьми первых сановников государства, а впоследствии предоставляли им не только соответствующие должности в государственной службе, но и делали правителями целых областей. "Вавилонянина Белиба, выросшего, подобно маленькой собачке, в моем дворце, говорит в одной надписи Сеннахерим, я поставил в Сумире в Аккаде правителем над ними". Для обучения таких детей были устроены при дворах ассирийских и вавилонских царей особые школы, об учебных предметах которых можно судить по недавно открытой ниневийской библиотеке Ассурбанипала. Ее плитки содержат руководства по азбуке, грамматике, истории, словарь халдео-туранский, словарь древнейших надписей, словарь ассирийских синонимов и целых выражений; записи юридического содержания, сведения об эпитетах и атрибутах разных богов, о главнейших храмах; фрагменты мифологического содержания и т. п. Совокупность всех этих знаний и сведений как нельзя более соответствует замечанию кн. пророка Даниила, что он был обучен "книгам и языку халдейскому", - языку вавилонской науки. Исполнение царского указа возлагается на "начальника евнухов" Асфеназа, не евнухов в буквальном смысле, т. е. скопцов, а высших придворных чиновников (Быт 37:36: ср. 3: Цар 22:9; 4: Цар 20:18; 25:19; Ис 39:7). Ему принадлежал надзор за всеми жившими и служившими при царском дворе; он же выбирает из знатных пленных юношей будущих придворных чиновников - своих непосредственных подчиненных.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:3: Master of his eunuchs - This word eunuchs signifies officers about or in the palace whether literally eunuchs or not.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:3: And the king spake unto Ashpenaz the master of his eunuchs - On the general reasons which may have influenced the king to make the selection of the youths here mentioned, see the analysis of the chapter. Of Ashpenaz, nothing more is known than is stated here. Eunuchs were then, as they are now, in constant employ in the harems of the East, and they often rose to great influence and power. A large portion of the slaves employed at the courts in the East, and in the houses of the wealthy, are eunuchs. Compare Burckhardt's "Travels in Nubia," pp. 294, 295. They are regarded as the guardians of the female virtue of the harem, but their situation gives them great influence, and they often rise high in the favor of their employers, and often become the principal officers of the court. "The chief of the black eunuchs is yet, at the court of the Sultan, which is arranged much in accordance with the ancient court of Persia, an officer of the highest dignity. He is called Kislar-Aga, the overseer of the women, and is the chief of the black eunuchs, who guard the harem, or the apartments of the females. The Kislar-Aga enjoys, through his situation, a vast influence, especially in regard to the offices of the court, the principal Agas deriving their situations through him." See Jos. von Hammers "des Osmanischen Reichs Staatsverwalt," Thes i. s. 71, as quoted in Rosenmuller's "Alte und neue Morgenland," ii. 357, 358.
That it is common in the East to desire that those employed in public service should have vigorous bodies, and beauty of form, and to train them for this, will be apparent from the following extract: "Curtius says, that in all barbarous or uncivilized countries, the stateliness of the body is held in great veneration; nor do they think him capable of great services or action to whom nature has not vouchsafed to give a beautiful form and aspect. It has always been the custom of eastern nations to choose such for their principal officers, or to wait on princes and great personages. Sir Paul Ricaut observes, 'That the youths that are designed for the great offices of the Turkish empire must be of admirable features and looks, well shaped in their bodies, and without any defect of nature; for it is conceived that a corrupt and sordid soul can scarcely inhabit in a serene and ingenuous aspect; and I have observed, not only in the seraglio, but also in the courts of great men, their personal attendants have been of comely lusty youths, well habited, deporting themselves with singular modesty and respect in the presence of their masters; so that when a Pascha Aga Spahi travels, he is always attended with a comely equipage, followed by flourishing youths, well clothed, and mounted, in great numbers. '" - Burder. This may serve to explain the reason of the arrangement made in respect to these Hebrew youths.
That he should bring certain of the children of Israel - Hebrew, "of the sons of Israel." Nothing can with certainty be determined respecting their "age" by the use of this expression, for the phrase means merely the descendants of Jacob, or Israel, that is, "Jews," and it would be applied to them at any time of life. It would seem, however, from subsequent statements, that those who were selected were young men. It is evident that young men would be better qualified for the object contemplated - to be "trained" in the language and the sciences of the Chaldeans Dan 1:4 - than those who were at a more advanced period of life.
And of the king's seed, and of the princes - That the most illustrious, and the most promising of them were to be selected; those who would be most adapted to accomplish the object which he had in view. Compare the analysis of the chapter. It is probable that the king presumed that among the royal youths who had been made captive there would be found those of most talent, and of course those best qualified to impart dignity and honor to his government, as well as those who would be most likely to be qualified to make known future events by the interpretation of dreams, and by the prophetic intimations of the Divine will.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:3: Foretold, Kg2 20:17, Kg2 20:18; Isa 39:7; Jer 41:1
Carl Friedrich Keil and Franz Delitzsch
1:3
The name אשׁפּנז, sounding like the Old Persian Ap, a horse, has not yet received any satisfactory or generally adopted explanation. The man so named was the chief marshal of the court of Nebuchadnezzar. סריסים רב (the word רב used for שׂר, Dan 1:7, Dan 1:9, belongs to the later usage of the language, cf. Jer 39:3) means chief commander of the eunuchs, i.e., overseer of the srail, the Kislar Aga, and then in a wider sense minister of the royal palace, chief of all the officers; since סריס frequently, with a departure from its fundamental meaning, designates only a courtier, chamberlain, attendant on the king, as in Gen 37:36. The meaning of להביא, more definitely determined by the context, is to lead, i.e., into the land of Shinar, to Babylon. In ישׂראל בּני, Israel is the theocratic name of the chosen people, and is not to be explained, as Hitz. does, as meaning that Benjamin and Levi, and many belonging to other tribes, yet formed part of the kingdom of Judah. וּמן ... וּמזּרע, as well of the seed ... as also. פּרתּמים is the Zend. frathema, Sanscr. prathama, i.e., persons of distinction, magnates. ילדים, the object to להביא, designates youths of from fifteen to twenty years of age. Among the Persians the education of boys by the παιδάγωγαι βασίλειοι began, according to Plato (Alcib. i. 37), in their fourteenth year, and according to Xenophon (Cyrop. i. 2), the ἔφηβοι were in their seventeenth year capable of entering into the service of the king. In choosing the young men, the master of the eunuchs was commanded to have regard to bodily perfection and beauty as well as to mental endowments. Freedom from blemish and personal beauty were looked upon as a characteristic of moral and intellectual nobility; cf. Curtius, xvii. 5, 29. מאוּם, blemish, is written with an , as in Job 31:7.
Dan 1:4-5
משׂכּיל, skilful, intelligent in all wisdom, i.e., in the subjects of Chaldean wisdom (cf. Dan 1:17), is to be understood of the ability to apply themselves to the study of wisdom. In like manner the other mental requisites here mentioned are to be understood. דעת ידעי, having knowledge, showing understanding; מדּע מביני, possessing a faculty for knowledge, a strength of judgment. בּהם כּוח ואשׁר, in whom was strength, i.e., who had the fitness in bodily and mental endowments appropriately to stand in the palace of the king, and as servants to attend to his commands. וּללמּדם (to teach them) is co-ordinate with להביא (to bring) in Dan 1:3, and depends on ויּאמר (and he spake). For this service they must be instructed and trained in the learning and language of the Chaldeans. ספר refers to the Chaldee literature, and in Dan 1:17 כּל־ספר, and לשׁון to conversation or the power of speaking in that language. כּשׂדּים, Chaldeans, is the name usually given (1) to the inhabitants of the Babylonian kingdom founded by Nabopolassar and Nebuchadnezzar, and (2) in a more restricted sense to the first class of the Babylonish priests and learned men or magi, and then frequently to the whole body of the wise men of Babylon; cf. at Dan 2:2. In this second meaning the word is here used. The language of the כּשׂדּים is not, as Ros., Hitz., and Kran. suppose, the Eastern Aramaic branch of the Semitic language, which is usually called the Chaldean language; for this tongue, in which the Chaldean wise men answered Nebuchadnezzar (Dan 2:4.), is called in Dan 2:4, as well as in Ezra 4:7 and Is 36:11, the ארמית, Aramaic (Syriac), and is therefore different from the language of the כּשׁדּים.
But the question as to what this language used by the Chaldeans was, depends on the view that may be taken of the much controverted question as to the origin of the כּשׂדּים, Χαλδαίοι. The oldest historical trace of the כּשׂדּים lies in the name כּשׂדּים אוּר (Ur of the Chaldees, lxx χώρα τῶν Χαλδαίων), the place from which Terah the father of Abraham went forth with his family to Charran in the north of Mesopotamia. The origin of Abraham from Ur of the Chaldees, when taken in connection with the fact (Gen 22:22) that one of the sons of Nahor, Abraham's brother, was called כּשׂד (Chesed), whose descendants would be called כּשׂדּים, appears to speak for the origin of the כּשׂדּים from Shem. In addition to this also, and in support of the same opinion, it has been noticed that one of Shem's sons was called ארפּכשׁד (Arphaxad). But the connection of ארפכשׁד with כּשׂד is unwarrantable; and that Nahor's son כּשׂד was the father of a race called כשׂדים, is a supposition which cannot be established. But if a race actually descended from this כשׂד, then they could be no other than the Bedouin tribe the כּשׂדּים, which fell upon Job's camels (Job 1:17), but not the people of the Chaldees after whom, in Terah's time, Ur was already named. The sojourn of the patriarch Abraham in Ur of the Chaldees finally by no means proves that Terah himself was a Chaldean. He may have been induced also by the advance of the Chaldeans into Northern Mesopotamia to go forth on his wanderings.
This much is at all events unquestionable, and is now acknowledged, that the original inhabitants of Babylonia were of Semitic origin, as the account of the origin of the nations in Gen 10 shows. According to Gen 10:22, Shem had five sons, Elam, Asshur, Arphaxad, Lud, and Aram, whose descendants peopled and gave name to the following countries: - The descendants of Elam occupied the country called Elymais, between the Lower Tigris and the mountains of Iran; of Asshur, Assyria, lying to the north-the hilly country between the Tigris and the mountain range of Iran; or Arphaxad, the country of Arrapachitis on the Upper Tigris, on the eastern banks of that river, where the highlands of Armenia begin to descend. Lud, the father of the Lydians, is the representative of the Semites who went westward to Asia Minor; and Aram of the Semites who spread along the middle course of the Euphrates to the Tigris in the east, and to Syria in the west. From this M. Duncker (Gesch. des Alterth.) has concluded: "According to this catalogue of the nations, which shows the extension of the Semitic race from the mountains of Armenia southward to the Persian Gulf, eastward to the mountains of Iran, westward into Asia Minor, we follow the Semites along the course of the two great rivers, the Euphrates and the Tigris, to the south. Northwards from Arphaxad lie the mountains of the Chasdim, whom the Greeks call Chaldaei, Carduchi, Gordiaei, whose boundary toward Armenia was the river Centrites."
"If we find the name of the Chaldeans also on the Lower Euphrates, if in particular that name designates a region on the western bank of the Euphrates to its mouth, the extreme limit of the fruitful land watered by the Euphrates towards the Arabian desert, then we need not doubt that this name was brought from the Armenian mountains to the Lower Euphrates, and that it owes its origin to the migration of these Chaldeans from the mountains. - Berosus uses as interchangeable the names Chaldea and Babylonia for the whole region between the Lower Euphrates and the Tigris down to the sea. But it is remarkable that the original Semitic name of this region, Shinar, is distinct from that of the Chaldeans; remarkable that the priests in Shinar were specially called Chaldeans, that in the fragments of Berosus the patriarchs were already designated Chaldeans of this or that city, and finally that the native rulers were particularly known by this name. We must from all this conclude, that there was a double migration fro the north to the regions on the Lower Euphrates and Tigris; that they were first occupied by the Elamites, who came down along the Tigris; and that afterwards a band came down from the mountains of the Chaldeans along the western bank of the Tigris, that they kept their flocks for a long time in the region of Nisibis, and faintly that they followed the Euphrates and obtained superiority over the earlier settlers, who had sprung from the same stem (?), and spread themselves westward from the mouth of the Euphrates. The supremacy which was thus established was exercised by the chiefs of the Chaldeans; they were the ruling family in the kingdom which they founded by their authority, and whose older form of civilisation they adopted."
If, according to this, the Chaldeans are certainly not Semites, then it is not yet decided whether they belonged to the Japhetic race of Aryans, or, as C. Sax
(Note: In the Abhdl. "on the ancient history of Babylon and the nationality of the Cushites and the Chaldeans," in the Deutsch. morg. Ztschr. xxii. pp. 1-68. Here Sac seeks to prove "that the Chaldeans, identical with the biblical Chasdim, were a tribe ruling from ancient times from the Persian Gulf to the Black Sea, and particularly in Babylonia, which at length occupied the southern region from the mouth of the Euphrates to the Armeneo-Pontine range of mountains, but was in Babylonia especially represented by the priest caste and the learned." This idea the author grounds on the identification of the Bible Cushites with the Scythians of the Greeks and Romans, the evidence for which is for the most part extremely weak, and consists of arbitrary and violent combinations, the inconsistency of which is at once manifest, as e.g., the identification of the כּשׂדּים with the כּסלחים, Gen 10:14, the conclusions drawn from Ezek 29:10 and Ezek 38:5. of the spread of the Cushites into Arabia and their reception into the Scythian army of the northern Gog, etc. In general, as Sax presents it, this supposition is untenable, yet it contains elements of truth which are not to be overlooked.)
has recently endeavoured to make probable, to the Hamitic race of Cushites, a nation belonging to the Tartaric (Turamic) family of nations. As to the Aryan origin, besides the relation of the Chaldeans, the Gordiaei, and the Carduchi to the modern Kurds, whose language belongs to the Indo-Germanic, and indeed to the Aryan family of languages, the further circumstance may be referred to: that in Assyria and Babylonia the elements of the Aryan language are found in very ancient times. Yet these two facts do not furnish any conclusive evidence on the point. From the language of the modern Kurds being related to the Aryan language no certain conclusion can be drawn as to the language of the ancient Chaldees, Gordiaei, and Carduchi; and the introduction of Aryan words and appellations into the language of the Semitic Assyrians and Babylonians is fully explained, partly from the intercourse which both could not but maintain with Iranians, the Medes and Persians, who were bordering nations, partly from the dominion exercised for some time over Babylonia by the Iranian race, which is affirmed in the fragments of Berosus, according to which the second dynasty in Babylon after the Flood was the Median. Notwithstanding we would decide in favour of the Aryan origin of the Chaldeans, did not on the one side the biblical account of the kingdom which Nimrod the Cushite founded in Babel and extended over Assyria (Gen 10:8-12), and on the other the result to which the researches of the learned into the antiquities of Assyria regarding the development of culture and of writing in Babylonia,
(Note: The biblical tradition regarding the kingdom founded by Nimrod in Babel, Duncker (p. 204) has with arbitrary authority set aside, because it is irreconcilable with his idea of the development of Babylonian culture. It appears, however, to receive confirmation from recent researches into the ancient monuments of Babylonia and Assyria, which have led to the conclusion, that of the three kinds of cuneiform letters that of the Babylonian bricks is older than the Assyrian, and that the oldest form originated in an older hieroglyphic writing, of which isolated examples are found in the valley of the Tigris and in Susiana; whence it must be concluded that the invention of cuneiform letters did not take place among the Semites, but among a people of the Tauranian race which probably had in former times their seat in Susiana, or at the mouth of the Euphrates and the Tigris on the Persian Gulf. Cf. Spiegel in Herz.'s Realencyclop., who, after stating this result, remarks: "Thus the fact is remarkable that a people of the Turko-Tartaric race appear as the possessors of a high culture, while people of this tribe appear in the world's history almost always as only destitute of culture, and in many ways hindering civilisation; so that it cannot but be confessed that, so far as matters now are, one is almost constrained to imagine that the state of the case is as follows," and thus he concludes his history of cuneiform writing: - "Cuneiform writing arose in ancient times, several thousand years before the birth of Christ, very probably from an ancient hieroglyphic system of writing, in the region about the mouths of the Euphrates and the Tigris on the Persian Gulf. It was found existing by a people of a strange race, belonging neither to the Semites nor to the Indo-Germans. It was very soon, however, adopted by the Semites. The oldest monuments of cuneiform writing belong to the extreme south of the Mesopotamian plain. In the course of time it pressed northward first to Babylon, where it assumed a more regular form than among the Assyrians. From Assyria it may have come among the Indo-Germans first to Armenia; for the specimens of cuneiform writing found in Armenia are indeed in syllabic writing, but in a decidedly Indo-Germanic language. How the syllabic writing was changed into letter-(of the alphabet) writing is as yet obscure. The most recent kind of cuneiform writing which we know, the Old Persian, is decidedly letter-writing." Should this view of the development of the cuneiform style of writing be confirmed by further investigations, then it may be probable that the Chaldeans were the possessors and cultivators of this science of writing, and that their language and literature belonged neither to the Semitic nor yet to the Indo-Germanic or Aryan family of languages.)
make this view very doubtful.
If, then, for the present no certain answer can be given to the question as to the origin of the Chaldeans and the nature of their language and writing, yet this much may be accepted as certain, that the language and writing of the כּשׂדּים was not Semitic or Aramaic, but that the Chaldeans had in remote times migrated into Babylonia, and there had obtained dominion over the Semitic inhabitants of the land, and that from among this dominant race the Chaldees, the priestly and the learned cast of the Chaldeans, arose. This caste in Babylon is much older than the Chaldean monarchy founded by Nebuchadnezzar.
Daniel and his companions were to be educated in the wisdom of the Chaldean priests and learned men, which was taught in the schools of Babylon, at Borsippa in Babylonia, and Hipparene in Mesopotamia (Strab. xvi. 1, and Plin. Hist. Nat. vi. 26). Dan 1:5. To this end Nebuchadnezzar assigned to them for their support provision from the king's household, following Oriental custom, according to which all officers of the court were fed from the king's table, as Athen. iv. 10, p. 69, and Plut. probl. vii. 4, testify regarding the Persians. This appears also (3Kings 5:2-3) to have been the custom in Israel. בּיומו יום דּבר, the daily portion, cf. Ex 5:13, Ex 5:19; Jer 52:34, etc. פּתבּג comes from path, in Zend. paiti, Sanscr. prati = προτί, πρός, and bag, in Sanscr. bhâga, portion, provision, cf. Ezek 25:7. With regard to the composition, cf. The Sanscr. pratibhâgha, a portion of fruits, flowers, etc., which the Rajah daily requires for his household; cf. Gildemeister in Lassen's Zeits.f. d. Kunde des Morg. iv. 1, p. 214. פּתבּג therefore means neither ambrosia, nor dainties, but generally food, victuals, food of flesh and meal in opposition to wine, drink (משׁתּיו is singular), and vegetables (Dan 1:12).
The king also limits the period of their education to three years, according to the Persian as well as the Chaldean custom. וּלגדּלם does not depend on ויּאמר (Dan 1:3), but is joined with וימן, and is the final infinitive with וexplicative, meaning, and that he may nourish them. The infinitive is expressed by the fin. verb יעמדוּ, to stand before (the king). The carrying out of the king's command is passed over as a matter of course, yet it is spoken of as obeyed (cf. Dan 1:6.).
Dan 1:6-7
Daniel and his three friends were among the young men who were carried to Babylon. They were of the sons of Judah, i.e., of the tribe of Judah. From this it follows that the other youths of noble descent who had been carried away along with them belonged to other tribes. The name of none of these is recorded. The names only of Daniel and his three companions belonging to the same tribe are mentioned, because the history recorded in this book specially brings them under our notice. As the future servants of the Chaldean king, they received as a sign of their relation to him other names, as the kings Eliakim and Mattaniah had their names changed (4Kings 23:34; 4Kings 24:17) by Necho and Nebuchadnezzar when they made them their vassals. But while these kings had only their paternal names changed for other Israelitish names which were given to them by their conquerors, Daniel and his friends received genuine heathen names in exchange for their own significant names, which were associated with that of the true God. The names given to them were formed partly from the names of Babylonish idols, in order that thereby they might become wholly naturalized, and become estranged at once from the religion and the country of their fathers.
(Note: "The design of the king was to lead these youths to adopt the customs of the Chaldeans, that they might have nothing in common with the chosen people." - Calvin.)
Daniel, i.e., God will judge, received the name Belteshazzar, formed from Bel, the name of the chief god of the Babylonians. Its meaning has not yet been determined. Hananiah, i.e., the Lord is gracious, received the name Shadrach, the origin of which is wholly unknown; Mishael, i.e., who is what the Lord is, was called Meshach, a name yet undeciphered; and Azariah, i.e., the Lord helps, had his name changed into Abednego, i.e., slave, servant of Nego or Nebo, the name of the second god of the Babylonians (Is 46:1), the בbeing changed by the influence of בin עבד into ג (i.e., Nego instead of Nebo).
Geneva 1599
1:3 And the king spake unto (c) Ashpenaz the master of his (d) eunuchs, that he should bring [certain] of the children of Israel, and of the (e) king's seed, and of the princes;
(c) Who was as master of the guards.
(d) He calls them "eunuchs" whom the King nourished and brought up to be rulers of other countries afterwards.
(e) His purpose was to keep them as hostages, and so that he might show himself victorious, and also by their good entreaty and learning of his religion, they might favour him rather than the Jews, and so to be able to serve him as governors in their land. Moreover by this means the Jews might be better kept in subjection, fearing otherwise to bring hurt upon these noble men.
John Gill
1:3 And the king spake unto Ashpenaz, the master of his eunuchs,.... That is, Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon spake to this officer of his, whose name was Ashpenaz; which, according to Saadiah, signifies a man of an angry countenance; but Hillerus (e) derives it from the Arabic word "schaphan", as designing one that excels in wit and understanding; for which reason he might have the command of the eunuchs, many of which the eastern princes had about them, particularly to wait upon their women, or to educate youth, as the Turks have now; though, as R. Jeshuah in Aben Ezra observes, the word signifies ministers, and may intend the king's nobles and courtiers, his ministers of state; and so this Ashpenaz may be considered as his prime minister, to whom he gave orders,
that he should bring certain of the children of Israel; whom he had taken and brought captive to Babylon, and were disposed of in some part or another of the city and country; and out of these it was his will that some should be selected and brought to his court:
and of the king's seed, and of the princes: or, "even (f) of the king's seed, and of the princes"; not any of the children of Israel, but such as were of the blood royal, or of the king of Judah's family, or some way related to it; or, however, that were of princely birth, the children of persons of the first rank, as the word (g) may signify; or of nobles and dukes, as Jarchi interprets it.
(e) Onomast. Sacr. p. 752, 753. (f) , so is sometimes rendered; see Noldius. p. 276. (g) "ex Graeca voce" Grotius, Junius.
John Wesley
1:3 Of the eunuchs - These were chief among the king's servants; and they are called eunuchs, because many of them were such. And of the princes - Here was fulfilled what the prophet Isaiah had foretold, Is 39:7.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:3 master of . . . eunuchs--called in Turkey the kislar aga.
of the king's seed--compare the prophecy, 4Kings 20:17-18.
1:31:3: Եւ ասէ թագաւորն ցԱզփանէս ներքինապետ իւր, ածել յորդւոց գերութեանն Իսրայէլի, եւ ՚ի զաւակէ թագաւորութեանն, եւ ՚ի Պարթեւաց[12028], [12028] Ոմանք. ՑԱսփանէզ ներքինապետն։
3 Թագաւորը իր ներքինապետ Ասփանէզին ասաց, որ գերի իսրայէլացիների միջից, թագաւորական տոհմից եւ ազնուականներից
3 Թագաւորը իր ներքինապետին Ասփանէզին ըսաւ որ Իսրայէլի որդիներէն ու թագաւորական սերունդէն եւ իշխաններէն
Եւ ասէ թագաւորն ցԱսփանէզ ներքինապետ իւր` ածել յորդւոց [2]գերութեանն Իսրայելի եւ ի զաւակէ թագաւորութեանն եւ [3]ի Պարթեւաց:

1:3: Եւ ասէ թագաւորն ցԱզփանէս ներքինապետ իւր, ածել յորդւոց գերութեանն Իսրայէլի, եւ ՚ի զաւակէ թագաւորութեանն, եւ ՚ի Պարթեւաց[12028],
[12028] Ոմանք. ՑԱսփանէզ ներքինապետն։
3 Թագաւորը իր ներքինապետ Ասփանէզին ասաց, որ գերի իսրայէլացիների միջից, թագաւորական տոհմից եւ ազնուականներից
3 Թագաւորը իր ներքինապետին Ասփանէզին ըսաւ որ Իսրայէլի որդիներէն ու թագաւորական սերունդէն եւ իշխաններէն
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:31:3 И сказал царь Асфеназу, начальнику евнухов своих, чтобы он из сынов Израилевых, из рода царского и княжеского, привел
1:4 νεανίσκους νεανισκος young man ἀμώμους αμωμος flawless; blameless καὶ και and; even εὐειδεῖς ευειδης and; even ἐπιστήμονας επιστημων expert ἐν εν in πάσῃ πας all; every σοφίᾳ σοφια wisdom καὶ και and; even γραμματικοὺς γραμματικος and; even συνετοὺς συνετος comprehending; intelligent καὶ και and; even σοφοὺς σοφος wise καὶ και and; even ἰσχύοντας ισχυω have means; have force ὥστε ωστε as such; that εἶναι ειμι be ἐν εν in τῷ ο the οἴκῳ οικος home; household τοῦ ο the βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king καὶ και and; even διδάξαι διδασκω teach αὐτοὺς αυτος he; him γράμματα γραμμα writing; letter καὶ και and; even διάλεκτον διαλεκτος dialect Χαλδαϊκὴν χαλδαικος Chaldaikos
1:4 יְלָדִ֣ים yᵊlāḏˈîm יֶלֶד boy אֲשֶׁ֣ר ʔᵃšˈer אֲשֶׁר [relative] אֵֽין־ ʔˈên- אַיִן [NEG] בָּהֶ֣ם bāhˈem בְּ in כָּל־ kol- כֹּל whole מוּם֩מאום *mûm מאוּם blemish וְ wᵊ וְ and טֹובֵ֨י ṭôvˌê טֹוב good מַרְאֶ֜ה marʔˈeh מַרְאֶה sight וּ û וְ and מַשְׂכִּילִ֣ים maśkîlˈîm שׂכל prosper בְּ bᵊ בְּ in כָל־ ḵol- כֹּל whole חָכְמָ֗ה ḥoḵmˈā חָכְמָה wisdom וְ wᵊ וְ and יֹ֤דְעֵי yˈōḏᵊʕê ידע know דַ֨עַת֙ ḏˈaʕaṯ דַּעַת knowledge וּ û וְ and מְבִינֵ֣י mᵊvînˈê בין understand מַדָּ֔ע maddˈāʕ מַדָּע knowledge וַ wa וְ and אֲשֶׁר֙ ʔᵃšˌer אֲשֶׁר [relative] כֹּ֣חַ kˈōₐḥ כֹּחַ strength בָּהֶ֔ם bāhˈem בְּ in לַ la לְ to עֲמֹ֖ד ʕᵃmˌōḏ עמד stand בְּ bᵊ בְּ in הֵיכַ֣ל hêḵˈal הֵיכָל palace הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֑לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king וּֽ ˈû וְ and לֲ lᵃ לְ to לַמְּדָ֥ם lammᵊḏˌām למד learn סֵ֖פֶר sˌēfer סֵפֶר letter וּ û וְ and לְשֹׁ֥ון lᵊšˌôn לָשֹׁון tongue כַּשְׂדִּֽים׃ kaśdˈîm כַּשְׂדִּים Chaldeans
1:4. pueros in quibus nulla esset macula decoros forma et eruditos omni sapientia cautos scientia et doctos disciplina et qui possent stare in palatio regis ut doceret eos litteras et linguam ChaldeorumChildren in whom there was no blemish, well favoured, and skilful in all wisdom, acute in knowledge, and instructed in science, and such as might stand in the king's palace, that he might teach them the learning, and tongue of the Chaldeans.
4. youths in whom was no blemish, but well favoured, and skilful in all wisdom, and cunning in knowledge, and understanding science, and such as had ability to stand in the king’s palace; and that he should teach them the learning and the tongue of the Chaldeans.
And the king spake unto Ashpenaz the master of his eunuchs, that he should bring [certain] of the children of Israel, and of the king' s seed, and of the princes:

1:3 И сказал царь Асфеназу, начальнику евнухов своих, чтобы он из сынов Израилевых, из рода царского и княжеского, привел
1:4
νεανίσκους νεανισκος young man
ἀμώμους αμωμος flawless; blameless
καὶ και and; even
εὐειδεῖς ευειδης and; even
ἐπιστήμονας επιστημων expert
ἐν εν in
πάσῃ πας all; every
σοφίᾳ σοφια wisdom
καὶ και and; even
γραμματικοὺς γραμματικος and; even
συνετοὺς συνετος comprehending; intelligent
καὶ και and; even
σοφοὺς σοφος wise
καὶ και and; even
ἰσχύοντας ισχυω have means; have force
ὥστε ωστε as such; that
εἶναι ειμι be
ἐν εν in
τῷ ο the
οἴκῳ οικος home; household
τοῦ ο the
βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king
καὶ και and; even
διδάξαι διδασκω teach
αὐτοὺς αυτος he; him
γράμματα γραμμα writing; letter
καὶ και and; even
διάλεκτον διαλεκτος dialect
Χαλδαϊκὴν χαλδαικος Chaldaikos
1:4
יְלָדִ֣ים yᵊlāḏˈîm יֶלֶד boy
אֲשֶׁ֣ר ʔᵃšˈer אֲשֶׁר [relative]
אֵֽין־ ʔˈên- אַיִן [NEG]
בָּהֶ֣ם bāhˈem בְּ in
כָּל־ kol- כֹּל whole
מוּם֩מאום
*mûm מאוּם blemish
וְ wᵊ וְ and
טֹובֵ֨י ṭôvˌê טֹוב good
מַרְאֶ֜ה marʔˈeh מַרְאֶה sight
וּ û וְ and
מַשְׂכִּילִ֣ים maśkîlˈîm שׂכל prosper
בְּ bᵊ בְּ in
כָל־ ḵol- כֹּל whole
חָכְמָ֗ה ḥoḵmˈā חָכְמָה wisdom
וְ wᵊ וְ and
יֹ֤דְעֵי yˈōḏᵊʕê ידע know
דַ֨עַת֙ ḏˈaʕaṯ דַּעַת knowledge
וּ û וְ and
מְבִינֵ֣י mᵊvînˈê בין understand
מַדָּ֔ע maddˈāʕ מַדָּע knowledge
וַ wa וְ and
אֲשֶׁר֙ ʔᵃšˌer אֲשֶׁר [relative]
כֹּ֣חַ kˈōₐḥ כֹּחַ strength
בָּהֶ֔ם bāhˈem בְּ in
לַ la לְ to
עֲמֹ֖ד ʕᵃmˌōḏ עמד stand
בְּ bᵊ בְּ in
הֵיכַ֣ל hêḵˈal הֵיכָל palace
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֑לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
וּֽ ˈû וְ and
לֲ lᵃ לְ to
לַמְּדָ֥ם lammᵊḏˌām למד learn
סֵ֖פֶר sˌēfer סֵפֶר letter
וּ û וְ and
לְשֹׁ֥ון lᵊšˌôn לָשֹׁון tongue
כַּשְׂדִּֽים׃ kaśdˈîm כַּשְׂדִּים Chaldeans
1:4. pueros in quibus nulla esset macula decoros forma et eruditos omni sapientia cautos scientia et doctos disciplina et qui possent stare in palatio regis ut doceret eos litteras et linguam Chaldeorum
Children in whom there was no blemish, well favoured, and skilful in all wisdom, acute in knowledge, and instructed in science, and such as might stand in the king's palace, that he might teach them the learning, and tongue of the Chaldeans.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ all ▾
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:4: Children - ילדים yeladim, youths, young men; and so the word should be rendered throughout this book.
Skilled in all wisdom - Rather, persons capable of every kind of literary accomplishment, that they might be put under proper instruction. And as children of the blood and of the nobles mere most likely, from the care usually taken of their initiatory education, to profit most by the elaborate instruction here designed, the master of the eunuchs, the king's chamberlain, was commanded to choose the youths in question out of such.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:4: Children in whom was no blemish - The word rendered "children" in this place (ילדים yelâ dı̂ ym) is different from that which is rendered "children" in Job 1:3 - בנים bâ nnı̂ ym). That word denotes merely that they were "sons," or "descendants," of Israel, without implying anything in regard to their age; the word here used would be appropriate only to those who were at an early period of life, and makes it certain that the king meant that those who were selected should be youths. Compare Gen 4:23, where the word is rendered "a young man." It is sometimes, indeed, used to denote a son, without reference to age, and is then synonymous with בן bê n, a "son." But it properly means "one born;" that is, "recently born;" a child, Gen 21:8; Exo 1:17; Exo 2:3; and then one in early life. There can be no doubt that the monarch meant to designate youths. So the Vulgate, pueros, and the Greek, νεανισκους neaniskous, and so the Syriac. All these words would be applicable to those who were in early life, or to young men. Compare Introduction to Daniel, Section I. The word "blemish" refers to bodily defect or imperfection. The object was to select those who were most perfect in form, perhaps partly because it was supposed that beautiful youths would most grace the court, and partly because it was supposed that such would be likely to have the brightest intellectual endowments. It was regarded as essential to personal beauty to be without blemish, Sa2 14:25 : "But in all Israel there was none to be so much praised as Absalom for beauty; from the sole of Iris foot even to the crown of his head there was no blemish in him." Sol 4:7 : "thou art all fair, my love; there is no spot in thee." The word is sometimes used in a moral sense, to denote corruption of heart or life Deu 32:5; Job 11:15; Job 31:7, but that is not the meaning here.
But well-favored - Hebrew, "good of appearance;" that is, beautiful.
And skillful in all wisdom - Intelligent, wise - that is, in all that was esteemed wise in their own country. The object was to bring forward the most talented and intelligent, as well as the most beautiful, among the Hebrew captives.
And cunning in knowledge - In all that could be known. The distinction between the word here rendered "knowledge" (דעת da‛ ath) and the word rendered "science" (מדע maddâ‛) is not apparent. Both come from the word ידע yâ da‛ to "know," and would be applicable to any kind of knowledge. The word rendered "cunning" is also derived from the same root, and means "knowing," or "skilled in." We more commonly apply the word to a particular kind of knowledge, meaning artful, shrewd, astute, sly, crafty, designing. But this was not the meaning of the word when the translation of the Bible was made, and it is not employed in that sense in the Scriptures. It is always used in a good sense, meaning intelligent, skillful, experienced, well-instructed. Compare Gen 25:27; Exo 26:1; Exo 28:15; Exo 38:23; Sa1 16:16; Ch1 25:7; Psa 137:5; Isa 3:3.
And understanding science - That is, the sciences which pRev_ailed among the Hebrews. They were not a nation distinguished for "science," in the sense in which that term is now commonly understood - embracing astronomy, chemistry, geology, mathematics, electricity, etc.; but their science extended chiefly to music, architecture, natural history, agriculture, morals, theology, war, and the knowledge of future events; in all which they occupied an honorable distinction among the nations. In many of these respects they were, doubtless, far in advance of the Chaldeans; and it was probably the purpose of the Chaldean monarch to avail himself of what they knew.
And such as had ability in them to stand in the king's palace - Hebrew, "had strength" - כח kô ach. Properly meaning, who had strength of body for the service which would be required of them in attending on the court. "A firm constitution of body is required for those protracted services of standing in the hall of the royal presence." - Grotius. The word "palace" here (היכל hê ykâ l) is commonly used to denote the temple (Kg2 24:13; Ch2 3:17; Jer 50:28; Hag 2:15. Its proper and primitive signification, however, is a large and magnificent building - a palace - and it was given to the temple as the "palace" of Jehovah, the abode where he dwelt as king of his people.
And whom they might teach - That they might be better qualified for the duties to which they might be called. The purpose was, doubtless (see analysis), to bring forward their talent, that it might contribute to the splendor of the Chaldean court; but as they were, doubtless, ignorant to a great extent of the language of the Chaldeans, and as there were sciences in which the Chaldeans were supposed to excel, it seemed desirable that they should have all the advantage which could be delayed from a careful training under the best masters.
The learning - - ספר sê pher. literally, "writing" Isa 29:11-12. Gesenius supposes that this means the "writing" of the Chaldeans; or that they might be able to read the language of the Chaldeans. But it, doubtless, included "the knowledge" of what was written, as well as the ability "to read" what was written; that is, the purpose was to instruct them in the sciences which were understood among the Chaldeans. They were distinguished chiefly for such sciences as these:
(1) Astronomy. This science is commonly supposed to have had its orion on the plains of Babylon, and it was early carried there to as high a degree of perfection as it attained in any of the ancient nations. Their mild climate, and their employment as shepherds, leading them to pass much of their time at night under the open heavens, gave them the opportunity of observing the stars, and they amused themselves in marking their positions and their changes, and in mapping out the heavens in a variety of fanciful figures, now called constellations.
(2) Astrology. This was at first a branch of astronomy, or was almost identical with it, for the stars were studied principally to endeavor to ascertain what influence they exerted over the fates of men, and especially what might be predicted from their position, on the birth of an individual, as to his future life. Astrology was then deemed a science whose laws were to be ascertained in the same way as the laws of any other science; and the world has been slow to disabuse itself of the notion that the stars exert an influence over the fates of men. Even Lord Bacon held that it was a science to be "reformed," not wholly rejected.
(3) Magic; soothsaying; divination; or whatever would contribute to lay open the future, or disclose the secrets of the invisible world. Hence, they applied themselves to the interpretation of dreams; they made use of magical arts, probably employing, as magicians do, some of the ascertained results of science in producing optical illusions, impressing the common with the belief that they were familiar with the secrets of the invisible world; and hence, the name "Chaldean" and "magician" became almost synonymous terms Dan 2:2; Dan 4:7; Dan 5:7.
(4) It is not improbable that they had made advances in other sciences, but of this we have little knowledge. They knew little of the true laws of astronomy, geology, cheministry, electricity, mathematics; and in these, and in kindred departments of science, they may be supposed to have been almost wholly ignorant.
And the tongue of the Chaldeans - In regard to the "Chaldeans," see the notes at Job 1:17; and the notes at Isa 23:13. The kingdom of Babylon was composed mainly of Chaldeans, and that kingdom was called "the realm of the Chaldeans" Dan 9:1. Of that realm, or kingdom, Babylon was the capital. The origin of the Chaldeans has been a subject of great perplexity, on which there is still a considerable variety of opinions. According to Heeren, they came from the North; by Gesenius they are supposed to have come from the mountains of Kurdistan; and by Michaelis, from the steppes of Scythia. They seem to have been an extended race, and probably occupied the whole of the region adjacent to what became Babylonia. Heeren expresses his opinion as to their origin in the following language: "It cannot be doubted that, at some remote period, antecedent to the commencement of historical records. "one mighty race" possessed these vast plains, varying in character according to the country which they inhabited; in the deserts of Arabia, pursuing a nomad life; in Syria, applying themselves to agriculture, and taking up settled abodes; in Babylonia, erecting the most magnificent cities of ancient times; and in Phoenicia, opening the earliest ports, and constructing fleets, which secured to them the commerce of the known world."
There exists at the present time, in the vicinity of the Bahrein Islands, and along the Persian Gulf, in the neighborhood of the Astan River, an Arab tribe, of the name of the "Beni Khaled," who are probably the same people as the "Gens Chaldei" of Pliny, and doubtless the descendants of the ancient race of the Chaldeans. On the question when they became a kingdom, or realm, making Babylon their capital, see the notes at Isa 23:13. Compare, for an interesting discussion of the subject, "Forster's Historical Geography of Arabia," vol. i. pp. 49-56. The language of the Chaldeans, in which a considerable part of the book of Daniel is written (see the Introduction Section IV., III.), differed from the Hebrew, though it was a branch of the same Aramean family of languages. It was, indeed, very closely allied to the Hebrew, but was so different that those who were acquainted with only one of the two languages could not understand the other. Compare Neh 8:8. Both were the offspring of the original Shemitish language. This original language may be properly reduced to three great branches:
(1) The Aramean, which pRev_ailed in Syria, Babylonia, and Mesopotamia; and which may, therefore, be divided into the Syriac or West-Aramean, and the Chaldee or East-Aramean, called after the Babylonian Aramean.
(2) The Hebrew, with which the fragments of the Phoenician coincide.
(3) The Arabic, under which belongs the Ethiopic as a dialect. The Aramean, which, after the return from the Babylonian captivity, was introduced into Palestine, and which pRev_ailed in the time of the Saviour, is commonly called the Syro-Chaldaic, because it was a mixture of the Eastern and Western dialects. The Chaldee, or East Aramean, and the Hebrew, had in general the same stock of original words, but they differed in several respects, such as the following:
(a) Many words of the old primitive language which had remained in one dialect had been lost in the other.
(b) The same word was current in both dialects, but in different significations, because in the one it retained the primitive signification, while in the other it had acquired different meaning.
(c) The Babylonian dialect had borrowed expressions from the Northern Chaldeans, who had made various irruptions into the country. These expressions were foreign to the Shemitish dialects, and belonged to the Japhetian language, which pRev_ailed among the Armenians, the Medes, the Persians, and the Chaldeans, who were probaby related to these. Traces of these foreign words are found in the names of the officers of state, and in expressions having reference to the government.
(d) The Babylonian pronunciation was more easy and more sonorous than the Hebrew. It exchanged the frequent sibilants of the Hebrew, and the other consonants which were hard to pronounce, for others which were less difficult: it dropped the long vowels which were not essential to the forms of words; it preferred the more sonorous "a" to the long "o," and assumed at the end of nouns, in order to lighten the pronunciation, a prolonged auxiliary vowel (the so-called emphatic א ('); it admitted contractions in pronouncing many words) and must have been, as the language of common life, far better adapted to the sluggish Orientals than the harsher Hebrew. See an article "On the PRev_alence of the Aramean Language in Palestine in the age of Christ and the Apostles," by Henry F. Pfannkuche, in the "Biblical Repository," vol. i. pp. 318, 319. On this verse also, compare the notes at Isa 39:7.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:4: Children: The word yeladim rendered children, is frequently used for lads, or young men (see Gen 21:8, Gen 21:14-16), νεανισκους, as the LXX render; and Daniel must have been at this time at least seventeen or eighteen years of age.
in whom: Lev 21:18-21, Lev 24:19, Lev 24:20; Jdg 8:18; Sa2 14:25; Act 7:20; Eph 5:27
and skillful: Rather, as Houbigant renders, "apt to understand wisdom, to acquire knowledge, and to attain science;" for it was not a knowledge of the sciences, but merely a capacity to learn them, that was required. Dan 2:20, Dan 2:21, Dan 5:11; Ecc 7:19; Act 7:22
ability: Dan 1:17-20; Pro 22:29
Geneva 1599
1:4 Children in whom [was] no blemish, but well (f) favoured, and skilful in all wisdom, and cunning in knowledge, and understanding science, and such as [had] ability in them to stand in the king's palace, and whom they might teach the (g) learning and the tongue of the Chaldeans.
(f) The King required three things: that they should be of noble birth, that they should be intelligent and learned, and that they should be of a strong and handsome nature, so that they might do him better service. This he did for his own benefit, therefore it is not to praise his liberality: yet in this he is worthy of praise, that he esteemed learning, and knew that it was a necessary means to govern by.
(g) That they might forget their own religion and country fashions to serve him the better to his purpose: yet it is not to be thought that Daniel learned any knowledge that was not godly. In all points he refused the abuse of things and superstition, insomuch that he would not eat the meat which the King appointed him, but was content to learn the knowledge of natural things.
John Gill
1:4 Children in whom was no blemish,.... Not mere children, but young men of fifteen or twenty years of age; about which age Daniel is by Aben Ezra supposed to be when he was carried captive; and less than this be cannot well be thought to be, since, in a few years after, he was put into posts of the greatest eminence and importance: such were ordered to be selected that had no deformity or defect in any parts of their body, or wanted any, as an eye, or a hand, &c.; or, "in whom was not anything" (h); vicious or immoral, or scandalous in their character:
but well favoured; of a good complexion, a ruddy countenance, and a healthful look. So Curtius (i) says, that, in all barbarous or uncivilized countries, the stateliness and size of the body is had in great veneration; nor do they think any capable of great services or actions, to whom nature has not vouchsafed to give a beautiful form and aspect. And Aristotle (k) says it was reported, that, in Ethiopia, civil offices of government or magistracy were distributed according to the bulk or beauty of men, the largeness and tallness of their bodies, or the comeliness of them; and not only among them, but this has always been the custom of the eastern nations, to choose such for their principal officers, or to wait on princes and great personages, and continues to this day. Sir Paul Ricaut (l) observes,
"that the youths that are designed for the great offices of the Turkish empire must be of admirable features and pleasing looks, well shaped in their bodies, and without any defects of nature; for it is conceived that a corrupt and sordid soul can scarce inhabit in a serene and ingenious aspect; and (says he) I have observed not only in the seraglio, but also in the courts of great men, their personal attendants have been of comely lusty youths well habited, deporting themselves with singular modesty and respect in the presence of their masters: so that when a pascha, aga, spahee, travels, he is always attended with a comely equipage, followed by flourishing youths, well clothed, and mounted in great numbers; that one may guess at the greatness of this empire by the retinue, pomp, and number of servants, which accompany persons of quality in their journeys.''
And no doubt Nebuchadnezzar had some of these ends in view, in ordering such persons to be selected and brought up at his expense; that they might be both for service and usefulness, and for his grandeur and glory.
And skilful in all wisdom: in the wisdom of the Jews, or had a liberal education according to the custom of their country; or were young men of good capacities, capable of being instructed, and of improving themselves in all kind of wisdom:
and cunning in knowledge; or "knowing knowledge" (m); having a large share of the knowledge of their own country, customs, and laws, civil and religious: and understanding science; the liberal arts and sciences; or however were persons of a good genius, and of retentive memories; young men of capacity, diligence, industry, and application, and of great docility, and so very promising to make great and useful men:
and such as had ability in them to stand in the king's palace; not only strength of body, which was requisite to a long waiting there, as sometimes they were obliged to do; but strength of mind, courage, and undauntedness, to stand before the king and his nobles, without showing a rustic fear, and timidity of mind:
and whom they might teach the learning and tongue of the Chaldeans; or, "the book and language of the Chaldeans" (n); book for books; such as contained their literature, history, and philosophy, mathematics, the knowledge of the stars, in which they excelled, as well as architecture and military skill; and it was necessary they should learn the Chaldean language, which differed from the Hebrew chiefly in dialect and pronunciation, that they might be able to read those books of science, and to speak with a good accent, and readily, before the king and his nobles; or rather the sense is, that they might understand the Chaldean language, the manner of reading, writing, and pronouncing it translated "learning", may signify the letters of the language, the Scripture or manner of writing, as Saadiah and Aben Ezra interpret it; which must be first learned in any language, in order to attain the knowledge of it; so it seems to be used in Is 19:12. "I am not learned, or know not a book or letters" see Jn 7:15 and translated "tongue", may signify the rules, idioms, and properties of the language; the nature, genius, and dialect of it, and signification of the words and phrases used in it to be learned, so as to be thorough masters of it, understand it, speak it, and pronounce it well. But here a difficulty arises, since the form and character of the letters of the Chaldee and Hebrew languages now in use are the same; it may seem unnecessary that Hebrew youths should be put to school to learn the Chaldean letters and language, though the dialect and idioms of the two languages might in some things differ; but let it be observed, that it might be, and it is not improbable, that the letters of the Chaldean language were not the same then as they are now; and Hottinger (o) expressly says, that the ancient Chaldee character is not known; not to say anything of the difference of the Hebrew letters then from what they are now, which some have surmised: besides, it is a clear case that the Chaldee and Syriac languages are the same, as appears from Dan 2:4, where the Chaldeans are said to speak to the king in Syriac; and yet, what follows is no other than Chaldee, their mother tongue, in which it was most proper and agreeable to speak to the king: and as it is the opinion of many learned men now that these languages are the same, so it was the sense of the ancient Jews. Says R. Samuel Bar Nachman (p), let not the Syriac language be mean in thine eyes, or lightly esteemed by thee; for in the law, in the prophets, and in the Hagiographa, the holy blessed God has imparted honour to it; in the law, Gen 31:47, in the prophets, Jer 10:11, in the Hagiographa, Dan 2:4 in all which places it is the Chaldee language that is used; and that which was spoken in Babylon, the head of the Chaldean empire, is called the Syriac; for Cyrus, when he took that city, ordered a proclamation to be made, by men skilled, in the Syriac language, that the inhabitants should keep within doors, and that those that were found without should be slain (q); which orders were published in that language, that they might be universally understood, being the language of the common people. So Herodotus, speaking of the Assyrians, says (r), these by the Greeks are called Syrians, and by the barbarians Assyrians, among whom were the Chaldeans: and, as Strabo observes (s), the same language or dialect was used by those without Euphrates, and by those within; that is, by the Syrians, strictly so called, and by the Babylonians or Chaldeans: and elsewhere (t), the name of Syrians reached from Babylon to Sinus Issicus; and, formerly, from thence to the Euxine sea. Now it is certain that the form and character of the letters in the Syriac language are very different from the Hebrew, and difficult to be learned, and might be those which these Hebrew youths were to be taught at school, as well as the rudiments of it; and it is as evident that the language of the Jews, and that of the Syrians, Chaldeans, and Babylonians, were so different, that the common people of the former did not understand the language of the latter when spoke, as appears from 4Kings 18:26 so that there was an apparent necessity for the one to be taught the language of the other, in order to understand it.
(h) "quidquam quod obstet", Gussetius. (i) Histor. l. 6. c. 5. (k) Politic. l. 4. c. 4. tom. 2. p. 224. (l) Present State of the Ottoman Empire, B. 1. c. 5. p. 13. (m) "et scientes scientiam, Pagninus, Montanus, intelligentes scientiam", Calvin. (n) "librum et linguam", Jo. Henr. Michaelis. (o) Smegma Oriental. l. 1. c. 3. p. 35. (p) Bereshit Rabba, sect. 74. fol. 65. 4. (q) Xenophon. Cyropaedia, l. 7. c. 23. (r) Polymnia, sive l. 7. c. 63. (s) Geograph. I. 2. p. 58. (t) Ibid. l. 16. p. 507.
John Wesley
1:4 The learning and the tongue - The Chaldeans were skilled above any other nation, in natural philosophy. Their tongue differed from the Hebrew in dialect and in pronunciation, which they learned that they might be the more acceptable to the king, and court.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:4 no blemish--A handsome form was connected, in Oriental ideas, with mental power. "Children" means youths of twelve or fourteen years old.
teach . . . tongue of . . . Chaldeans--their language and literature, the Aramaic-Babylonian. That the heathen lore was not altogether valueless appears from the Egyptian magicians who opposed Moses; the Eastern Magi who sought Jesus, and who may have drawn the tradition as to the "King of the Jews" from Dan 9:24, &c., written in the East. As Moses was trained in the learning of the Egyptian sages, so Daniel in that of the Chaldeans, to familiarize his mind with mysterious lore, and so develop his heaven-bestowed gift of understanding in visions (Dan 1:4-5, Dan 1:17).
1:41:4: մանկունս անարատս՝ գեղեցիկս երեսօ՛ք, եւ խելամուտս ամենայն իմաստութեան՝ եւ հմուտս գիտութեան, մտավարժս հանճարով՝ եւ զօրաւորս, կա՛լ ՚ի տաճարին առաջի թագաւորին. եւ ուսուցանել նոցա դպրութիւն, եւ զլեզու Քաղդէացւոց[12029]։ [12029] Ոմանք. Ամենայն իմաստութեամբ։
4 առանց արատի, դէմքով գեղեցիկ, ամէն իմաստութեան խելահաս, գիտութեանը հմուտ, խելացիութեամբ օժտուած եւ թագաւորական պալատում սպասաւորելու ունակ մանուկներ բերի եւ սովորեցնի նրանց քաղդէացիների լեզուն եւ դպրութիւնը:
4 ‘Բնաւ արատ չունեցող, գեղեցիկ դէմքով ու ամէն իմաստութեան հմուտ ու գիտութեան տեղեակ, հանճարեղ եւ թագաւորին պալատին մէջ կայնելու կարողութիւն ունեցող տղաքներ բերէ եւ անոնց՝ Քաղդէացիներու գիրն ու լեզուն սորվեցնէ’։
մանկունս անարատս, գեղեցիկս երեսօք, եւ խելամուտս ամենայն իմաստութեան եւ հմուտս գիտութեան, մտավարժս հանճարով եւ զօրաւորս, կալ ի տաճարին առաջի թագաւորին. եւ ուսուցանել նոցա դպրութիւն եւ զլեզու Քաղդէացւոց:

1:4: մանկունս անարատս՝ գեղեցիկս երեսօ՛ք, եւ խելամուտս ամենայն իմաստութեան՝ եւ հմուտս գիտութեան, մտավարժս հանճարով՝ եւ զօրաւորս, կա՛լ ՚ի տաճարին առաջի թագաւորին. եւ ուսուցանել նոցա դպրութիւն, եւ զլեզու Քաղդէացւոց[12029]։
[12029] Ոմանք. Ամենայն իմաստութեամբ։
4 առանց արատի, դէմքով գեղեցիկ, ամէն իմաստութեան խելահաս, գիտութեանը հմուտ, խելացիութեամբ օժտուած եւ թագաւորական պալատում սպասաւորելու ունակ մանուկներ բերի եւ սովորեցնի նրանց քաղդէացիների լեզուն եւ դպրութիւնը:
4 ‘Բնաւ արատ չունեցող, գեղեցիկ դէմքով ու ամէն իմաստութեան հմուտ ու գիտութեան տեղեակ, հանճարեղ եւ թագաւորին պալատին մէջ կայնելու կարողութիւն ունեցող տղաքներ բերէ եւ անոնց՝ Քաղդէացիներու գիրն ու լեզուն սորվեցնէ’։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:41:4 отроков, у которых нет никакого телесного недостатка, красивых видом, и понятливых для всякой науки, и разумеющих науки, и смышленых и годных служить в чертогах царских, и чтобы научил их книгам и языку Халдейскому.
1:5 καὶ και and; even δίδοσθαι διδωμι give; deposit αὐτοῖς αυτος he; him ἔκθεσιν εκθεσις from; out of τοῦ ο the οἴκου οικος home; household τοῦ ο the βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king καθ᾿ κατα down; by ἑκάστην εκαστος each ἡμέραν ημερα day καὶ και and; even ἀπὸ απο from; away τῆς ο the βασιλικῆς βασιλικος regal; royal τραπέζης τραπεζα table; bank καὶ και and; even ἀπὸ απο from; away τοῦ ο the οἴνου οινος wine οὗ ος who; what πίνει πινω drink ὁ ο the βασιλεύς βασιλευς monarch; king καὶ και and; even ἐκπαιδεῦσαι εκπαιδευω he; him ἔτη ετος year τρία τρεις three καὶ και and; even ἐκ εκ from; out of τούτων ουτος this; he στῆσαι ιστημι stand; establish ἔμπροσθεν εμπροσθεν in front; before τοῦ ο the βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king
1:5 וַ wa וְ and יְמַן֩ yᵊmˌan מנה count לָהֶ֨ם lāhˌem לְ to הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֜לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king דְּבַר־ dᵊvar- דָּבָר word יֹ֣ום yˈôm יֹום day בְּ bᵊ בְּ in יֹומֹ֗ו yômˈô יֹום day מִ mi מִן from פַּת־בַּ֤ג ppaṯ-bˈaḡ פַּתְבַּג table הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֨לֶךְ֙ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king וּ û וְ and מִ mi מִן from יֵּ֣ין yyˈên יַיִן wine מִשְׁתָּ֔יו mištˈāʸw מִשְׁתֶּה drinking וּֽ ˈû וְ and לְ lᵊ לְ to גַדְּלָ֖ם ḡaddᵊlˌām גדל be strong שָׁנִ֣ים šānˈîm שָׁנָה year שָׁלֹ֑ושׁ šālˈôš שָׁלֹשׁ three וּ û וְ and מִ֨ mˌi מִן from קְצָתָ֔ם qᵊṣāṯˈām קְצָת end יַֽעַמְד֖וּ yˈaʕamᵊḏˌû עמד stand לִ li לְ to פְנֵ֥י fᵊnˌê פָּנֶה face הַ ha הַ the מֶּֽלֶךְ׃ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
1:5. et constituit eis rex annonam per singulos dies de cibis suis et de vino unde bibebat ipse ut enutriti tribus annis postea starent in conspectu regisAnd the king appointed them a daily provision, of his own meat, and of the wine of which he drank himself, that being nourished three years, afterwards they might stand before the king.
5. And the king appointed for them a daily portion of the king’s meat, and of the wine which he drank, and that they should be nourished three years; that at the end thereof they might stand before the king.
Children in whom [was] no blemish, but well favoured, and skilful in all wisdom, and cunning in knowledge, and understanding science, and such as [had] ability in them to stand in the king' s palace, and whom they might teach the learning and the tongue of the Chaldeans:

1:4 отроков, у которых нет никакого телесного недостатка, красивых видом, и понятливых для всякой науки, и разумеющих науки, и смышленых и годных служить в чертогах царских, и чтобы научил их книгам и языку Халдейскому.
1:5
καὶ και and; even
δίδοσθαι διδωμι give; deposit
αὐτοῖς αυτος he; him
ἔκθεσιν εκθεσις from; out of
τοῦ ο the
οἴκου οικος home; household
τοῦ ο the
βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king
καθ᾿ κατα down; by
ἑκάστην εκαστος each
ἡμέραν ημερα day
καὶ και and; even
ἀπὸ απο from; away
τῆς ο the
βασιλικῆς βασιλικος regal; royal
τραπέζης τραπεζα table; bank
καὶ και and; even
ἀπὸ απο from; away
τοῦ ο the
οἴνου οινος wine
οὗ ος who; what
πίνει πινω drink
ο the
βασιλεύς βασιλευς monarch; king
καὶ και and; even
ἐκπαιδεῦσαι εκπαιδευω he; him
ἔτη ετος year
τρία τρεις three
καὶ και and; even
ἐκ εκ from; out of
τούτων ουτος this; he
στῆσαι ιστημι stand; establish
ἔμπροσθεν εμπροσθεν in front; before
τοῦ ο the
βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king
1:5
וַ wa וְ and
יְמַן֩ yᵊmˌan מנה count
לָהֶ֨ם lāhˌem לְ to
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֜לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
דְּבַר־ dᵊvar- דָּבָר word
יֹ֣ום yˈôm יֹום day
בְּ bᵊ בְּ in
יֹומֹ֗ו yômˈô יֹום day
מִ mi מִן from
פַּת־בַּ֤ג ppaṯ-bˈaḡ פַּתְבַּג table
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֨לֶךְ֙ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
וּ û וְ and
מִ mi מִן from
יֵּ֣ין yyˈên יַיִן wine
מִשְׁתָּ֔יו mištˈāʸw מִשְׁתֶּה drinking
וּֽ ˈû וְ and
לְ lᵊ לְ to
גַדְּלָ֖ם ḡaddᵊlˌām גדל be strong
שָׁנִ֣ים šānˈîm שָׁנָה year
שָׁלֹ֑ושׁ šālˈôš שָׁלֹשׁ three
וּ û וְ and
מִ֨ mˌi מִן from
קְצָתָ֔ם qᵊṣāṯˈām קְצָת end
יַֽעַמְד֖וּ yˈaʕamᵊḏˌû עמד stand
לִ li לְ to
פְנֵ֥י fᵊnˌê פָּנֶה face
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּֽלֶךְ׃ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
1:5. et constituit eis rex annonam per singulos dies de cibis suis et de vino unde bibebat ipse ut enutriti tribus annis postea starent in conspectu regis
And the king appointed them a daily provision, of his own meat, and of the wine of which he drank himself, that being nourished three years, afterwards they might stand before the king.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
5. Распоряжение Навуходоносора вполне соответствует восточному обычаю, по которому все придворные получали пищу с царского стола. Так, при персидском дворе ежедневно приготовлялся, по словам Ктезия, обед на 15: 000: человек (ср. 4: Цар 25:29-30; Иер 52:33-34).
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:5: A daily provision - Athenaeus, lib. iv., c. 10, says: The kings of Persia, (who succeeded the kings of Babylon, on whose empire they had seized), were accustomed to order the food left at their own tables to be delivered to their courtiers.
So nourishing them three years - This was deemed a sufficient time to acquire the Chaldee language, and the sciences peculiar to that people. I suppose they had good introductory books, able teachers, and a proper method; else they would have been obliged, like us, to send their children seven years to school, and as many to the university, to teach them any tolerable measure of useful and ornamental literature! O how reproachful to the nations of Europe, and particularly to our own, is this backward mode of instruction. And what is generally learned after this vast expense of time and money? A little Latin, Greek, and mathematics; perhaps a little moral philosophy; and by this they are entitled, not qualified, to teach others, and especially to teach the people the important science of salvation! To such shepherds, (and there are many such), the hungry sheep look up, and are not fed; and if all are not such, no thanks to our plan of national education.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:5: And the king appointed them - Calvin supposes that this arrangement was resorted to in order to render them effeminate, and, by a course of luxurious living, to induce them gradually to forget their own country, and that with the same view their names were changed. But there is no evidence that this was the object. The purpose was manifestly to train them in the manner in which it was supposed they would be best fitted, in bodily health, in personal beauty, and in intellectual attainments, to appear at court; and it was presumed that the best style of living which the realm furnished would conduce to this end. That the design was not to make them effeminate, is apparent from Dan 1:15.
A daily provision - Hebrew, "The thing of a day in his day;" that is, he assigned to them each day a portion of what had been prepared for the royal meal. It was not a permanent provision, but one which was made each day. The word rendered "provision" - פת path - means a bit, "crumb," "morsel," Gen 18:5; Jdg 19:5; Psa 147:17.
Of the king's meat - The word "meat" here means "food," as it does uniformly in the Bible, the Old English word having this signification when the translation was made, and not being limited then, as it is now, to animal food. The word in the original - בג bag - is of Persian origin, meaning "food." The two words are frequently compounded - פתבג pathebag Dan 1:5, Dan 1:8, Dan 1:13, Dan 1:15-16; Dan 11:26; and the compound means delicate food, dainties; literally, food of the father, i. e., the king; or, according to Lorsbach, in Archiv. f. "Morgenl." Litt. II., 313, food for idols, or the gods; - in either case denoting delicate food; luxurious living. - Gesenius, "Lex."
And of the wine which he drank - Margin, "of his drink." Such wine as the king was accustomed to drink. It may be presumed that this was the best kind of wine. From anything that appears, this was furnished to them in abundance; and with the leisure which they had, they could hardly be thrown into stronger temptation to excessive indulgence.
So nourishing them three years - As long as was supposed to be necessary in order to develop their physical beauty and strength, and to make them well acquainted with the language and learning of the Chaldeans. The object was to prepare them to give as much dignity and ornament to the court as possible.
That at the end thereof they might stand before the king - Notes, Dan 1:4. On the arrangements made to bring forward these youths, the editor of the "Pictorial Bible" makes the following remarks, showing the correspondence between these arrangements and what usually occurs in the East: "There is not a single intimation which may not be illustrated from the customs of the Turkish seraglio until some alterations were made in this, as in other matters, by the present sultan (Mahmoud). The pages of the seraglio, and officers of the court, as well as the greater part of the public functionaries and governors of provinces, were originally Christian boys, taken captive in war, or bought or stolen in time of peace. The finest and most capable of these were sent to the palace, and, if accepted, were placed under the charge of the chief of the white eunuchs. The lads did not themselves become eunuchs; which we notice, because it has been erroneously inferred, that Daniel and the other Hebrew youths "must" have been made eunuchs, "because" they were committed to the care of the chief eunuch.
The accepted lads were brought up in the religion of their masters; and there were schools in the palace where they received such complete instruction in Turkish learning and science as it was the lot of few others to obtain. Among their accomplishments we find it mentioned, that the greatest pains were taken to teach them to speak the Turkish language (a foreign one to them) with the greatest purity, as spoken at court. Compare this with "Teach them the learning and tongue of the Chaldeans." The lads were clothed very neatly, and well, but temperately dieted. They slept in large chambers, where there were rows of beds. Every one slept separately; and between every third or fourth bed lay a white eunuch, who served as a sort of guard, and was bound to keep a careful eye upon the lads near him, and report his observations to his superior. When any of them arrived at a proper age, they were instructed in military exercises, and pains taken to make them active, robust, and brave.
Every one, also, according to the custom of the country, was taught some mechanical or liberal art, to serve him as a resource in adversity. When their education was completed in all its branches, those who had displayed the most capacity and valor were employed about the person of the king, and the rest given to the service of the treasury, and the other offices of the extensive establishment to which they belonged. In due time the more talented or successful young men got promoted to the various high court offices which gave them access to the private apartments of the seraglio, so that they at almost any time could see and speak to their great master. This advantage soon paved the way for their promotion to the government of provinces, and to military commands; and it has often happened that favorite court officers have stepped at once into the post of grand vizier, or chief minister, and other high offices of state, without having pRev_iously been abroad in the world as pashas and military commanders. How well this agrees to, and illustrates the usage of the Babylonian court, will clearly appear to the reader without particular indication. See Habesci's "Ottoman Empire;" Tavernier's "Relation de l'Interieur du Srail du Grand Seigneur."
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:5: a daily: Atheneus says the kings of Persia were accustomed to order for their courtiers the food left at their tables. Kg1 4:22, Kg1 4:23; Kg2 25:30; Mat 6:11; Luk 11:3
which he drank: Heb. of his drink
stand: Dan 1:19; Gen 41:46; Sa1 16:22; Kg1 10:8; Ch2 9:7; Jer 15:19; Luk 1:19; Luk 21:36
Geneva 1599
1:5 And the king appointed them a (h) daily provision of the king's meat, and of the wine which he drank: so nourishing them (i) three years, that at the end thereof they might stand (k) before the king.
(h) That by their good entertainment they might learn to forget the mediocrity of their own people.
(i) With the intent that in this time they might learn both the manners of the Chaldeans, and also their language.
(k) As well as to serve at the table as in other offices.
John Gill
1:5 And the king appointed them a daily provision of the king's meat,.... Every day a portion was ordered them, from the king's table, of the richest dainties he himself ate of; which was done not only as an act of royal munificence and generosity, and in respect of their birth and breeding; but also as a bait and snare to allure and entice them, to make them in love with the country and condition in which they were, and to forget their own; as well also in order to preserve their well favoured look and good complexion, and fit them for their study of language and literature; which might be hindered for want of the necessaries of life, or by living on gross and coarse food:
and of the wine which he drank; which, as it was of various sorts, so of the best and most excellent; and which, moderately drank, conduces to the health of the body, and cheerfulness of the mind; and which are both useful to forward learned studies:
so nourishing them three years; this was the time fixed for their acquiring the learning and language of the Chaldeans; during which they were to be provided for from the king's table, and at his expense, as above; which term of time was judged sufficient for their learning everything necessary to qualify them for the king's service; and in which time it might be thought they would forget their own country, customs, religion, and language, and be inured to the place and persons where they were, and be satisfied and easy with their condition and circumstances:
that at the end thereof they might stand before the king; that is, at the end of three years they might be presented to the king for his examination and approbation, and be appointed to what service he should think fit; and particularly that they might be in his court, and minister to him in what post it should be his pleasure to place them. Some in Aben Ezra, and which he himself inclines to, read and interpret it, "that some of them might stand before the king"; such as he should choose out of them, that were most accomplished and most fit for his service; so Jacchiades.
John Wesley
1:5 The king's meat - Such as he had at his own table.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:5 king's meat--It is usual for an Eastern king to entertain, from the food of his table, many retainers and royal captives (Jer 52:33-34). The Hebrew for "meat" implies delicacies.
stand before the king--as attendant courtiers; not as eunuchs.
1:51:5: Եւ կարգեաց նոցա թագաւորն ռոճիկս օր ըստ օրէ ՚ի սեղանո՛յ արքայի, եւ ՚ի գինւոյ զոր ինքն ըմպէր. սնուցանել զնոսա ամս երիս. եւ ապա՛ կացուցանել առաջի թագաւորին[12030]։ [12030] Ոմանք. ՚Ի սեղանոյ թագաւորին... սնուցանել զնոսա ամիսս երիս։
5 Թագաւորը նրանց համար սահմանեց ամենօրեայ ուտելիքի բաժին արքայական սեղանից եւ այն գինուց, որ ինքն էր ըմպում, հրամայեց սնել նրանց երեք տարի եւ յետոյ կանգնեցնել թագաւորի առաջ:
5 Թագաւորը անոնց օրական ռոճիկ սահմանեց՝ թագաւորին ազնիւ կերակուրէն ու իր խմած գինիէն, որպէս զի անոնք երեք տարի սնանին ու ետքը թագաւորին առջեւ կայնին։
Եւ կարգեաց նոցա թագաւորն ռոճիկս օր ըստ օրէ ի սեղանոյ արքայի, եւ ի գինւոյ զոր ինքն ըմպէր, սնուցանել զնոսա ամս երիս, եւ ապա կացուցանել առաջի թագաւորին:

1:5: Եւ կարգեաց նոցա թագաւորն ռոճիկս օր ըստ օրէ ՚ի սեղանո՛յ արքայի, եւ ՚ի գինւոյ զոր ինքն ըմպէր. սնուցանել զնոսա ամս երիս. եւ ապա՛ կացուցանել առաջի թագաւորին[12030]։
[12030] Ոմանք. ՚Ի սեղանոյ թագաւորին... սնուցանել զնոսա ամիսս երիս։
5 Թագաւորը նրանց համար սահմանեց ամենօրեայ ուտելիքի բաժին արքայական սեղանից եւ այն գինուց, որ ինքն էր ըմպում, հրամայեց սնել նրանց երեք տարի եւ յետոյ կանգնեցնել թագաւորի առաջ:
5 Թագաւորը անոնց օրական ռոճիկ սահմանեց՝ թագաւորին ազնիւ կերակուրէն ու իր խմած գինիէն, որպէս զի անոնք երեք տարի սնանին ու ետքը թագաւորին առջեւ կայնին։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:51:5 И назначил им царь ежедневную пищу с царского стола и вино, которое сам пил, и велел воспитывать их три года, по истечении которых они должны были предстать пред царя.
1:6 καὶ και and; even ἦσαν ειμι be ἐκ εκ from; out of τοῦ ο the γένους γενος family; class τῶν ο the υἱῶν υιος son Ισραηλ ισραηλ.1 Israel τῶν ο the ἀπὸ απο from; away τῆς ο the Ιουδαίας ιουδαια Ioudaia; Iuthea Δανιηλ δανιηλ Daniēl; Thanil Ανανιας ανανιας Ananias Μισαηλ μισαηλ Azarias
1:6 וַ wa וְ and יְהִ֥י yᵊhˌî היה be בָהֶ֖ם vāhˌem בְּ in מִ mi מִן from בְּנֵ֣י bbᵊnˈê בֵּן son יְהוּדָ֑ה yᵊhûḏˈā יְהוּדָה Judah דָּנִיֵּ֣אל dāniyyˈēl דָּנִיֵּאל Daniel חֲנַנְיָ֔ה ḥᵃnanyˈā חֲנַנְיָה Hananiah מִֽישָׁאֵ֖ל mˈîšāʔˌēl מִישָׁאֵל Mishael וַ wa וְ and עֲזַרְיָֽה׃ ʕᵃzaryˈā עֲזַרְיָה Azariah
1:6. fuerunt ergo inter eos de filiis Iuda Danihel Ananias Misahel et AzariasNow there was among them of the children of Juda, Daniel, Ananias, Misael, and Azarias.
6. Now among these were, of the children of Judah, Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah.
And the king appointed them a daily provision of the king' s meat, and of the wine which he drank: so nourishing them three years, that at the end thereof they might stand before the king:

1:5 И назначил им царь ежедневную пищу с царского стола и вино, которое сам пил, и велел воспитывать их три года, по истечении которых они должны были предстать пред царя.
1:6
καὶ και and; even
ἦσαν ειμι be
ἐκ εκ from; out of
τοῦ ο the
γένους γενος family; class
τῶν ο the
υἱῶν υιος son
Ισραηλ ισραηλ.1 Israel
τῶν ο the
ἀπὸ απο from; away
τῆς ο the
Ιουδαίας ιουδαια Ioudaia; Iuthea
Δανιηλ δανιηλ Daniēl; Thanil
Ανανιας ανανιας Ananias
Μισαηλ μισαηλ Azarias
1:6
וַ wa וְ and
יְהִ֥י yᵊhˌî היה be
בָהֶ֖ם vāhˌem בְּ in
מִ mi מִן from
בְּנֵ֣י bbᵊnˈê בֵּן son
יְהוּדָ֑ה yᵊhûḏˈā יְהוּדָה Judah
דָּנִיֵּ֣אל dāniyyˈēl דָּנִיֵּאל Daniel
חֲנַנְיָ֔ה ḥᵃnanyˈā חֲנַנְיָה Hananiah
מִֽישָׁאֵ֖ל mˈîšāʔˌēl מִישָׁאֵל Mishael
וַ wa וְ and
עֲזַרְיָֽה׃ ʕᵃzaryˈā עֲזַרְיָה Azariah
1:6. fuerunt ergo inter eos de filiis Iuda Danihel Ananias Misahel et Azarias
Now there was among them of the children of Juda, Daniel, Ananias, Misael, and Azarias.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
6. Из третьего стиха с несомненностью следует, что пророк Даниил происходил из колена Иудина и принадлежал или к царскому или к знатному княжескому роду, но к которому именно, за отсутствием сведений, неизвестно. Иосиф Флавий считает его родственником иудейского царя Седекию; из христианских писателей одни причисляют его к потомкам Давида (Симеон Метафраст), другие (Епифаний) к одной из самых знатных фамилий иудейских вельмож. Также неопределенны сведения и о генеалогии его друзей.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:6: Now among these - There were no doubt several noble youths from other provinces: but the four mentioned here were Jews, and are supposed to have all been of royal extraction.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:6: Now among these were of the children of Judah - That is, these were a part of those who were selected. They are mentioned because they became so prominent in the transactions which are subsequently recorded in this book, and because they evinced such extraordinary virtue in the development of the principles in which they had been trained, and in the remarkable trials through which they were called to pass. It does not appear that they are mentioned here particularly on account of any distinction of birth or rank, for though they were among the noble and promising youth of the land, yet it is clear that others of the same rank and promise also were selected, Dan 1:3. The phrase "the children of Judah" is only another term to denote that they were Hebrews. They belonged to the tribe, or the kingdom of Judah.
Daniel - This name (דניאל dâ nı̂ yê'l) means properly "judge of God;" that is, one who acts as judge in the name of God. Why this name was given to him is not known. We cannot, however, fail to be struck with its appropriateness, as the events of his life showed. Nor is it known whether he belonged to the royal family, or to the nobles of the land, but as the selection was made from that class it is probable. Those who were at first carried into captivity were selected exclusively from the more elevated classes of society, and there is every reason to believe that Daniel belonged to a family of rank and consequence. The Jews say that he was of the royal family, and was descended from Hezekiah, and cite his history in confirmation of the prophecy addressed by Isaiah to that monarch, "Of thy sons which shall issue from thee, which thou shalt beget, shall they take away; and they shall be eunuchs in the palace of the king of Babylon," Isa 39:7. Compare Introduction Section I.
Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah - Of the rank and early history of these young men nothing is known. They became celebrated for their refusal to worship the golden image set up by Nebuchadnezzar, Dan 3:12, following.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:6: Daniel: Dan 2:17; Eze 14:14, Eze 14:20, Eze 28:3; Mat 24:15; Mar 13:14
John Gill
1:6 Now among these were of the children of Judea, Among those youths that were selected from the rest, and brought up in the above manner, and for the above purposes, who were of the tribe of Judah, and very likely of the house of David, and of royal descent, were the four following persons:
Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah; who are particularly mentioned, because they were the most famous and renowned of them, and are concerned in the subsequent history and account of facts: their names are expressive and significant: Daniel signifies "God is my Judge"; Hananiah may be interpreted "God is gracious to me"; Mishael is by some thought to be the same as Michael, "he who is God", or "as God"; and by others, "asked of God", by his mother, as Samuel was by Hannah, so Saadiah interprets it; and Azariah may be explained, "God is my help", or "helps me".
John Wesley
1:6 And Azariah - Probably all of the royal lineage of Judah.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:6 children of Judah--the most noble tribe, being that to which the "king's seed" belonged (compare Dan 1:3).
1:61:6: Եւ էին ՚ի նոսա յորդւոցն Յուդայ՝ Դանիէլ, եւ Անանիա, եւ Միսայէլ, եւ Ազարիա։
6 Նրանց մէջ էին Յուդայի երկրի որդիներից Դանիէլը, Անանիան, Միսայէլը եւ Ազարիան:
6 Անոնց մէջ էին Յուդայի որդիներէն Դանիէլ, Անանիա, Միսայէլ ու Ազարիա։
Եւ էին ի նոսա յորդւոցն Յուդայ` Դանիէլ եւ Անանիա եւ Միսայէլ եւ Ազարիա:

1:6: Եւ էին ՚ի նոսա յորդւոցն Յուդայ՝ Դանիէլ, եւ Անանիա, եւ Միսայէլ, եւ Ազարիա։
6 Նրանց մէջ էին Յուդայի երկրի որդիներից Դանիէլը, Անանիան, Միսայէլը եւ Ազարիան:
6 Անոնց մէջ էին Յուդայի որդիներէն Դանիէլ, Անանիա, Միսայէլ ու Ազարիա։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:61:6 Между ними были из сынов Иудиных Даниил, Анания, Мисаил и Азария.
1:7 καὶ και and; even ἐπέθηκεν επιτιθημι put on; put another αὐτοῖς αυτος he; him ὁ ο the ἀρχιευνοῦχος αρχιευνουχος name; notable τῷ ο the μὲν μεν first of all Δανιηλ δανιηλ Daniēl; Thanil Βαλτασαρ βαλτασαρ the δὲ δε though; while Ανανια ανανιας Ananias Σεδραχ σεδραχ and; even τῷ ο the Μισαηλ μισαηλ and; even τῷ ο the Αζαρια αζαριας Abdenagō; Avthenago
1:7 וַ wa וְ and יָּ֧שֶׂם yyˈāśem שׂים put לָהֶ֛ם lāhˈem לְ to שַׂ֥ר śˌar שַׂר chief הַ ha הַ the סָּרִיסִ֖ים ssārîsˌîm סָרִיס official שֵׁמֹ֑ות šēmˈôṯ שֵׁם name וַ wa וְ and יָּ֨שֶׂם yyˌāśem שׂים put לְ lᵊ לְ to דָֽנִיֵּ֜אל ḏˈāniyyˈēl דָּנִיֵּאל Daniel בֵּ֣לְטְשַׁאצַּ֗ר bˈēlᵊṭšaṣṣˈar בֵּלְטְשַׁאצַּר Belteshazzar וְ wᵊ וְ and לַֽ lˈa לְ to חֲנַנְיָה֙ ḥᵃnanyˌā חֲנַנְיָה Hananiah שַׁדְרַ֔ךְ šaḏrˈaḵ שַׁדְרַךְ Shadrach וּ û וְ and לְ lᵊ לְ to מִֽישָׁאֵ֣ל mˈîšāʔˈēl מִישָׁאֵל Mishael מֵישַׁ֔ךְ mêšˈaḵ מֵישַׁךְ Meshach וְ wᵊ וְ and לַ la לְ to עֲזַרְיָ֖ה ʕᵃzaryˌā עֲזַרְיָה Azariah עֲבֵ֥ד נְגֹֽו׃ ʕᵃvˌēḏ nᵊḡˈô עֲבֵד נְגֹו Abednego
1:7. et inposuit eis praepositus eunuchorum nomina Daniheli Balthasar et Ananiae Sedrac Misaheli Misac et Azariae AbdenagoAnd the master of the eunuchs gave them names: to Daniel, Baltassar: to Ananias, Sidrach: to Misael, Misach: and to Azarias, Abdenago.
7. And the prince of the eunuchs gave names unto them: unto Daniel he gave Belteshazzar; and to Hananiah, Shadrach; and to Mishael, Meshach; and to Azariah, Abed-nego.
Now among these were of the children of Judah, Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah:

1:6 Между ними были из сынов Иудиных Даниил, Анания, Мисаил и Азария.
1:7
καὶ και and; even
ἐπέθηκεν επιτιθημι put on; put another
αὐτοῖς αυτος he; him
ο the
ἀρχιευνοῦχος αρχιευνουχος name; notable
τῷ ο the
μὲν μεν first of all
Δανιηλ δανιηλ Daniēl; Thanil
Βαλτασαρ βαλτασαρ the
δὲ δε though; while
Ανανια ανανιας Ananias
Σεδραχ σεδραχ and; even
τῷ ο the
Μισαηλ μισαηλ and; even
τῷ ο the
Αζαρια αζαριας Abdenagō; Avthenago
1:7
וַ wa וְ and
יָּ֧שֶׂם yyˈāśem שׂים put
לָהֶ֛ם lāhˈem לְ to
שַׂ֥ר śˌar שַׂר chief
הַ ha הַ the
סָּרִיסִ֖ים ssārîsˌîm סָרִיס official
שֵׁמֹ֑ות šēmˈôṯ שֵׁם name
וַ wa וְ and
יָּ֨שֶׂם yyˌāśem שׂים put
לְ lᵊ לְ to
דָֽנִיֵּ֜אל ḏˈāniyyˈēl דָּנִיֵּאל Daniel
בֵּ֣לְטְשַׁאצַּ֗ר bˈēlᵊṭšaṣṣˈar בֵּלְטְשַׁאצַּר Belteshazzar
וְ wᵊ וְ and
לַֽ lˈa לְ to
חֲנַנְיָה֙ ḥᵃnanyˌā חֲנַנְיָה Hananiah
שַׁדְרַ֔ךְ šaḏrˈaḵ שַׁדְרַךְ Shadrach
וּ û וְ and
לְ lᵊ לְ to
מִֽישָׁאֵ֣ל mˈîšāʔˈēl מִישָׁאֵל Mishael
מֵישַׁ֔ךְ mêšˈaḵ מֵישַׁךְ Meshach
וְ wᵊ וְ and
לַ la לְ to
עֲזַרְיָ֖ה ʕᵃzaryˌā עֲזַרְיָה Azariah
עֲבֵ֥ד נְגֹֽו׃ ʕᵃvˌēḏ nᵊḡˈô עֲבֵד נְגֹו Abednego
1:7. et inposuit eis praepositus eunuchorum nomina Daniheli Balthasar et Ananiae Sedrac Misaheli Misac et Azariae Abdenago
And the master of the eunuchs gave them names: to Daniel, Baltassar: to Ananias, Sidrach: to Misael, Misach: and to Azarias, Abdenago.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
7. Даниил и его друзья воспитываются, как будущие должностные лица при царском дворе ("служить в чертогах царских" - ст. 3). В зависимости от этого они получают новые имена: будущих вавилонских сановников странно было бы оставить с прежними еврейскими именами - им даются вавилонские. Составленные из названия главных вавилонских божеств: Валтасар (Белтегна царь) = "Бел (Вил) защищай его жизнь", Авденаго = "служитель, раб (бога) Нево", Мисах = "кто, как Аку", Седрах = "повеление (бога) Аку", они могли напоминать о недавней победе вавилонских богов над иудеями и их Богом (см. толкование 2-го ст.), благодаря чему перемена имен и в настоящем случае служила, как и всегда, знаком зависимости побежденного от победителя (4: Цар 24:17; 2: Пар 36:4).
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:7: Unto whom the prince of the eunuchs gave names - This change of names, Calmet properly remarks, was a mark of dominion and authority. It was customary for masters to impose new names upon their slaves; and rulers often, on their ascending the throne, assumed a name different from that which they had before.
דניאל Daniel signifies "God is my Judge." This name they changed into בלטשאצר Belteshatstsar; in Chaldee, "The treasure of Bel," or "The despository of the secrets (or treasure) of Bel."
הנניה Hananiah signifies, "The Lord has been gracious to me," or "He to whom the Lord is gracious." This name was changed into שדרך Shadrach, Chaldee, which has been variously translated: "The inspiration of the sun;" "God the author of evil, be propitious to us;" "Let God preserve us from evil."
מישאל Mishael signifies "He who comes from God." Him they called מישך Meshach, which in Chaldee signifies, "He who belongs to the goddess Sheshach," a celebrated deity of the Babylonians, mentioned by Jeremiah, Jer 25:26.
עזריה Azariah, which signifies "The Lord is my Helper," they changed into אבד נגו Abed-Nego, which in Chaldee is "the servant of Nego," who was one of their divinities; by which they meant either the sun, or the morning star; whether Jupiter or Venus.
The vicious pronunciation of this name should be carefully avoided; I mean that which lays the accent on the first syllable, and hurries so the end, without attending to the natural division of the word Abed-Nego.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:7: Unto whom the prince of the eunuchs gave names - This practice is common in Oriental courts. "The captive youths referred to in the notes on Dan 1:5, in the Turkish court also receive new names, that is, Mahometan names, their former names being Christian." - "Pict. Bible." It is "possible" that this changing of their names may have been designed to make them forget their country, and their religion, and to lead them more entirely to identify themselves with the people in whose service they were now to be employed, though nothing of this is intimated in the history. Such a change, it is easy to conceive, might do much to make them feel that they were identified with the people among whom they were adopted, and to make them forget the customs and opinions of their own country. It is a circumstance which may give some additional probability to this supposition, that it is quite a common thing now at missionary stations to give new names to the children who are taken into the boarding-schools, and especially the names of the Christian benefactors at whose expense they are supported. Compare the same general character, for this change of names may have been, that the name of the true God constituted a part of their own names, and that thus they were constantly reminded of him and his worship. In the new names given them, the appellation of some of the idols worshipped in Babylon was incorporated, and this might serve as remembrancers of the divinities to whose service it was doubtless the intention to win them.
For he gave unto Daniel the name of Belteshazzar - The name Belteshazzar (בלטשׁאצר bê lṭ esha'tstsar) is compounded of two words, and means according to Gesenius, "Bel's prince;" that is, he whom Bel favors. "Bel" was the principal divinity worshipped at Babylon (notes, Isa 46:1), and this name would, therefore, be likely to impress the youthful Daniel with the idea that he was a favorite of this divinity, and to attract him to his service. It was a flattering distinction that he was one of the favorites of the principal god worshipped in Babylon, and this was not improbably designed to turn his attention from the God whose name had been incorporated in his own. The giving of this name seemed to imply, in the apprehension of Nebuchadnezzar, that the spirit of the gods was in him on whom it was conferred. See Dan 4:8-9.
And to Hananiah, of Shadrach - The name "Hananiah" (חנניה chă nanyâ h) means, "whom Jehovah has graciously given," and is the same with Ananias (Greek, Ανανίας Ananias), and would serve to remind its possessor of the name of "Jehovah," and of his mercy. The name Shadrach (שׁדרך shadrak), according to Lorsbach, means "young friend of the king;" according to Bohlen, it means "rejoicing in the way," and this last signification is the one which Gesenius prefers. In either signification it would contribute to a forgetfulness of the interesting significancy of the former name, and tend to obliterate the remembrance of the early training in the service of Jehovah.
And to Mishael, of Meshach - The name "Mishael" (מישׁאל mı̂ yshâ'ê l) means, "who is what God is?" - from מי mı̂ y "who," שׁ sha "what," and אל ē l "God." It would thus be a remembrancer of the greatness of God; of his supremacy over all his creatures, and of his "incomparable" exaltation over the universe. The signification of the name "Meshach" (מישׁך mê yshak) is less known. The Persian word ovicula means a little sheep (Gesenius), but why this name was given we are not informed. Might it have been on account of his beauty, his gentleness, his lamb-like disposition? If so, nothing perhaps would be better fitted to turn away the thoughts from the great God and his service to himself.
And to Azariah, of Abednego - The name "Azaziah" (עזריה ‛ ă zaryâ h) means, "whom Jehovah helps," from עזר ‛ â zar "to help," and יה yâ h, the same as "Jah" (a shortened form of Jehovah, יהוה yehovâ h), This name, therefore, had a striking significancy, and would be a constant remembrancer of the true God, and of the value of his favor and protection. The name Abed-nego (עבד נגו ‛ ă bê d negô) means, "a servant of Nego," or perhaps of "Nebo" - נבו nebô. This word "Nebo," among the Chaldeans, probably denoted the planet Mercury. This planet was worshipped by them, and by the Arabs, as the celestial scribe or writer. See the notes at Isa 46:1. The Divine worship paid to this planet by the Chaldeans is attested, says Gesenius, by the many compound proper names of which this name forms a part; as Nebuchadnezzar, Nebushasban, and others mentioned in classic writers; as Nabonedus, Nabonassar, Nabonabus, etc. This change of name, therefore, was designed to denote a consecration to the service of this idol-god, and the change was eminently adapted to make him to whom it was given forget the true God, to whom, in earlier days, he had been devoted. It was only extraordinary grace which could have kept these youths in the paths of their early training, and in the faithful service of that God to whom they had been early consecrated, amidst the temptations by which they were now surrounded in a foreign land, and the influences which were employed to alienate them from the God of their fathers.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:7: the prince: Dan 1:3, Dan 1:10, Dan 1:11
gave names: Dan 4:8, Dan 5:12; Gen 41:45; Kg2 23:34, Kg2 24:17
Hananiah: Dan 2:49, Dan 3:12-30
Geneva 1599
1:7 Unto whom the prince of the eunuchs (l) gave names: for he gave unto Daniel [the name] of Belteshazzar; and to Hananiah, of Shadrach; and to Mishael, of Meshach; and to Azariah, of Abednego.
(l) That they might altogether forget their religion: for the Jews gave their children names which might always put them in remembrance of some point of religion. Therefore this was a great temptation and a sign of servitude, which they were not able to resist.
John Gill
1:7 Unto whom the prince of the eunuchs gave names,.... Other names, Chaldee names, according to the names of the gods of that country, for honour and glory, as Saadiah observes; which was done either to make them more acceptable to the court and courtiers of the king of Babylon; and to show that they were his servants, and naturalized subjects; and chiefly to cause them to forget the names their fathers gave them, and out of hatred to them, having all of them in them the names of the true God, El or Jah; and, most of all, that they might forget the God of their fathers, whose names they bore. This prince of the eunuchs seems to be the same with the master of the eunuchs, Ashpenaz, before mentioned, so Jacchiades; but some take him to be another person: what he did in changing the names of these four Hebrew youths was not his own idea and by his own authority, but by the order of the king; Dan 5:12,
for he gave unto Daniel the name of Belteshazzar; which signifies "Bel hath hid and treasured"; or Bel's treasurer, or the keeper of his treasures; see Dan 1:2. Bel was the chief idol of the Chaldeans, Is 46:1, and Daniel was named according to him, as Nebuchadnezzar himself says, Dan 4:8 and differs but in one letter from the name of a successor of his, Belshazzar, Dan 5:1, hence Daniel is thought by Broughton, and others, to be the Belesis of Diolorus Siculus: or it may be he had this name given him from "beltis" or "baaltis" (u), a queen and goddess of the Babylonians, and may be compounded of that and "azer":
and to Hananiah of Shadrach; which some interpret a "tender pap", or "breast": others, the "king's messenger", or "the messenger the sun". The word "rach" signifies a "king" with the Chaldeans, as it did with the Egyptians, as may be observed in the word "abrec", the king's father, in Gen 41:43 and is used by them of the sun, the prince of planets, whom they worshipped: others, "the inspiration of the sun", their idol. Hillerus (w) explains it of fire, the object of their adoration:
and to Mishael of Meshach; or; "of Shach", which was a name of a god or goddess of the Chaldeans, they worshipped; at the celebration of whose feast they were when Babylon was taken by Cyrus:
and to Azariah of Abednego; or "a servant, or worshipper of Nego". The word signifies "shining brightness": which some understand of fire worshipped by them; others of the bright planet Venus; and others of Lucifer, or the morning star. Saadiah takes it to be the same with Nebo, by a change of a letter, which was a god of the Chaldeans; see Is 46:1.
(u) Vid Euseb. Praepar. Evangel. l. 1. p 38. &. l. 9. c. 41. p. 456. (w) Onomast. Sacr. p. 924.
John Wesley
1:7 Gave names - That is, other names, relating to the idol - gods. Belteshazzar - So Daniel had the name of Belteshazzar, from the great Babylonian idol Baal or Bell. This was by the king's command, and herein he put forth an act: of his sovereignty.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:7 gave names--designed to mark their new relation, that so they might forget their former religion and country (Gen 41:45). But as in Joseph's case (whom Pharaoh called Zaphnath-paaneah), so in Daniel's, the name indicative of his relation to a heathen court ("Belteshazzar," that is, "Bel's prince"), however flattering to him, is not the one retained by Scripture, but the name marking his relation to God ("Daniel," God my Judge, the theme of his prophecies being God's judgment on the heathen world powers).
Hananiah--that is, "whom Jehovah hath favored."
Shadrach--from Rak, in Babylonian, "the King," that is, "the Sun"; the same root as in Abrech (Gen 41:43, Margin), inspired or illumined by the Sun-god."
Mishael--that is, "who is what God is?" Who is comparable to God?
Meshach--The Babylonians retained the first syllable of Mishael, the Hebrew name; but for El, that is, GOD, substituted Shak, the Babylonian goddess, called Sheshach (Jer 25:26; Jer 51:41), answering to the Earth, or else Venus, the goddess of love and mirth; it was during her feast that Cyrus took Babylon.
Azariah--that is, "whom Jehovah helps."
Abed-nego--that is, "servant of the shining fire." Thus, instead of to Jehovah, these His servants were dedicated by the heathen to their four leading gods [HERODOTUS, Clio]; Bel, the Chief-god, the Sun-god, Earth-god, and Fire-god. To the last the three youths were consigned when refusing to worship the golden image (Dan 3:12). The Chaldee version translates "Lucifer," in Is 14:12, Nogea, the same as Nego. The names thus at the outset are significant of the seeming triumph, but sure downfall, of the heathen powers before Jehovah and His people.
1:71:7: Եւ եդ նոցա ներքինապետն անուանս. Դանիելի՝ Բաղտասար. եւ Անանիայի՝ Սեդրաք, եւ Միսայելի՝ Միսաք, եւ Ազարիայ՝ Աբեդնագով[12031]։ [12031] Ոմանք. Եւ Անանիայ՝ Սեդրագ, եւ Միսայելի՝ Միսագ։
7 Ներքինապետը Դանիէլին անուանեց Բաղդտասար, Անանիային՝ Սեդրակ, Միսայէլին՝ Միսակ եւ Ազարիային՝ Աբեդնագով:
7 Ներքինապետը անոնց անուններ դրաւ. Դանիէլին՝ Բաղտասասար, Անանիային՝ Սեդրաք, Միսայէլին՝ Միսաք ու Ազարիային՝ Աբեդնագով։
Եւ եդ նոցա ներքինապետն անուանս. Դանիելի` Բաղտասար, եւ Անանիայի` Սեդրաք, եւ Միսայելի` Միսաք, եւ Ազարեայ` Աբեդնագով:

1:7: Եւ եդ նոցա ներքինապետն անուանս. Դանիելի՝ Բաղտասար. եւ Անանիայի՝ Սեդրաք, եւ Միսայելի՝ Միսաք, եւ Ազարիայ՝ Աբեդնագով[12031]։
[12031] Ոմանք. Եւ Անանիայ՝ Սեդրագ, եւ Միսայելի՝ Միսագ։
7 Ներքինապետը Դանիէլին անուանեց Բաղդտասար, Անանիային՝ Սեդրակ, Միսայէլին՝ Միսակ եւ Ազարիային՝ Աբեդնագով:
7 Ներքինապետը անոնց անուններ դրաւ. Դանիէլին՝ Բաղտասասար, Անանիային՝ Սեդրաք, Միսայէլին՝ Միսաք ու Ազարիային՝ Աբեդնագով։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:71:7 И переименовал их начальник евнухов Даниила Валтасаром, Ананию Седрахом, Мисаила Мисахом и Азарию Авденаго.
1:8 καὶ και and; even ἐνεθυμήθη ενθυμεομαι devise; plan Δανιηλ δανιηλ Daniēl; Thanil ἐν εν in τῇ ο the καρδίᾳ καρδια heart ὅπως οπως that way; how μὴ μη not ἀλισγηθῇ αλισγεω in τῷ ο the δείπνῳ δειπνον dinner τοῦ ο the βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king καὶ και and; even ἐν εν in ᾧ ος who; what πίνει πινω drink οἴνῳ οινος wine καὶ και and; even ἠξίωσε αξιοω deem worthy; consider worthwhile τὸν ο the ἀρχιευνοῦχον αρχιευνουχος so; that μὴ μη not συμμολυνθῇ συμμολυνω defile oneself
1:8 וַ wa וְ and יָּ֤שֶׂם yyˈāśem שׂים put דָּנִיֵּאל֙ dāniyyēl דָּנִיֵּאל Daniel עַל־ ʕal- עַל upon לִבֹּ֔ו libbˈô לֵב heart אֲשֶׁ֧ר ʔᵃšˈer אֲשֶׁר [relative] לֹֽא־ lˈō- לֹא not יִתְגָּאַ֛ל yiṯgāʔˈal גאל pollute בְּ bᵊ בְּ in פַתְבַּ֥ג faṯbˌaḡ פַּתְבַּג table הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֖לֶךְ mmˌeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king וּ û וְ and בְ vᵊ בְּ in יֵ֣ין yˈên יַיִן wine מִשְׁתָּ֑יו mištˈāʸw מִשְׁתֶּה drinking וַ wa וְ and יְבַקֵּשׁ֙ yᵊvaqqˌēš בקשׁ seek מִ mi מִן from שַּׂ֣ר śśˈar שַׂר chief הַ ha הַ the סָּרִיסִ֔ים ssārîsˈîm סָרִיס official אֲשֶׁ֖ר ʔᵃšˌer אֲשֶׁר [relative] לֹ֥א lˌō לֹא not יִתְגָּאָֽל׃ yiṯgāʔˈāl גאל pollute
1:8. proposuit autem Danihel in corde suo ne pollueretur de mensa regis neque de vino potus eius et rogavit eunuchorum praepositum ne contaminareturBut Daniel purposed in his heart that he would not be defiled with the king's table, nor with the wine which he drank: and he requested the master of the eunuchs that he might not be defiled.
8. But Daniel purposed in his heart that he would not defile himself with the king’s meat, nor with the wine which he drank: therefore he requested of the prince of the eunuchs that he might not defile himself.
Unto whom the prince of the eunuchs gave names: for he gave unto Daniel [the name] of Belteshazzar; and to Hananiah, of Shadrach; and to Mishael, of Meshach; and to Azariah, of Abed- nego:

1:7 И переименовал их начальник евнухов Даниила Валтасаром, Ананию Седрахом, Мисаила Мисахом и Азарию Авденаго.
1:8
καὶ και and; even
ἐνεθυμήθη ενθυμεομαι devise; plan
Δανιηλ δανιηλ Daniēl; Thanil
ἐν εν in
τῇ ο the
καρδίᾳ καρδια heart
ὅπως οπως that way; how
μὴ μη not
ἀλισγηθῇ αλισγεω in
τῷ ο the
δείπνῳ δειπνον dinner
τοῦ ο the
βασιλέως βασιλευς monarch; king
καὶ και and; even
ἐν εν in
ος who; what
πίνει πινω drink
οἴνῳ οινος wine
καὶ και and; even
ἠξίωσε αξιοω deem worthy; consider worthwhile
τὸν ο the
ἀρχιευνοῦχον αρχιευνουχος so; that
μὴ μη not
συμμολυνθῇ συμμολυνω defile oneself
1:8
וַ wa וְ and
יָּ֤שֶׂם yyˈāśem שׂים put
דָּנִיֵּאל֙ dāniyyēl דָּנִיֵּאל Daniel
עַל־ ʕal- עַל upon
לִבֹּ֔ו libbˈô לֵב heart
אֲשֶׁ֧ר ʔᵃšˈer אֲשֶׁר [relative]
לֹֽא־ lˈō- לֹא not
יִתְגָּאַ֛ל yiṯgāʔˈal גאל pollute
בְּ bᵊ בְּ in
פַתְבַּ֥ג faṯbˌaḡ פַּתְבַּג table
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֖לֶךְ mmˌeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
וּ û וְ and
בְ vᵊ בְּ in
יֵ֣ין yˈên יַיִן wine
מִשְׁתָּ֑יו mištˈāʸw מִשְׁתֶּה drinking
וַ wa וְ and
יְבַקֵּשׁ֙ yᵊvaqqˌēš בקשׁ seek
מִ mi מִן from
שַּׂ֣ר śśˈar שַׂר chief
הַ ha הַ the
סָּרִיסִ֔ים ssārîsˈîm סָרִיס official
אֲשֶׁ֖ר ʔᵃšˌer אֲשֶׁר [relative]
לֹ֥א lˌō לֹא not
יִתְגָּאָֽל׃ yiṯgāʔˈāl גאל pollute
1:8. proposuit autem Danihel in corde suo ne pollueretur de mensa regis neque de vino potus eius et rogavit eunuchorum praepositum ne contaminaretur
But Daniel purposed in his heart that he would not be defiled with the king's table, nor with the wine which he drank: and he requested the master of the eunuchs that he might not be defiled.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ kad▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
8. Отказ Даниила питаться яствами и вином с царского стола был вызван боязнью оскверниться, - нарушить предписания закона Моисеева о нечистой для евреев пище. Оскверняющими могли быть самые блюда, приготовленные из мяса запрещенных Моисеем животных и птиц (Лев 11:4-19; Втор 14:7-18) и, может быть, даже окропленные кровью жертвенных животных; несоответствующий закону способ их приготовления (Лев 11:32-38) и, наконец, вся обстановка вкушения пищи: пред ее принятием призывали идолов, в честь их совершали жертвоприношения, во время обеда пели хвалебные гимны богам (Дан 5:4). Стремление избежать осквернения могло быть у Даниила тем сильнее, что о нем предсказывали пророки (Ос 9:3; Иез 4:13-14).
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:8: But Daniel - would not defile himself - I have spoken of this resolution in the introduction. The chief reasons why Daniel would not eat meat from the royal table were probably these three: -
1. Because they ate unclean beasts, which were forbidden by the Jewish law.
2. Because they ate, as did the heathens in general, beasts which had been strangled, or not properly blooded.
3. Because the animals that were eaten were first offered as victims to their gods. It is on this account that Athenaeus calls the beasts which here served up at the tables of the Persian kings, ἱερια, victims, lib. 4 c. 10, p. 145.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:8: But Daniel purposed in his heart - Evidently in concurrence with the youths who had been selected with him. See Dan 1:11-13. Daniel, it seems, formed this as a "decided" purpose, and "meant" to carry it into effect, as a matter of principle, though he designed to secure his object, if possible, by making a request that he might be "allowed" to pursue that course Dan 1:12, and wished not to give offence, or to provoke opposition. What would have been the result if he had not obtained permission we know not; but the probability is, that he would have thrown himself upon the protection of God, as he afterward did Dan. 6, and would have done what he considered to be duty, regardless of consequences. The course which he took saved him from the trial, for the prince of the eunuchs was willing to allow him to make the experiment, Dan 1:14. It is always better, even where there is decided principle, and a settled purpose in a matter, to obtain an object by a peaceful request, than to attempt to secure it by violence.
That he would not defile himself with the portion of the king's meat - Notes, Dan 1:5. The word which is rendered "defile himself" - יתגאל yı̂ thegâ'al from גאל gā'al - is commonly used in connection with "redemption," its first and usual meaning being to redeem, to ransom. In later Hebrew, however, it means, to be defiled; to be polluted, to be unclean. The "connection" between these significations of the word is not apparent, unless, as redemption was accomplished with the shedding of blood, rendering the place where it was shed defiled, the idea came to be permanently attached to the word. The defilement here referred to in the case of Daniel probably was, that by partaking of this food he might, in some way, be regarded as countenancing idolatry, or as lending his sanction to a mode of living which was inconsistent with his principles, and which was perilous to his health and morals. The Syriac renders this simply, "that he would not eat," without implying that there would be defilement.
Nor with the wine which he drank - As being contrary to his principles, and perilous to his morals and happiness.
Therefore he requested of the prince of the eunuchs that he might not defile himself - That he might be permitted to abstain from the luxuries set before him. It would seem from this, that he represented to the prince of the eunuchs the real danger which he apprehended, or the real cause why he wished to abstain - that he would regard the use of these viands as contrary to the habits which he had formed, as a violation of the principles of his religion; and as, in his circumstances, wrong as well as perilous. This he presented as a "request." He asked it, therefore, as a favor, preferring to use mild and gentle means for securing the object, rather than to put himself in the attitude of open resistance to the wishes of the monarch. What "reasons" influenced him to choose this course, and to ask to be permitted to live on a more temperate and abstemious diet, we are not informed. Assuming, however, what is apparent from the whole narrative, that he had been educated in the doctrines of the true religion, and in the principles of temperance, it is not difficult to conceive what reasons "would" influence a virtuous youth in such circumstances, and we cannot be in much danger of error in suggesting the following:
(1) It is not improbable that the food which was offered him had been, in some way, connected with idolatry, and that his participation in it would be construed as countenancing the worship of idols. - Calvin. It is known that a part of the animals offered in sacrifice was sold in the market; and known, also, that splendid entertainments were often made in honor of particular idols, and on the sacrifices which had been offered to them. Compare Co1 8:1-13. Doubtless, also, a considerable part of the food which was served up at the royal table consisted of articles which, by the Jewish law, were prohibited as unclean. It was represented by the prophets, as one part of the evils of a captivity in a foreign land, that the people would be under a necessity of eating what was regarded as unclean. Thus, in Eze 4:13 : "And the Lord said, Even thus shall the children of Israel eat their defiled bread among the Gentiles, whither I will drive them." Hos 9:3 : "they shall not dwell in the Lord's land, but Ephraim shall return to Egypt; and shall eat unclean things in Assyria." Rosenmuller remarks on this passage ("Alte u. neue Morgenland," 1076), "It was customary among the ancients to bring a portion of what was eaten and drank as an offering to the gods, as a sign of thankful recognition that all which men enjoy is their gift. Among the Romans these gifts were called "libamina," so that with each meal there was connected an act of offering. Hence Daniel and his friends regarded what was brought from the royal table as food which had been offered to the gods, and therefore as impure."
(2) Daniel and his friends were, doubtless, restrained from partaking of the food and drink offered to them by a regard to the principles of temperance in which they had been educated, and by a fear of the consequences which would follow from indulgence. They had evidently been trained in the ways of strict temperance. But now new scenes opened to them, and new temptations were before them. They were among strangers. They were noticed and flattered. They had an opportunity of indulging in the pleasures of the table, such as captive youth rarely enjoyed. This opportunity, there can be no doubt, they regarded as a temptation to their virtue, and as in the highest degree perilous to their principles, and they, therefore, sought to resist the temptation. They were captives - exiles from their country - in circumstances of great depression and humiliation, and they did not wish to forget that circumstance. - Calvin. Their land was in ruins; the temple where they and their fathers had worshipped had been desecrated and plundered; their kindred and countrymen were pining in exile; everything called them to a mode of life which would be in accordance with these melancholy facts, and they, doubtless, felt that it would be in every way inappropriate for them to indulge in luxurious living, and Rev_el in the pleasures of a banquet.
But they were also, doubtless, restrained from these indulgences by a reference to the dangers which would follow. It required not great penetration or experience, indeed, to perceive, that in their circumstances - young men as they were, suddenly noticed and honored - compliance would be perilous to their virtue; but it did require uncommon strength of principle to meet the temptation. Rare has been the stern virtue among young men which could resist so strong allurements; seldom, comparatively, have those who have been unexpectedly thrown, in the course of events, into the temptations of a great city in a foreign land, and flattered by the attention of those in the higher walks of life, been sufficiently firm in principle to assert the early principles of temperance and virtue in which they may have been trained. Rare has it been that a youth in such circumstances would form the steady purpose not to "defile himself" by the tempting allurements set before him, and that, at all hazards, he would adhere to the principles in which he had been educated.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:8: purposed: Rut 1:17, Rut 1:18; Kg1 5:5; Psa 119:106, Psa 119:115; Act 11:23; Co1 7:37; Co2 9:7
defile: Heathen nations not only ate unclean beasts, which were forbidden by Jewish law, but even the clean animals that were eaten were first offered as victims to their gods, and part of the wine was poured out as a libation on their altars. Hence Atheneus calls the beasts served up at the tables of the Persian kings, ιερια, victims. Daniel was therefore resolved not to defile himself with their viands; yet he did not rudely refuse what was intended as a kindness, but mildly and modestly requested the proper officers to indulge him in this respect. Lev 11:45-47; Deu 32:38; Psa 106:28, Psa 141:4; Eze 4:13, Eze 4:14; Hos 9:3, Hos 9:4; Act 10:14-16; Rom 14:15-17; Co1 8:7-10, Co1 10:18-21, Co1 10:28-31
Carl Friedrich Keil and Franz Delitzsch
1:8
The command of the king, that the young men should be fed with the food and wine from the king's table, was to Daniel and his friends a test of their fidelity to the Lord and to His law, like that to which Joseph was subjected in Egypt, corresponding to the circumstances in which he was placed, of his fidelity to God (Gen 39:7.). The partaking of the food brought to them from the king's table was to them contaminating, because forbidden by law; not so much because the food was not prepared according to the Levitical ordinance, or perhaps consisted of the flesh of animals which to the Israelites were unclean, for in this case the youths were not under the necessity of refraining from the wine, but the reason of their rejection of it was, that the heathen at their feasts offered up in sacrifice to their gods a part of the food and the drink, and thus consecrated their meals by a religious rite; whereby not only he who participated in such a meal participated in the worship of idols, but the meat and the wine as a whole were the meat and the wine of an idol sacrifice, partaking of which, according to the saying of the apostle (1Cor 10:20.), is the same as sacrificing to devils. Their abstaining from such food and drink betrayed no rigorism going beyond the Mosaic law, a tendency which first showed itself in the time of the Maccabees. What, in this respect, the pious Jews did in those times, however (1 Macc. 1:62f.; 2 Macc. 5:27), stands on the ground of the law; and the aversion to eat anything that was unclean, or to defile themselves at all in heathen lands, did not for the first time spring up in the time of the Maccabees, nor yet in the time of the exile, but is found already existing in these threatenings in Hos 9:3., Amos 7:17. Daniel's resolution to refrain from such unclean food flowed therefore from fidelity to the law, and from stedfastness to the faith that "man lives not by bread only, but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of the Lord" (Deut 8:3), and from the assurance that God would bless the humbler provision which he asks for himself, and would by means of it make him and his friends as strong and vigorous as the other youths who did eat the costly provision from the king's table. Firm in this conviction, he requested the chief chamberlain to free him and his three friends from the use of the food and drink brought from the royal table. And the Lord was favourable to him, so that his request was granted.
Dan 1:9
לחסד נתן, to procure favour for any one, cf. 3Kings 8:30; Ps 106:46; Neh 1:11. The statement that God gave Daniel favour with the chief chamberlain, refers to the fact that he did not reject the request at once, as one not to be complied with, or as punishable, but, esteeming the religious conviction out of which it sprang, pointed only to the danger into which a disregard of the king's command would bring him, thus revealing the inclination of his heart to grant the request. This willingness of the prince of the eunuchs was the effect of divine grace.
Dan 1:10
The words למּה אשׁר = שׂלּמּה (Song 1:7), for why should he see? have the force of an emphatic denial, as למּה in Gen 47:15, Gen 47:19; 2Chron 32:4, and as למה דּי in Ezra 7:23, and are equivalent to "he must not indeed see." זעפים, morose, disagreeable, looking sad, here, a pitiful look in consequence of inferior food, corresponding to σκυθρωπός in Mt 6:16. פּני is to be understood before הילדים, according to the comparatio decurtata frequently found in Hebrew; cf. Ps 4:8; Ps 18:34, etc. וחיּבתּם with וrelat. depends on למּה: and ye shall bring into danger, so that ye bring into danger. את־ראשׁ חיּב, make the head guilty, i.e., make it that one forfeits his head, his life.
Dan 1:11-16
When Daniel knew from the answer of the chief that he would grant the request if he were only free from personal responsibility in the matter, he turned himself to the officer who was under the chief chamberlain, whom they were immediately subject to, and entreated him to make trial for ten days, permitting them to use vegetables and water instead of the costly provision and the wine furnished by the king, and to deal further with them according as the result would be. המּלצר, having the article, is to be regarded as an appellative, expressing the business of the calling of the man. The translation, steward or chief cook, is founded on the explanation of the word as given by Haug (Ewald's bibl. Jahrbb. v. p. 159f.) from the New Persian word mel, spirituous liquors, wine, corresponding to the Zendh. madhu (μεθυ), intoxicating drink, and = צרחara, Sanscr. חiras, the head; hence overseer over the drink, synonymous with רבשׁקה, Is 36:2. - נס נא, try, I beseech thee, thy servants, i.e., try it with us, ten days. Ten, in the decimal system the number of completeness or conclusion, may, according to circumstances, mean a long time or only a proportionally short time. Here it is used in the latter sense, because ten days are sufficient to show the effect of the kind of food on the appearance. זרעים, food from the vegetable kingdom, vegetables, leguminous fruit. Dan 1:13. מראינוּ is singular, and is used with יראוּ in the plural because two subjects follow. כּאשׁר תּראה, as thou shalt see, viz., our appearance, i.e., as thou shalt then find it, act accordingly. In this proposal Daniel trusted in the help of God, and God did not put his confidence to shame.
(Note: The request is perfectly intelligible from the nature of living faith, without our having recourse to Calvin's supposition, that Daniel had received by secret revelation the assurance that such would be the result if he and his companions were permitted to live on vegetables. The confidence of living faith which hopes in the presence and help of God is fundamentally different from the eager expectation of miraculous interference of a Maccabean Jew, which C. v. Lengerke and other deists and atheists wish to find here in Daniel.)
The youths throve so visibly on the vegetables and water, that the steward relieved them wholly from the necessity of eating from the royal table. Dan 1:15. בּשׂר בּריאי, fat, well nourished in flesh, is grammatically united to the suffix of מראיהם, from which the pronoun is easily supplied in thought. Dan 1:16. נשׂא, took away = no more gave.
Geneva 1599
1:8 But Daniel purposed in his heart that he would not (m) defile himself with the portion of the king's meat, nor with the wine which he drank: therefore he requested of the prince of the eunuchs that he might not defile himself.
(m) Not that he thought any religion to be in the meat or drink (for afterwards he did eat), but because the king should not entice him by this sweet poison to forget his religion and accustomed sobriety, and that in his meat and drink he might daily remember of what people he was from. And Daniel brings this in to show how God from the beginning assisted him with his Spirit, and at length called him to be a Prophet.
John Gill
1:8 But Daniel purposed in his heart,.... It being proposed to him to be brought up in the manner before described, he revolved it in his mind; he well weighed it, and considered it with himself, and came to a resolution about it. This is to be understood of him, not to the exclusion of his three companions, who were of the same mind with him, as appears by what follows; but perhaps it was first thought of by him; at least he first moved it to them, to which they consented; and because he was the principal in this affair, it is ascribed to him as his purpose and resolution:
that he would not defile himself with the portion the king's meat; by eating of it; partly because it might consist of what was forbidden by the law of Moses, as the flesh of unclean creatures, particularly swine, and fat and blood, and so defile himself in a ceremonial sense; and partly because, though it might be food in itself lawful to be eaten, yet part of it being first offered to their idol "Bel", as was usual, and the whole blessed in his name, it would have been against his conscience, and a defiling of that, to eat of things offered to, or blessed in the name of, an idol:
nor with the wine which he drank; which was as unlawful as his food; being a libation to his gods, as Aben Ezra observes; otherwise wine was not forbidden; nor was it disused by Daniel, when he could partake of it in his own way, Dan 10:3,
therefore he requested of the prince of the eunuchs that he might not defile himself; he did not, in a surly, still, and obstinate manner, refuse the meat and drink brought; but prudently made it a request, and modestly proposed it to the prince of the eunuchs, that had the care and charge of him and his companions; and who also joined with him in this humble suit, as appears by what follows.
John Wesley
1:8 But Daniel purposed - There may be several weighty reasons assigned why Daniel did this. Because many of those meats provided for the king's table, were forbidden by the Jewish law. Daniel knew these delicates would too much gratify the flesh. He did not dare to eat and drink things consecrated to idols. He was sensible, how unsuitable delicate fare would be to the afflicted state of God's people. Therefore he was herein a rare pattern of avoiding all the occasions of evil.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:8 Daniel . . . would not defile himself with . . . king's meat--Daniel is specified as being the leader in the "purpose" (the word implies a decided resolution) to abstain from defilement, thus manifesting a character already formed for prophetical functions. The other three youths, no doubt, shared in his purpose. It was the custom to throw a small part of the viands and wine upon the earth, as an initiatory offering to the gods, so as to consecrate to them the whole entertainment (compare Deut 32:38). To have partaken of such a feast would have been to sanction idolatry, and was forbidden even after the legal distinction of clean and unclean meats was done away (1Cor 8:7, 1Cor 8:10; 1Cor 10:27-28). Thus the faith of these youths was made instrumental in overruling the evil foretold against the Jews (Ezek 4:13; Hos 9:3), to the glory of God. Daniel and his three friends, says AUBERLEN, stand out like an oasis in the desert. Like Moses, Daniel "chose rather to suffer affliction with the people of God, than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season" (Heb 11:25; see Dan. 9:3-19). He who is to interpret divine revelations must not feed on the dainties, nor drink from the intoxicating cup, of this world. This made him as dear a name to his countrymen as Noah and Job, who also stood alone in their piety among a perverse generation (Ezek 14:14; Ezek 28:3).
requested--While decided in principle, we ought to seek our object by gentleness, rather than by an ostentatious testimony, which, under the plea of faithfulness, courts opposition.
1:81:8: Եւ ե՛դ Դանիէլ ՚ի մտի իւրում չճաշակել ՚ի սեղանոյ թագաւորին, եւ ո՛չ ՚ի գինւոյ ըմպելւոյ նորա. եւ աղաչեաց զներքինապետն զի մի՛ ճաշակեսցէ[12032]։ [12032] Ոմանք. Ոչ ճաշակել ՚ի սեղանոյ։ Ոսկան. Եւ ոչ ՚ի գինւոյ եւ յըմպելւոյ նորա։
8 Դանիէլը որոշեց չճաշակել թագաւորի սեղանից եւ ոչ էլ խմել այն գինուց, որ նա էր խմում, եւ խնդրեց ներքնապետին թոյլ տալ, որ ինքը չուտի:
8 Դանիէլ որոշեց որ թագաւորին ազնիւ կերակուրովն ու անոր խմած գինիովը չպղծուի, ուստի ներքինապետէն թոյլտուութիւն խնդրեց, որ ասոնցմով ինքզինք չպղծէ։
Եւ եդ Դանիէլ ի մտի իւրում [4]չճաշակել ի սեղանոյ թագաւորին եւ ոչ ի գինւոյ ըմպելւոյ նորա, եւ աղաչեաց զներքինապետն զի մի՛ [5]ճաշակեսցէ:

1:8: Եւ ե՛դ Դանիէլ ՚ի մտի իւրում չճաշակել ՚ի սեղանոյ թագաւորին, եւ ո՛չ ՚ի գինւոյ ըմպելւոյ նորա. եւ աղաչեաց զներքինապետն զի մի՛ ճաշակեսցէ[12032]։
[12032] Ոմանք. Ոչ ճաշակել ՚ի սեղանոյ։ Ոսկան. Եւ ոչ ՚ի գինւոյ եւ յըմպելւոյ նորա։
8 Դանիէլը որոշեց չճաշակել թագաւորի սեղանից եւ ոչ էլ խմել այն գինուց, որ նա էր խմում, եւ խնդրեց ներքնապետին թոյլ տալ, որ ինքը չուտի:
8 Դանիէլ որոշեց որ թագաւորին ազնիւ կերակուրովն ու անոր խմած գինիովը չպղծուի, ուստի ներքինապետէն թոյլտուութիւն խնդրեց, որ ասոնցմով ինքզինք չպղծէ։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:81:8 Даниил положил в сердце своем не оскверняться яствами со стола царского и вином, какое пьет царь, и потому просил начальника евнухов о том, чтобы не оскверняться ему.
1:9 καὶ και and; even ἔδωκε διδωμι give; deposit κύριος κυριος lord; master τῷ ο the Δανιηλ δανιηλ Daniēl; Thanil τιμὴν τιμη honor; value καὶ και and; even χάριν χαρις grace; regards ἐναντίον εναντιον next to; before τοῦ ο the ἀρχιευνούχου αρχιευνουχος chief of the eunuchs
1:9 וַ wa וְ and יִּתֵּ֤ן yyittˈēn נתן give הָֽ hˈā הַ the אֱלֹהִים֙ ʔᵉlōhîm אֱלֹהִים god(s) אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker] דָּ֣נִיֵּ֔אל dˈāniyyˈēl דָּנִיֵּאל Daniel לְ lᵊ לְ to חֶ֖סֶד ḥˌeseḏ חֶסֶד loyalty וּֽ ˈû וְ and לְ lᵊ לְ to רַחֲמִ֑ים raḥᵃmˈîm רַחֲמִים compassion לִ li לְ to פְנֵ֖י fᵊnˌê פָּנֶה face שַׂ֥ר śˌar שַׂר chief הַ ha הַ the סָּרִיסִֽים׃ ssārîsˈîm סָרִיס official
1:9. dedit autem Deus Daniheli gratiam et misericordiam in conspectu principis eunuchorumAnd God gave to Daniel grace and mercy in the sight of the prince of the eunuchs.
9. Now God made Daniel to find favour and compassion in the sight of the prince of the eunuchs.
But Daniel purposed in his heart that he would not defile himself with the portion of the king' s meat, nor with the wine which he drank: therefore he requested of the prince of the eunuchs that he might not defile himself:

1:8 Даниил положил в сердце своем не оскверняться яствами со стола царского и вином, какое пьет царь, и потому просил начальника евнухов о том, чтобы не оскверняться ему.
1:9
καὶ και and; even
ἔδωκε διδωμι give; deposit
κύριος κυριος lord; master
τῷ ο the
Δανιηλ δανιηλ Daniēl; Thanil
τιμὴν τιμη honor; value
καὶ και and; even
χάριν χαρις grace; regards
ἐναντίον εναντιον next to; before
τοῦ ο the
ἀρχιευνούχου αρχιευνουχος chief of the eunuchs
1:9
וַ wa וְ and
יִּתֵּ֤ן yyittˈēn נתן give
הָֽ hˈā הַ the
אֱלֹהִים֙ ʔᵉlōhîm אֱלֹהִים god(s)
אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker]
דָּ֣נִיֵּ֔אל dˈāniyyˈēl דָּנִיֵּאל Daniel
לְ lᵊ לְ to
חֶ֖סֶד ḥˌeseḏ חֶסֶד loyalty
וּֽ ˈû וְ and
לְ lᵊ לְ to
רַחֲמִ֑ים raḥᵃmˈîm רַחֲמִים compassion
לִ li לְ to
פְנֵ֖י fᵊnˌê פָּנֶה face
שַׂ֥ר śˌar שַׂר chief
הַ ha הַ the
סָּרִיסִֽים׃ ssārîsˈîm סָרִיס official
1:9. dedit autem Deus Daniheli gratiam et misericordiam in conspectu principis eunuchorum
And God gave to Daniel grace and mercy in the sight of the prince of the eunuchs.
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А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
9. При всем благоволении к Даниилу Асфеназ не соглашается на его просьбу об изменении пищи. Он боится навлечь на себя гнев Навуходоносора. И это понятно. Возможная при перемене пищи худоба Даниила и его друзей могла вызвать различные неблагоприятные для царедворца объяснения, начиная с указания на небрежное исполнение им личного царского указа ("сам определил кушанье ваше и питье ваше") и кончая предположением о хищении: назначенную юношам пищу берет себе. Подобную мысль проводит И. Флавий, дополняя библейский рассказ замечанием, что Даниил просил Асфеназа брать положенную им пищу себе, а ему и друзьям присылать растительную.
Matthew Henry: Concise Commentary on the Whole Bible - 1706
8 But Daniel purposed in his heart that he would not defile himself with the portion of the king's meat, nor with the wine which he drank: therefore he requested of the prince of the eunuchs that he might not defile himself. 9 Now God had brought Daniel into favour and tender love with the prince of the eunuchs. 10 And the prince of the eunuchs said unto Daniel, I fear my lord the king, who hath appointed your meat and your drink: for why should he see your faces worse liking than the children which are of your sort? then shall ye make me endanger my head to the king. 11 Then said Daniel to Melzar, whom the prince of the eunuchs had set over Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah, 12 Prove thy servants, I beseech thee, ten days; and let them give us pulse to eat, and water to drink. 13 Then let our countenances be looked upon before thee, and the countenance of the children that eat of the portion of the king's meat: and as thou seest, deal with thy servants. 14 So he consented to them in this matter, and proved them ten days. 15 And at the end of ten days their countenances appeared fairer and fatter in flesh than all the children which did eat the portion of the king's meat. 16 Thus Melzar took away the portion of their meat, and the wine that they should drink; and gave them pulse.
We observe here, very much to our satisfaction,
I. That Daniel was a favourite with the prince of the eunuchs (v. 9), as Joseph was with the keeper of the prison; he had a tender love for him. No doubt Daniel deserved it, and recommended himself by his ingenuity and sweetness of temper (he was greatly beloved, ch. ix. 23); and yet it is said here that it was God that brought him into favour with the prince of the eunuchs, for every one does not meet with acceptance according to his merits. Note, The interest which we think we make for ourselves we must acknowledge to be God's gift, and must ascribe to him the glory of it. Whoever are in favour, it is God that has brought them into favour; and it is by him that they find good understanding. Herein was again verified That work (Ps. cvi. 46), He made them to be pitied of all those that carried them captives. Let young ones know that the way to be acceptable is to be tractable and dutiful.
II. That Daniel was still firm to his religion. They had changed his name, but they could not change his nature. Whatever they pleased to call him, he still retained the spirit of an Israelite indeed. He would apply his mind as closely as any of them to his books, and took pains to make himself master of the learning and tongue of the Chaldeans, but he was resolved that he would not defile himself with the portion of the king's meat, he would not meddle with it, nor with the wine which he drank, v. 8. And having communicated his purpose, with the reasons of it, to his fellows, they concurred in the same resolution, as appears, v. 11. This was not out of sullenness, or peevishness, or a spirit of contradiction, but from a principle of conscience. Perhaps it was not in itself unlawful for them to eat of the king's meat or to drink of his wine. But, 1. They were scrupulous concerning the meat, lest it should be sinful. Sometimes such meat would be set before them as was expressly forbidden by their law, as swine's flesh; or they were afraid lest it should have been offered in sacrifice to an idol, or blessed in the name of an idol. The Jews were distinguished from other nations very much by their meats (Lev. xi. 45, 46), and these pious young men, being in a strange country, thought themselves obliged to keep up the honour of their being a peculiar people. Though they could not keep up their dignity as princes, they would not lose it as Israelites; for on that they most valued themselves. Note, When God's people are in Babylon they have need to take special care that they partake not in her sins. Providence seemed to lay this meat before them; being captives they must eat what they could get and must not disoblige their masters; yet, if the command be against it, they must abide by that. Though Providence says, Kill and eat, conscience says, Not so, Lord, for nothing common or unclean has come into my mouth. 2. They were jealous over themselves, lest, though it should not be sinful in itself, it should be an occasion of sin to them, lest, by indulging their appetites with these dainties, they should grow sinful, voluptuous, and in love with the pleasures of Babylon. They had learned David's prayer, Let me not eat of their dainties (Ps. cxli. 4), and Solomon's precept, Be not desirous of dainties, for they are deceitful meat (Prov. xxiii. 3), and accordingly they form their resolution. Note, It is very much the praise of all, and especially of young people, to be dead to the delights of sense, not to covet them, not to relish them, but to look upon them with indifference. Those that would excel in wisdom and piety must learn betimes to keep under the body and bring it into subjection. 3. However, they thought it unseasonable now, when Jerusalem was in distress, and they themselves were in captivity. They had no heart to drink wine in bowls, so much were they grieved for the affliction of Joseph. Though they had royal blood in their veins, yet they did not think it proper to have royal dainties in their mouths when they were thus brought low. Note, It becomes us to be humble under humbling providences. Call me not Naomi; call me Marah. See the benefit of affliction; by the account Jeremiah gives of the princes and great men now at Jerusalem it appears that they were very corrupt and wicked, and defiled themselves with things offered to idols, while these young gentlemen that were in captivity would not defile themselves, no, not with their portion of the king's meat. How much better is it with those that retain their integrity in the depths of affliction than with those that retain their iniquity in the heights of prosperity! Observe, The great thing that Daniel avoided was defiling himself with the pollutions of sin; that is the thing we should be more afraid of than of any outward trouble. Daniel, having taken up this resolution, requested of the prince of the eunuchs that he might not defile himself, not only that he might not be compelled to do it, but that he might not be tempted to do it, that the bait might not be laid before him, that he might not see the portion appointed him of the king's meat, nor look upon the wine when it was red. It will be easier to keep the temptation at a distance than to suffer it to come near and then be forced to put a knife to our throat. Note, We cannot better improve our interest in any with whom we have found favour than by making use of them to keep us from sin.
III. That God wonderfully owned him herein. When Daniel requested that he might have none of the king's meat or wine set before him the prince of the eunuchs objected that, if he and his fellows were not found in as good case as any of their companions, he should be in danger of having anger and of losing his head, v. 10. Daniel, to satisfy him that there would be no danger of any bad consequence, desires the matter might be put to a trial. He applies himself further to the under-officer, Melzar, or the steward: "Prove us for ten days; during that time let us have nothing but pulse to eat, nothing but herbs and fruits, or parched peas or lentils, and nothing but water to drink, and see how we can live upon that, and proceed accordingly," v. 13. People will not believe the benefit of abstemiousness and a spare diet, nor how much it contributes to the health of the body, unless they try it. Trial was accordingly made. Daniel and his fellows lived for ten days upon pulse and water, hard fare for young men of genteel extraction and education, and which one would rather expect they should have indented against than petitioned for; but at the end of the ten days they were compared with the other children, and were found fairer and fatter in flesh, of a more healthful look and better complexion, than all those who did eat the portion of the king's meat, v. 15. This was in part a natural effect of their temperance, but it must be ascribed to the special blessing of God, which will make a little to go a great way, a dinner of herbs better than a stalled ox. By this it appears that man lives not by bread alone; pulse and water shall be the most nourishing food if God speak the word. See what it is to keep ourselves pure from the pollutions of sin; it is the way to have that comfort and satisfaction which will be health to the navel and marrow to the bones, while the pleasures of sin are rottenness to the bones.
IV. That his master countenanced him. The steward did not force them to eat against their consciences, but, as they desired, gave them pulse and water (v. 16), the pleasures of which they enjoyed, and we have reason to think were not envied the enjoyment. Here is a great example of temperance and contentment with mean things; and (as Epicurus said) "he that lives according to nature will never be poor, but he that lives according to opinion will never be rich." This wonderful abstemiousness of these young men in the days of their youth contributed to the fitting of them, 1. For their eminent services. Hereby they kept their minds clear and unclouded, and fit for contemplation, and saved for the best employments a great deal both of time and thought; and thus they prevented those diseases which indispose men for the business of age that owe their rise to the intemperances of youth. 2. For their eminent sufferings. Those that had thus inured themselves to hardship, and lived a life of self-denial and mortification, could the more easily venture upon the fiery furnace and the den of lions, rather than sin against God.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:9: Now God had brought Daniel into favor - Compare Gen 39:21; Pro 16:7. By what means this had been done is not mentioned. It may be presumed, however, that it was by the attractiveness of his person and manners, and by the evidence of promising talent which he had evinced. Whatever were the means, however, two things are worthy of notice:
(1) The effect of this on the subsequent fortunes of Daniel. It was to him a great advantage, that by the friendship of this man he was enabled to carry out the purposes of temperance and religion which he had formed, without coming in conflict with those who were in power.
(2) God was the author of the favor which was thus shown to Daniel. It was by a controlling influence which he exerted, that this result had been secured, and Daniel traced it directly to him. We may hence learn that the favor of others toward us is to be traced to the hand of God, and if we are prospered in the world, and are permitted to enjoy the friendship of those who have it in their power to benefit us, though it may be on account of our personal qualifications, we should learn to attribute it all to God. There would have been great reason to apprehend beforehand, that the refusal of Daniel and his companions to partake of the food prepared for them would have been construed as an affront offered to the king, especially if it was understood to be on the ground that they regarded it as "defilement" or "pollution" to partake of it; but God overruled it all so as to secure the favor of those in power.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:9: Gen 32:28, Gen 39:21; Kg1 8:50; Ezr 7:27, Ezr 7:28; Neh 1:11, Neh 2:4; Psa 4:3, Psa 106:46; Pro 16:7; Act 7:10
John Gill
1:9 Now God had brought Daniel into favour and tender love with the prince of the eunuchs. Even before this request was made; as he gave to Joseph favour in the sight of Potiphar, and of the keeper of the prison; for whatever favour is shown to good men by bad men is from the Lord; for though Daniel's ingenuity, the goodness of his temper, and his modest behaviour, his excellent natural parts, and other accomplishments, might be a means of ingratiating him into the favour of this officer; yet all would have been insufficient to recommend him to him, or to overcome his prejudices on account of religion, if the Lord had not wrought upon his heart to show kindness and tenderness to him; which appeared not only by his past usage of him; but, when he presented his supplication to him, he did not put on a stern countenance, and answer him roughly, and threaten him if he did not comply with the king's orders; but in a mild and gentle manner, as follows:
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:9 God . . . brought Daniel into favour--The favor of others towards the godly is the doing of God. So in Joseph's case (Gen 39:21). Especially towards Israel (Ps 106:46; compare Prov 16:7).
1:91:9: Եւ ետ Աստուած զԴանիէլ ՚ի շնո՛րհս եւ յողորմութիւն առաջի ներքինապետին[12033]։ [12033] Օրինակ մի. Եւ ետ Աստուած Դանիէլի շնորհս առաջի ներքինա՛՛։
9 Աստուած այնպէս արեց, որ Դանիէլը գութ եւ շնորհ գտաւ ներքինապետի մօտ:
9 Աստուած ներքինապետին առջեւ շնորհք ու գթութիւն գտնել տուաւ Դանիէլին։
Եւ ետ Աստուած զԴանիէլ ի շնորհս եւ յողորմութիւն առաջի ներքինապետին:

1:9: Եւ ետ Աստուած զԴանիէլ ՚ի շնո՛րհս եւ յողորմութիւն առաջի ներքինապետին[12033]։
[12033] Օրինակ մի. Եւ ետ Աստուած Դանիէլի շնորհս առաջի ներքինա՛՛։
9 Աստուած այնպէս արեց, որ Դանիէլը գութ եւ շնորհ գտաւ ներքինապետի մօտ:
9 Աստուած ներքինապետին առջեւ շնորհք ու գթութիւն գտնել տուաւ Դանիէլին։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:91:9 Бог даровал Даниилу милость и благорасположение начальника евнухов;
1:10 καὶ και and; even εἶπεν επω say; speak ὁ ο the ἀρχιευνοῦχος αρχιευνουχος the Δανιηλ δανιηλ Daniēl; Thanil ἀγωνιῶ αγωνιαω the κύριόν κυριος lord; master μου μου of me; mine τὸν ο the βασιλέα βασιλευς monarch; king τὸν ο the ἐκτάξαντα εκτασσω the βρῶσιν βρωσις meal; eating ὑμῶν υμων your καὶ και and; even τὴν ο the πόσιν ποσις drinking ὑμῶν υμων your ἵνα ινα so; that μὴ μη not ἴδῃ οραω view; see τὰ ο the πρόσωπα προσωπον face; ahead of ὑμῶν υμων your διατετραμμένα διατρεπω and; even ἀσθενῆ ασθενης infirm; ailing παρὰ παρα from; by τοὺς ο the συντρεφομένους συντρεφω you νεανίας νεανιας young man τῶν ο the ἀλλογενῶν αλλογενης of another family καὶ και and; even κινδυνεύσω κινδυνευω in danger τῷ ο the ἰδίῳ ιδιος his own; private τραχήλῳ τραχηλος neck
1:10 וַ wa וְ and יֹּ֜אמֶר yyˈōmer אמר say שַׂ֤ר śˈar שַׂר chief הַ ha הַ the סָּרִיסִים֙ ssārîsîm סָרִיס official לְ lᵊ לְ to דָ֣נִיֵּ֔אל ḏˈāniyyˈēl דָּנִיֵּאל Daniel יָרֵ֤א yārˈē ירא fear אֲנִי֙ ʔᵃnˌî אֲנִי i אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker] אֲדֹנִ֣י ʔᵃḏōnˈî אָדֹון lord הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֔לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king אֲשֶׁ֣ר ʔᵃšˈer אֲשֶׁר [relative] מִנָּ֔ה minnˈā מנה count אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker] מַאֲכַלְכֶ֖ם maʔᵃḵalᵊḵˌem מַאֲכָל food וְ wᵊ וְ and אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker] מִשְׁתֵּיכֶ֑ם mištêḵˈem מִשְׁתֶּה drinking אֲשֶׁ֡ר ʔᵃšˈer אֲשֶׁר [relative] לָמָּה֩ lāmmˌā לָמָה why יִרְאֶ֨ה yirʔˌeh ראה see אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker] פְּנֵיכֶ֜ם pᵊnêḵˈem פָּנֶה face זֹֽעֲפִ֗ים zˈōʕᵃfˈîm זעף be embittered מִן־ min- מִן from הַ ha הַ the יְלָדִים֙ yᵊlāḏîm יֶלֶד boy אֲשֶׁ֣ר ʔᵃšˈer אֲשֶׁר [relative] כְּ kᵊ כְּ as גִֽילְכֶ֔ם ḡˈîlᵊḵˈem גִּיל age וְ wᵊ וְ and חִיַּבְתֶּ֥ם ḥiyyavtˌem חוב be guilty אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker] רֹאשִׁ֖י rōšˌî רֹאשׁ head לַ la לְ to † הַ the מֶּֽלֶךְ׃ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
1:10. et ait princeps eunuchorum ad Danihel timeo ego dominum meum regem qui constituit vobis cibum et potum qui si viderit vultus vestros macilentiores prae ceteris adulescentibus coaevis vestris condemnabitis caput meum regiAnd the prince of the eunuchs said to Daniel: I fear my lord, the king, who hath appointed you meat and drink: who if he should see your faces leaner than those of the other youths, your equals, you shall endanger my head to the king.
10. And the prince of the eunuchs said unto Darnel, I fear my lord the king, who hath appointed your meat and your drink: for why should he see your faces worse liking than the youths which are of your own age? so should ye endanger my head with the king.
Now God had brought Daniel into favour and tender love with the prince of the eunuchs:

1:9 Бог даровал Даниилу милость и благорасположение начальника евнухов;
1:10
καὶ και and; even
εἶπεν επω say; speak
ο the
ἀρχιευνοῦχος αρχιευνουχος the
Δανιηλ δανιηλ Daniēl; Thanil
ἀγωνιῶ αγωνιαω the
κύριόν κυριος lord; master
μου μου of me; mine
τὸν ο the
βασιλέα βασιλευς monarch; king
τὸν ο the
ἐκτάξαντα εκτασσω the
βρῶσιν βρωσις meal; eating
ὑμῶν υμων your
καὶ και and; even
τὴν ο the
πόσιν ποσις drinking
ὑμῶν υμων your
ἵνα ινα so; that
μὴ μη not
ἴδῃ οραω view; see
τὰ ο the
πρόσωπα προσωπον face; ahead of
ὑμῶν υμων your
διατετραμμένα διατρεπω and; even
ἀσθενῆ ασθενης infirm; ailing
παρὰ παρα from; by
τοὺς ο the
συντρεφομένους συντρεφω you
νεανίας νεανιας young man
τῶν ο the
ἀλλογενῶν αλλογενης of another family
καὶ και and; even
κινδυνεύσω κινδυνευω in danger
τῷ ο the
ἰδίῳ ιδιος his own; private
τραχήλῳ τραχηλος neck
1:10
וַ wa וְ and
יֹּ֜אמֶר yyˈōmer אמר say
שַׂ֤ר śˈar שַׂר chief
הַ ha הַ the
סָּרִיסִים֙ ssārîsîm סָרִיס official
לְ lᵊ לְ to
דָ֣נִיֵּ֔אל ḏˈāniyyˈēl דָּנִיֵּאל Daniel
יָרֵ֤א yārˈē ירא fear
אֲנִי֙ ʔᵃnˌî אֲנִי i
אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker]
אֲדֹנִ֣י ʔᵃḏōnˈî אָדֹון lord
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֔לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
אֲשֶׁ֣ר ʔᵃšˈer אֲשֶׁר [relative]
מִנָּ֔ה minnˈā מנה count
אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker]
מַאֲכַלְכֶ֖ם maʔᵃḵalᵊḵˌem מַאֲכָל food
וְ wᵊ וְ and
אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker]
מִשְׁתֵּיכֶ֑ם mištêḵˈem מִשְׁתֶּה drinking
אֲשֶׁ֡ר ʔᵃšˈer אֲשֶׁר [relative]
לָמָּה֩ lāmmˌā לָמָה why
יִרְאֶ֨ה yirʔˌeh ראה see
אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker]
פְּנֵיכֶ֜ם pᵊnêḵˈem פָּנֶה face
זֹֽעֲפִ֗ים zˈōʕᵃfˈîm זעף be embittered
מִן־ min- מִן from
הַ ha הַ the
יְלָדִים֙ yᵊlāḏîm יֶלֶד boy
אֲשֶׁ֣ר ʔᵃšˈer אֲשֶׁר [relative]
כְּ kᵊ כְּ as
גִֽילְכֶ֔ם ḡˈîlᵊḵˈem גִּיל age
וְ wᵊ וְ and
חִיַּבְתֶּ֥ם ḥiyyavtˌem חוב be guilty
אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker]
רֹאשִׁ֖י rōšˌî רֹאשׁ head
לַ la לְ to
הַ the
מֶּֽלֶךְ׃ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
1:10. et ait princeps eunuchorum ad Danihel timeo ego dominum meum regem qui constituit vobis cibum et potum qui si viderit vultus vestros macilentiores prae ceteris adulescentibus coaevis vestris condemnabitis caput meum regi
And the prince of the eunuchs said to Daniel: I fear my lord, the king, who hath appointed you meat and drink: who if he should see your faces leaner than those of the other youths, your equals, you shall endanger my head to the king.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ all ▾
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:10: And the prince of the eunuchs said unto Daniel, I fear my lord the king - He was apprehensive that if Daniel appeared less healthful, or cheerful, or beautiful, than it was supposed he would under the prescribed mode of life, it would be construed as disobedience of the commands of the king on his part, and that it would be inferred that the wan and emaciated appearance of Daniel was caused by the fact that the food which had been ordered had not been furnished, but had been embezzled by the officer who had it in charge. We have only to remember the strict and arbitrary nature of Oriental monarchies to see that there were just grounds for the apprehensions here expressed.
For why should he see your faces worse liking - Margin, "sadder." The Hebrew word (זעפים zo‛ ă pı̂ ym) means, properly, angry; and then morose, gloomy, sad. The primary idea seems to be, that of "any" painful, or unpleasant emotion of the mind which depicts itself on the countenance - whether anger, sorrow, envy, lowness of spirits, etc. Greek, σκυθρωπὰ skuthrō pa - stern, gloomy, sad, Mat 6:16; Luk 24:17. Here the reference is not to the expression of angry feelings in the countenance, but to the countenance as fallen away by fasting, or poor living. "Than the children." The youths, or young men. The same word is here used which occurs in Dan 1:4. Compare the note at that verse.
Which are of your sort - Margin, "term," or "continuance." The Hebrew word here used (גיל gı̂ yl) means, properly, a circle, or circuit; hence an age, and then the men of an age, a generation. - "Gesenius." The word is not used, however, in the Scriptures elsewhere in this sense. Elsewhere it is rendered "joy," or "rejoicing," Job 3:22; Psa 43:4; Psa 45:15; Psa 65:12; Pro 23:24; Isa 16:10; Isa 35:2; Isa 65:18; Jer 48:33; Hos 9:1; Joe 1:16. This meaning it has from the usual sense of the verb (גיל gı̂ yl) "to exult," or "rejoice." The verb properly means, to move in a circle; then to "dance" in a circle; and then to exult or rejoice. The word "circle," as often used now to denote those of a certain class, rank, or character, would accurately express the sense here. Thus we speak of those in the "religious" circles, in the social circles, etc. The reference here is to those of the same class with Daniel; to wit, in the arrangements made for presenting them before the king. Greek, συνήλικα ὑμῶν sunē lika humō n, of your age.
Then shall ye make me endanger my head to the king - As if he had disregarded the orders given him, or had embezzled what had been provided for these youths, and had furnished them with inferior fare. In the arbitrary courts of the East, nothing would be more natural than that such an apparent failure in the performance of what was enjoined would peril his life. The word used here, and rendered "make me endanger" - חוב chû b - occurs nowhere else in the Bible. It means, in Piel, to make guilty; to cause to forfeit. Greek, καταδικάσητε katadikasē te - you will condemn, or cause me to be condemned.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:10: I fear: Pro 29:25; Joh 12:42, Joh 12:43
worse liking: Heb. sadder, Mat 6:16-18
sort: or, term, or continuance
Geneva 1599
1:10 And the prince of the eunuchs said unto Daniel, (n) I fear my lord the king, who hath appointed your meat and your drink: for why should he see your faces worse liking than the children which [are] of your sort? then shall ye make [me] endanger my head to the king.
(n) He supposed they did this for their religion, which was contrary to the Babylonians, and therefore in this he represents those who are of no religion: for neither would he condemn theirs, nor maintain his own.
John Gill
1:10 And the prince of the eunuchs said unto Daniel, I fear my lord the king,.... This he said, not as refusing and denying the request of Daniel; but as hesitating about it, divided in his own mind, between love and tenderness to Daniel, and fear of the king: it is as if he should say, I could freely out of respect to you grant you your request; were it not for duty to my lord the king, reverence of him, and especially fear of his wrath and displeasure: who hath appointed your meat and your drink; has ordered it himself, both the quality and quantity, both what and how much; whose will is his law, and cannot be resisted, but must be obeyed; and though I should indulge you in this matter, and it may be concealed for a while, yet it cannot be always a secret, your countenance will betray it:
for why should he see your faces worse liking than the children which are of your sort? than the other Jewish youths that were selected at the same time, and brought up in the same manner, and for the same ends. Some (x) render it, "than the children of your captivity"; who were taken and brought captive to Babylon when they were; but the Septuagint, Vulgate Latin, Syriac, and Arabic versions, render it, "than those of the same age" (y); their contemporaries, that were born about the same time, and brought up together in the same way: or, than those of your own nation? as some (z) translate it: and now, when they should be presented together to the king, the difference would be observable; Daniel and his companions would appear of a pale complexion, of thin and meagre looks, and dark dismal countenances, like persons angry, fretful, and troubled; as the word signifies (a); when their contemporaries would appear fat and plump, cheerful and pleasant; which would naturally lead into an inquiry of the reason of this difference:
then shall ye make me endanger my head to the king; I shall commit a trespass, of which I shall be found guilty, and be condemned to die, and lose my head for it; and now, as if he should say, I leave it with you; can you desire me to expose myself to so much danger? I would willingly grant your favour, but my life is at stake.
(x) "secundum captivitatem vesture", Gejerus; "in captivitate vestra; sic quidam legunt cum" Vatablus. (y) The word is only used in this place; but in the Arabic language "gil" is an age or generation, as in the Arabic version of Gen. vi. 9. Matt. i. 17. and xxiii. 36. Luke xi. 50, 51. So, in the Talmudic language, is one that is born in the same hour, and under the same planet, as the gloss explains it in T. Bab. Bava Metzia, fol. 27. 2. (z) So Hottinger, who says the word in the Arabic language signifies a nation or country; and renders the words, "qui secundum nationem et gentem vestram", Smegma Orientals, l. 1. c. 7. p. 134. (a) see Gen. xl. 6. 2 Chron. xxvi. 19. 1 Kings xx. 43. and xxi. 4. Prov. xix. 3. 12. so Ben Melech.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:10 worse liking--looking less healthy.
your sort--of your age, or class; literally, "circle."
endanger my head--An arbitrary Oriental despot could, in a fit of wrath at his orders having been disobeyed, command the offender to be instantly decapitated.
1:101:10: Եւ ասէ ներքինապետն ցԴանիէլ. Երկնչի՛մ ես ՚ի տեառնէ իմմէ արքայէ, որ կարգեաց ձեզ զկերակուրդ ձեր եւ զըմպելի. գուցէ՛ տեսանիցէ զերեսս ձեր տրտմագոյնս քան զայլոց մանկանց հասակակցաց ձերոց. եւ առնիցէք զիս գլխապա՛րտ թագաւորին[12034]։ [12034] Ոմանք. Տրամագոյն քան զայ՛՛։ Յօրինակին պակասէր. Եւ առնիցէք զիս գլխապարտ։
10 Ներքինապետն ասաց Դանիէլին. «Ես վախենում եմ իմ տէր արքայից, որ այդ կերակուրն ու ըմպելիքը սահմանեց ձեզ համար. թերեւս ձեր դէմքը աւելի դալուկ տեսնի, քան ձեզ հասակակից ուրիշ մանուկներինը, եւ դուք ինձ գլխով պարտական կը դարձնէք թագաւորի առաջ»:
10 Ներքինապետը Դանիէլին ըսաւ. «Ես կը վախնամ իմ թագաւոր տիրոջմէս, որ ձեր ուտելիքն ու խմելիքը սահմանեց. վասն զի ինչո՞ւ համար անիկա ձեր երեսները աւելի տկար տեսնէ քան ձեզի հասակակից եղող միւս տղաքներուն երեսները։ Ասով թագաւորին առջեւ գլուխս պիտի վտանգէք»։
Եւ ասէ ներքինապետն ցԴանիէլ. Երկնչիմ ես ի տեառնէ իմմէ արքայէ, որ կարգեաց ձեզ զկերակուրդ ձեր եւ զըմպելի. գուցէ տեսանիցէ զերեսս ձեր տրտմագոյնս քան զայլոց մանկանց հասակակցաց ձերոց, եւ առնիցէք զիս գլխապարտ առ թագաւորին:

1:10: Եւ ասէ ներքինապետն ցԴանիէլ. Երկնչի՛մ ես ՚ի տեառնէ իմմէ արքայէ, որ կարգեաց ձեզ զկերակուրդ ձեր եւ զըմպելի. գուցէ՛ տեսանիցէ զերեսս ձեր տրտմագոյնս քան զայլոց մանկանց հասակակցաց ձերոց. եւ առնիցէք զիս գլխապա՛րտ թագաւորին[12034]։
[12034] Ոմանք. Տրամագոյն քան զայ՛՛։ Յօրինակին պակասէր. Եւ առնիցէք զիս գլխապարտ։
10 Ներքինապետն ասաց Դանիէլին. «Ես վախենում եմ իմ տէր արքայից, որ այդ կերակուրն ու ըմպելիքը սահմանեց ձեզ համար. թերեւս ձեր դէմքը աւելի դալուկ տեսնի, քան ձեզ հասակակից ուրիշ մանուկներինը, եւ դուք ինձ գլխով պարտական կը դարձնէք թագաւորի առաջ»:
10 Ներքինապետը Դանիէլին ըսաւ. «Ես կը վախնամ իմ թագաւոր տիրոջմէս, որ ձեր ուտելիքն ու խմելիքը սահմանեց. վասն զի ինչո՞ւ համար անիկա ձեր երեսները աւելի տկար տեսնէ քան ձեզի հասակակից եղող միւս տղաքներուն երեսները։ Ասով թագաւորին առջեւ գլուխս պիտի վտանգէք»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:101:10 и начальник евнухов сказал Даниилу: боюсь я господина моего, царя, который сам назначил вам пищу и питье; если он увидит лица ваши худощавее, нежели у отроков, сверстников ваших, то вы сделаете голову мою виновною перед царем.
1:11 καὶ και and; even εἶπεν επω say; speak Δανιηλ δανιηλ Daniēl; Thanil Αβιεσδρι αβιεσδρι the ἀναδειχθέντι αναδεικνυμι indicate; appoint ἀρχιευνούχῳ αρχιευνουχος in; on τὸν ο the Δανιηλ δανιηλ Daniēl; Thanil Ανανιαν ανανιας Ananias Μισαηλ μισαηλ Azarias
1:11 וַ wa וְ and יֹּ֥אמֶר yyˌōmer אמר say דָּנִיֵּ֖אל dāniyyˌēl דָּנִיֵּאל Daniel אֶל־ ʔel- אֶל to הַ ha הַ the מֶּלְצַ֑ר mmelṣˈar מֶלְצַר guardian אֲשֶׁ֤ר ʔᵃšˈer אֲשֶׁר [relative] מִנָּה֙ minnˌā מנה count שַׂ֣ר śˈar שַׂר chief הַ ha הַ the סָּֽרִיסִ֔ים ssˈārîsˈîm סָרִיס official עַל־ ʕal- עַל upon דָּנִיֵּ֣אל dāniyyˈēl דָּנִיֵּאל Daniel חֲנַנְיָ֔ה ḥᵃnanyˈā חֲנַנְיָה Hananiah מִֽישָׁאֵ֖ל mˈîšāʔˌēl מִישָׁאֵל Mishael וַ wa וְ and עֲזַרְיָֽה׃ ʕᵃzaryˈā עֲזַרְיָה Azariah
1:11. et dixit Danihel ad Malassar quem constituerat princeps eunuchorum super Danihel Ananiam Misahel et AzariamAnd Daniel said to Malasar, whom the prince of the eunuchs had appointed over Daniel, Ananias, Misael, and Azarias:
11. Then said Daniel to the steward, whom the prince of the eunuchs had appointed over Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah:
And the prince of the eunuchs said unto Daniel, I fear my lord the king, who hath appointed your meat and your drink: for why should he see your faces worse liking than the children which [are] of your sort? then shall ye make [me] endanger my head to the king:

1:10 и начальник евнухов сказал Даниилу: боюсь я господина моего, царя, который сам назначил вам пищу и питье; если он увидит лица ваши худощавее, нежели у отроков, сверстников ваших, то вы сделаете голову мою виновною перед царем.
1:11
καὶ και and; even
εἶπεν επω say; speak
Δανιηλ δανιηλ Daniēl; Thanil
Αβιεσδρι αβιεσδρι the
ἀναδειχθέντι αναδεικνυμι indicate; appoint
ἀρχιευνούχῳ αρχιευνουχος in; on
τὸν ο the
Δανιηλ δανιηλ Daniēl; Thanil
Ανανιαν ανανιας Ananias
Μισαηλ μισαηλ Azarias
1:11
וַ wa וְ and
יֹּ֥אמֶר yyˌōmer אמר say
דָּנִיֵּ֖אל dāniyyˌēl דָּנִיֵּאל Daniel
אֶל־ ʔel- אֶל to
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּלְצַ֑ר mmelṣˈar מֶלְצַר guardian
אֲשֶׁ֤ר ʔᵃšˈer אֲשֶׁר [relative]
מִנָּה֙ minnˌā מנה count
שַׂ֣ר śˈar שַׂר chief
הַ ha הַ the
סָּֽרִיסִ֔ים ssˈārîsˈîm סָרִיס official
עַל־ ʕal- עַל upon
דָּנִיֵּ֣אל dāniyyˈēl דָּנִיֵּאל Daniel
חֲנַנְיָ֔ה ḥᵃnanyˈā חֲנַנְיָה Hananiah
מִֽישָׁאֵ֖ל mˈîšāʔˌēl מִישָׁאֵל Mishael
וַ wa וְ and
עֲזַרְיָֽה׃ ʕᵃzaryˈā עֲזַרְיָה Azariah
1:11. et dixit Danihel ad Malassar quem constituerat princeps eunuchorum super Danihel Ananiam Misahel et Azariam
And Daniel said to Malasar, whom the prince of the eunuchs had appointed over Daniel, Ananias, Misael, and Azarias:
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
11. Ответ Асфеназа давал понять, что по существу для него безразлично, какой пищей будут питаться Даниил и его друзья. Царский указ он исполняет из боязни ответственности пред царем и готов отменить его, если с него снимут ее. Пользуясь этим, Даниил обратился с своею просьбою к непосредственному своему начальнику Амелсару, т. е. виночерпию, так как еврейское имя "гамелцарь" (персидское "messar" = дворецкий), стоящее с определенным членом, есть имя должности, а не лица. И этот последний, как лицо неответственное пред Навуходоносором за юношей, потому что наблюдение за ними было поручено ему Асфеназом (11: ст.), соглашается с желанием Даниила. Его уступчивость объясняется и тем, что питание растительной пищей ограничивалось на первых порах десятью днями, - таким сроком, в течение которого не могла слишком заметно сказаться худоба юношей.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:11: Then said Daniel to Melzar - Melzar was an officer under Ashpenaz, whose office it was to attend to the food, clothing, etc., of these royal captives. Others think מלצר meltsar, master of the inn or hotel, the name of an office.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:11: Then said Daniel to Melzar, whom the prince of the eunuchs had set over Daniel ... - Margin, or, the "steward." It is not easy to determine whether the word here used (מלצר meltsâ r) is to be regarded as a proper name, or the name of an office. It occurs nowhere else, except in Dan 1:16, applied to the same person. Gesenius regards it as denoting the name of an office in the Babylonian court - master of the wine, chief butler. Others regard it as meaning a treasurer. The word is still in use in Persia. The Vulgate renders it as a proper name - Malasar; and so the Syriac - Meshitzar; and so the Greek - Ἀμελσὰδ Amelsad. The use of the article in the word (המלצר hameltsâ r) would seem to imply that it denoted the name of an "office," and nothing would be more probable than that the actual furnishing of the daily portion of food would be entrusted to a steward, or to some incumbent of an office inferior to that sustained by Ashpenaz, Dan 1:3.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:11: Melzar: or, the steward, Dan 1:16
John Gill
1:11 Then said Daniel to Melzar,.... The prince of the eunuchs, having put off Daniel with the above answer, seems to have left him; or, however, Daniel, finding he could not obtain of him what he sought for, applies to Melzar, a subordinate officer, whom he hoped to find more pliable; and it may be that Ashpenaz might suggest it to him to apply to this person, and signify that if he could prevail upon him to give him other food instead of the king's; who might be under a temptation from profit, being a meaner officer; he for his part would wink at it, so be it he came not into any danger himself; however, be it as it will, Daniel did apply to this man, whose name was Melzar, for so most take it to be the proper name of a man; which, according to Hillerus (b), signifies one "in full splendour". Josephus calls (c) him Aschanes; though some think it is the name of an office, as a steward, or the like; but whether it is expressive of his name, or his office, he is described as one
whom the prince of the eunuchs had set over Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah; to give them their food at proper time.
(b) Onomast. Sacr. p. 600. (c) Antiqu. l. 10. c. 10. sect. 2.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:11 Melzar--rather, the steward, or chief butler, entrusted by Ashpenaz with furnishing the daily portion to the youths [GESENIUS]. The word is still in use in Persia.
1:111:11: Եւ ասէ Դանիէլ ցԱմեղասադ, զոր կացուցեալն էր ներքինապետն ՚ի վերայ Դանիելի՝ եւ Անանիայ՝ եւ Միսայելի՝ եւ Ազարիայ[12035]։ [12035] Ոմանք. ՑԱմաղեսադ։ Իսկ Ոսկան. ցՄալասադ։
11 Դանիէլն ասաց Ամելասադին, որին ներքինապետը վերակացու էր նշանակել Դանիէլի, Անանիայի, Միսայէլի եւ Ազարիայի վրայ.
11 Դանիէլ ըսաւ տնտեսին*, որ ներքինապետը Դանիէլին, Անանիային, Միսայէլին ու Ազարիային վրայ դրեր էր.
Եւ ասէ Դանիէլ [6]ցԱմեղասադ, զոր կացուցեալն էր ներքինապետն ի վերայ Դանիելի եւ Անանեայ եւ Միսայելի եւ Ազարեայ:

1:11: Եւ ասէ Դանիէլ ցԱմեղասադ, զոր կացուցեալն էր ներքինապետն ՚ի վերայ Դանիելի՝ եւ Անանիայ՝ եւ Միսայելի՝ եւ Ազարիայ[12035]։
[12035] Ոմանք. ՑԱմաղեսադ։ Իսկ Ոսկան. ցՄալասադ։
11 Դանիէլն ասաց Ամելասադին, որին ներքինապետը վերակացու էր նշանակել Դանիէլի, Անանիայի, Միսայէլի եւ Ազարիայի վրայ.
11 Դանիէլ ըսաւ տնտեսին*, որ ներքինապետը Դանիէլին, Անանիային, Միսայէլին ու Ազարիային վրայ դրեր էր.
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:111:11 Тогда сказал Даниил Амелсару, которого начальник евнухов приставил к Даниилу, Анании, Мисаилу и Азарии:
1:12 πείρασον πειραζω try; test δὴ δη in fact τοὺς ο the παῖδάς παις child; boy σου σου of you; your ἐφ᾿ επι in; on ἡμέρας ημερα day δέκα δεκα ten καὶ και and; even δοθήτω διδωμι give; deposit ἡμῖν ημιν us ἀπὸ απο from; away τῶν ο the ὀσπρίων οσπριον the γῆς γη earth; land ὥστε ωστε as such; that κάπτειν καπτω and; even ὑδροποτεῖν υδροποτεω drink water
1:12 נַס־ nas- נסה try נָ֥א nˌā נָא yeah אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker] עֲבָדֶ֖יךָ ʕᵃvāḏˌeʸḵā עֶבֶד servant יָמִ֣ים yāmˈîm יֹום day עֲשָׂרָ֑ה ʕᵃśārˈā עֲשָׂרָה ten וְ wᵊ וְ and יִתְּנוּ־ yittᵊnû- נתן give לָ֜נוּ lˈānû לְ to מִן־ min- מִן from הַ ha הַ the זֵּרֹעִ֛ים zzērōʕˈîm זֵרֹעִים herbs וְ wᵊ וְ and נֹאכְלָ֖ה nōḵᵊlˌā אכל eat וּ û וְ and מַ֥יִם mˌayim מַיִם water וְ wᵊ וְ and נִשְׁתֶּֽה׃ ništˈeh שׁתה drink
1:12. tempta nos obsecro servos tuos diebus decem et dentur nobis legumina ad vescendum et aqua ad bibendumTry, I beseech thee, thy servants for ten days, and let pulse be given us to eat, and water to drink:
12. Prove thy servants, I beseech thee, ten days; and let them give us pulse to eat, and water to drink.
Then said Daniel to Melzar, whom the prince of the eunuchs had set over Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah:

1:11 Тогда сказал Даниил Амелсару, которого начальник евнухов приставил к Даниилу, Анании, Мисаилу и Азарии:
1:12
πείρασον πειραζω try; test
δὴ δη in fact
τοὺς ο the
παῖδάς παις child; boy
σου σου of you; your
ἐφ᾿ επι in; on
ἡμέρας ημερα day
δέκα δεκα ten
καὶ και and; even
δοθήτω διδωμι give; deposit
ἡμῖν ημιν us
ἀπὸ απο from; away
τῶν ο the
ὀσπρίων οσπριον the
γῆς γη earth; land
ὥστε ωστε as such; that
κάπτειν καπτω and; even
ὑδροποτεῖν υδροποτεω drink water
1:12
נַס־ nas- נסה try
נָ֥א nˌā נָא yeah
אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker]
עֲבָדֶ֖יךָ ʕᵃvāḏˌeʸḵā עֶבֶד servant
יָמִ֣ים yāmˈîm יֹום day
עֲשָׂרָ֑ה ʕᵃśārˈā עֲשָׂרָה ten
וְ wᵊ וְ and
יִתְּנוּ־ yittᵊnû- נתן give
לָ֜נוּ lˈānû לְ to
מִן־ min- מִן from
הַ ha הַ the
זֵּרֹעִ֛ים zzērōʕˈîm זֵרֹעִים herbs
וְ wᵊ וְ and
נֹאכְלָ֖ה nōḵᵊlˌā אכל eat
וּ û וְ and
מַ֥יִם mˌayim מַיִם water
וְ wᵊ וְ and
נִשְׁתֶּֽה׃ ništˈeh שׁתה drink
1:12. tempta nos obsecro servos tuos diebus decem et dentur nobis legumina ad vescendum et aqua ad bibendum
Try, I beseech thee, thy servants for ten days, and let pulse be given us to eat, and water to drink:
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Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:12: Give us pulse to eat - הזרעים hazzeraim, seeds or grain, such as barley, wheat, rye, and peas, etc. Though a vegetable diet might have produced that healthiness of the system in general, and of the countenance particularly, as mentioned here; yet we are to understand that there was an especial blessing of God in this, because this spare diet was taken on a religious account.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:12: Prove thy servants, I beseech thee, ten days - A period which would indicate the probable result of the entire experiment. If during that period there were no indications of diminished health, beauty, or vigour, it would not be unfair to presume that the experiment in behalf of temperance would be successful, and it would not be improper then to ask that it might be continued longer.
And let them give us pulse to eat - Margin, "of pulse that we may eat." Hebrew, "Let them give us of pulse, and we will eat." The word "pulse" with us means leguminous plants with thin seeds; that is, plants with a pericarp, or seed-vessel, of two valves, having the seeds fixed to one suture only. In popular language the "legume" is called a "pod;" as a "pea-pod," or "bean-pod," and the word is commonly applied to peas or beans. The Hebrew word (זרעים zē ro‛ı̂ ym) would properly have reference to seeds of any kind - from זרע zâ ra‛, to disperse, to scatter seed, to sow. Then it would refer to plants that bear seed, of all kinds, and would be by no means limited to pulse - as pease or beans. It is rendered by Gesenius, "seed-herbs, greens, vegetables; i. e., vegetable food, such as was eaten in half-fast, opposed to meats and the more delicate kinds of food." The word occurs only here and in Dan 1:16. It is rendered in the Vulgate, "legumina;" and in the Greek, ἀπὸ τῶν σπερμάτων apo tō n spermatō n - "from seeds." It is not a proper construction to limit this to "pulse," or to suppose that Daniel desired to live solely on pease or beans; but the fair interpretation is to apply it to what grows up from "seeds" - such, probably, as would be sown in a garden, or, as we would now express it, "vegetable diet." It was designed as an experiment - and was a very interesting one - to show the legitimate effect of such a diet in promoting beauty and health, and the result is worthy of special notice as contrasted with a more luxurious mode of life.
And water to drink - This, also, was a most interesting and important experiment, to show that wine was not necessary to produce healthfulness of appearance, or manly strength and beauty. It was an experiment to illustrate the effect of "cold water" as a beverage, made by an interesting group of young men, when surrounded by great temptations, and is, therefore, worthy of particular attention.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:12: pulse to eat: Heb. of pulse that we may eat, etc. Pulse, zeroim denotes all leguminous plants, which are not reaped but pulled or plucked; which, however wholesome, was not naturally calculated to render them fatter in flesh than the others. Dan 1:16; Gen 1:29, Gen 1:30; Deu 8:3; Rom 14:2
Geneva 1599
1:12 Prove thy servants, I beseech thee, (o) ten days; and let them give us (p) pulse to eat, and water to drink.
(o) Meaning that within this space he might have the test, and that no man would be able to know about it: and thus he spoke, being moved by the Spirit of God.
(p) Not that it was a thing abominable to eat dainty meats, and to drink wine, as both before and after they did, but if they would have by this been won to the King, and had refused their own religion, that meat and drink would have been accursed.
John Gill
1:12 Prove thy servants, I beseech thee, ten days, Here Daniel manifestly includes his companions, and makes his request for himself and them; desiring that they might be tried ten days with different sort of food and drink, and see whether any alteration would be made in them for the worse; which was a proper time for such a trial; for in that time it might be reasonably supposed that their food, if it had any bad effect on them, would appear. Saadiah makes these ten days to be the days between the first day of the year and the day of atonement; but without any foundation:
and let them give us pulse to eat, and water to drink; instead of the king's meat, pulse, beans, pease, vetches, lentiles, rice, millet, and the like. The word (d) used signifies anything sown, all kinds of roots, herbs, and fruits; and, instead of wine, water; meat and drink, it may be thought, that persons of such birth and education had not been used to; and yet they preferred these to the king's dainties, by eating and drinking of which their consciences would be in danger of being defiled.
(d) , Sept.; "de seminibus", Montanus; "de sativis", Cocceius.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:12 pulse--The Hebrew expresses any vegetable grown from seeds, that is, vegetable food in general [GESENIUS].
1:121:12: Աղէ փորձեա՛ զծառայս քո աւուրս տա՛սն, եւ տացեն մեզ ունտս՝ եւ կերիցուք, եւ ջո՛ւր արբցուք[12036]. [12036] Ոմանք. Եւ ջուր՝ եւ արբցուք։ Իսկ Ոսկան. զի արբցուք։
12 «Արի՛ տասը օր փորձի՛ր քո ծառաներին, եւ թող մեզ ընդեղէն տան, որ ուտենք, եւ ջուր, որ խմենք:
12 «Շնորհք ըրէ՛, քու ծառաներդ տասը օր փորձէ՛ ու մեզի ուտելու համար ընդեղէն ու խմելու համար ջուր տուր։
աղէ, փորձեա զծառայս քո աւուրս տասն, եւ տացեն մեզ ունդս, եւ կերիցուք, եւ ջուր արբցուք:

1:12: Աղէ փորձեա՛ զծառայս քո աւուրս տա՛սն, եւ տացեն մեզ ունտս՝ եւ կերիցուք, եւ ջո՛ւր արբցուք[12036].
[12036] Ոմանք. Եւ ջուր՝ եւ արբցուք։ Իսկ Ոսկան. զի արբցուք։
12 «Արի՛ տասը օր փորձի՛ր քո ծառաներին, եւ թող մեզ ընդեղէն տան, որ ուտենք, եւ ջուր, որ խմենք:
12 «Շնորհք ըրէ՛, քու ծառաներդ տասը օր փորձէ՛ ու մեզի ուտելու համար ընդեղէն ու խմելու համար ջուր տուր։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:121:12 сделай опыт над рабами твоими в течение десяти дней; пусть дают нам в пищу овощи и воду для питья;
1:13 καὶ και and; even ἐὰν εαν and if; unless φανῇ φαινω shine; appear ἡ ο the ὄψις οψις sight; face ἡμῶν ημων our διατετραμμένη διατρεπω from; by τοὺς ο the ἄλλους αλλος another; else νεανίσκους νεανισκος young man τοὺς ο the ἐσθίοντας εσθιω eat; consume ἀπὸ απο from; away τοῦ ο the βασιλικοῦ βασιλικος regal; royal δείπνου δειπνον dinner καθὼς καθως just as / like ἐὰν εαν and if; unless θέλῃς θελω determine; will οὕτω ουτως so; this way χρῆσαι χραω lend; use τοῖς ο the παισί παις child; boy σου σου of you; your
1:13 וְ wᵊ וְ and יֵרָא֤וּ yērāʔˈû ראה see לְ lᵊ לְ to פָנֶ֨יךָ֙ fānˈeʸḵā פָּנֶה face מַרְאֵ֔ינוּ marʔˈênû מַרְאֶה sight וּ û וְ and מַרְאֵה֙ marʔˌē מַרְאֶה sight הַ ha הַ the יְלָדִ֔ים yᵊlāḏˈîm יֶלֶד boy הָ hā הַ the אֹ֣כְלִ֔ים ʔˈōḵᵊlˈîm אכל eat אֵ֖ת ʔˌēṯ אֵת [object marker] פַּתְבַּ֣ג paṯbˈaḡ פַּתְבַּג table הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֑לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king וְ wᵊ וְ and כַ ḵa כְּ as אֲשֶׁ֣ר ʔᵃšˈer אֲשֶׁר [relative] תִּרְאֵ֔ה tirʔˈē ראה see עֲשֵׂ֖ה ʕᵃśˌē עשׂה make עִם־ ʕim- עִם with עֲבָדֶֽיךָ׃ ʕᵃvāḏˈeʸḵā עֶבֶד servant
1:13. et contemplare vultus nostros et vultus puerorum qui vescuntur cibo regio et sicut videris facies cum servis tuisAnd look upon our faces, and the faces of the children that eat of the king's meat: and as thou shalt see, deal with thy servants.
13. Then let our countenances be looked upon before thee, and the countenance of the youths that eat of the king’s meat; and as thou seest, deal with thy servants.
Prove thy servants, I beseech thee, ten days; and let them give us pulse to eat, and water to drink:

1:12 сделай опыт над рабами твоими в течение десяти дней; пусть дают нам в пищу овощи и воду для питья;
1:13
καὶ και and; even
ἐὰν εαν and if; unless
φανῇ φαινω shine; appear
ο the
ὄψις οψις sight; face
ἡμῶν ημων our
διατετραμμένη διατρεπω from; by
τοὺς ο the
ἄλλους αλλος another; else
νεανίσκους νεανισκος young man
τοὺς ο the
ἐσθίοντας εσθιω eat; consume
ἀπὸ απο from; away
τοῦ ο the
βασιλικοῦ βασιλικος regal; royal
δείπνου δειπνον dinner
καθὼς καθως just as / like
ἐὰν εαν and if; unless
θέλῃς θελω determine; will
οὕτω ουτως so; this way
χρῆσαι χραω lend; use
τοῖς ο the
παισί παις child; boy
σου σου of you; your
1:13
וְ wᵊ וְ and
יֵרָא֤וּ yērāʔˈû ראה see
לְ lᵊ לְ to
פָנֶ֨יךָ֙ fānˈeʸḵā פָּנֶה face
מַרְאֵ֔ינוּ marʔˈênû מַרְאֶה sight
וּ û וְ and
מַרְאֵה֙ marʔˌē מַרְאֶה sight
הַ ha הַ the
יְלָדִ֔ים yᵊlāḏˈîm יֶלֶד boy
הָ הַ the
אֹ֣כְלִ֔ים ʔˈōḵᵊlˈîm אכל eat
אֵ֖ת ʔˌēṯ אֵת [object marker]
פַּתְבַּ֣ג paṯbˈaḡ פַּתְבַּג table
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֑לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
וְ wᵊ וְ and
כַ ḵa כְּ as
אֲשֶׁ֣ר ʔᵃšˈer אֲשֶׁר [relative]
תִּרְאֵ֔ה tirʔˈē ראה see
עֲשֵׂ֖ה ʕᵃśˌē עשׂה make
עִם־ ʕim- עִם with
עֲבָדֶֽיךָ׃ ʕᵃvāḏˈeʸḵā עֶבֶד servant
1:13. et contemplare vultus nostros et vultus puerorum qui vescuntur cibo regio et sicut videris facies cum servis tuis
And look upon our faces, and the faces of the children that eat of the king's meat: and as thou shalt see, deal with thy servants.
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Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:13: Then let our countenances be looked upon - One of the "objects" to be secured by this whole trial was to promote their personal beauty, and their healthful appearance Dan 1:4-5, and Daniel was willing that the trial should be made with reference to that, and that a judgment should be formed from the observed effect of their temperate mode of life. The Hebrew word rendered countenance (מראה mar'eh) is not limited to the "face," as the word countenance is with us. It refers to the whole appearance, the form, the "looks;" and the expression here is equivalent to, "Then look on us, and see what the result has been, and deal with us accordingly" The Greek is, αἱ ἰδέαι ἡμῶν hai ideai hē mō n - our appearance.
Of the children - Youths; young men. Notes, Dan 1:4. The reference is, probably, to the Chaldean youths who were trained up amidst the luxuries of the court. It is possible, however, that the reference is to Hebrew youths who were less scrupulous than Daniel and his companions.
And as thou seest, deal with thy servants - As the result shall be. That is, let us be presented at court, and promoted or not, as the result of our mode of living shall be. What the effect would have been if there had been a failure, we are not informed. Whether it would have endangered their lives, or whether it would have been merely a forfeiture of the proffered honors and advantages, we have no means of determining. It is evident that Daniel had no apprehension as to the issue.
John Gill
1:13 Then let our countenances be looked upon before thee,.... And be thoroughly examined, whether any alteration is made therein for the worse:
and the countenance of the children that eat of the portion of the king's meat; who were either Chaldean youths brought up in this manner; or rather young men of the Jews, who were not so scrupulous as Daniel and his companions, and made no objection to eating the king's food; let their countenances and ours be compared together:
and as thou seest deal with thy servants: if there is no difference, or we are not the worse for abstaining from the king's meat, then grant us our request, and continue to indulge us in this manner; but, if otherwise, do as thou wilt. Daniel, no doubt, in putting the matter on this issue, as it should turn out at the end of ten days, had a revelation or assurance from God how it would be, or he would never have ventured to put it to such a trial.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:13 Illustrating Deut 8:3, "Man doth not live by bread only, but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of the Lord."
1:131:13: եւ երեւեսցին առաջի քո գոյնք մեր, եւ գոյն մանկանցդ՝ որ ուտեն զսեղան թագաւորին. եւ որպէս տեսանիցես արասջի՛ր ընդ ծառայս քո[12037]։ [12037] Օրինակ մի. Եւ որպէս տեսանիցես այնպէս արասցես ընդ ծառայսս։
13 Եւ կ’երեւան քեզ մեր եւ այն մանուկների գոյները, որոնք ուտում են թագաւորի սեղանից: Եւ ինչպէս որ դու տեսնես, ըստ այնմ էլ վարուի՛ր քո ծառաների հետ»:
13 Դուն մեր դէմքը ու թագաւորին ազնիւ կերակուրը ուտող տղոց դէմքը քննէ՛ եւ ինչպէս տեսնես՝ անոր համեմատ ըրէ քու ծառաներուդ»։
եւ երեւեսցին առաջի քո [7]գոյնք մեր, եւ [8]գոյն մանկանցդ` որ ուտեն զսեղան թագաւորին. եւ որպէս տեսանիցես` արասջիր ընդ ծառայս քո:

1:13: եւ երեւեսցին առաջի քո գոյնք մեր, եւ գոյն մանկանցդ՝ որ ուտեն զսեղան թագաւորին. եւ որպէս տեսանիցես արասջի՛ր ընդ ծառայս քո[12037]։
[12037] Օրինակ մի. Եւ որպէս տեսանիցես այնպէս արասցես ընդ ծառայսս։
13 Եւ կ’երեւան քեզ մեր եւ այն մանուկների գոյները, որոնք ուտում են թագաւորի սեղանից: Եւ ինչպէս որ դու տեսնես, ըստ այնմ էլ վարուի՛ր քո ծառաների հետ»:
13 Դուն մեր դէմքը ու թագաւորին ազնիւ կերակուրը ուտող տղոց դէմքը քննէ՛ եւ ինչպէս տեսնես՝ անոր համեմատ ըրէ քու ծառաներուդ»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:131:13 и потом пусть явятся перед тобою лица наши и лица тех отроков, которые питаются царскою пищею, и затем поступай с рабами твоими, как увидишь.
1:14 καὶ και and; even ἐχρήσατο χραω lend; use αὐτοῖς αυτος he; him τὸν ο the τρόπον τροπος manner; by means τοῦτον ουτος this; he καὶ και and; even ἐπείρασεν πειραζω try; test αὐτοὺς αυτος he; him ἡμέρας ημερα day δέκα δεκα ten
1:14 וַ wa וְ and יִּשְׁמַ֥ע yyišmˌaʕ שׁמע hear לָהֶ֖ם lāhˌem לְ to לַ la לְ to † הַ the דָּבָ֣ר ddāvˈār דָּבָר word הַ ha הַ the זֶּ֑ה zzˈeh זֶה this וַ wa וְ and יְנַסֵּ֖ם yᵊnassˌēm נסה try יָמִ֥ים yāmˌîm יֹום day עֲשָׂרָֽה׃ ʕᵃśārˈā עֲשָׂרָה ten
1:14. qui audito sermone huiuscemodi temptavit eos diebus decemAnd when he had heard these words, he tried them for ten days.
14. So he hearkened unto them in this matter, and proved them ten days.
Then let our countenances be looked upon before thee, and the countenance of the children that eat of the portion of the king' s meat: and as thou seest, deal with thy servants:

1:13 и потом пусть явятся перед тобою лица наши и лица тех отроков, которые питаются царскою пищею, и затем поступай с рабами твоими, как увидишь.
1:14
καὶ και and; even
ἐχρήσατο χραω lend; use
αὐτοῖς αυτος he; him
τὸν ο the
τρόπον τροπος manner; by means
τοῦτον ουτος this; he
καὶ και and; even
ἐπείρασεν πειραζω try; test
αὐτοὺς αυτος he; him
ἡμέρας ημερα day
δέκα δεκα ten
1:14
וַ wa וְ and
יִּשְׁמַ֥ע yyišmˌaʕ שׁמע hear
לָהֶ֖ם lāhˌem לְ to
לַ la לְ to
הַ the
דָּבָ֣ר ddāvˈār דָּבָר word
הַ ha הַ the
זֶּ֑ה zzˈeh זֶה this
וַ wa וְ and
יְנַסֵּ֖ם yᵊnassˌēm נסה try
יָמִ֥ים yāmˌîm יֹום day
עֲשָׂרָֽה׃ ʕᵃśārˈā עֲשָׂרָה ten
1:14. qui audito sermone huiuscemodi temptavit eos diebus decem
And when he had heard these words, he tried them for ten days.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jg▾ ab▾ all ▾
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:14: So he consented to them in this matter - Hebrew, "he heard them in this thing." The experiment was such, since it was to be for so short a time, that he ran little risk in the matter, as at the end of the ten days he supposed that it would be easy to change their mode of diet if the trial was unsuccessful.
John Gill
1:14 So he consented to them in all this matter,.... Or, "hearkened to them" (e); being convinced that it was a very reasonable request, and the matter was fairly put; and especially as he saw, if it succeeded to their wish, it would be to his profit; since the meat and drink of these four persons would be his perquisite, and fetch him money; pulse and water being to be obtained at an easy rate:
and proved them ten days; tried the experiment, by giving them pulse and water only during this time, in order to see how it would agree with them; and whether any visible alteration could be discerned in their countenances, so as to bring him or his master into suspicion and danger.
(e) "auscultans eis", Junius & Tremellius, Broughtonus; "auscultavit eis", Pisator, Cocceius.
1:141:14: Եւ անսա՛ց նոցա՝ եւ փորձեաց զնոսա աւուրս տասն։
14 Ամելասադն անսաց նրանց ու փորձեց նրանց տասն օր:
14 Անիկա ասոր համաձայնեցաւ ու զանոնք տասը օր փորձեց։
Եւ անսաց նոցա, եւ փորձեաց զնոսա աւուրս տասն:

1:14: Եւ անսա՛ց նոցա՝ եւ փորձեաց զնոսա աւուրս տասն։
14 Ամելասադն անսաց նրանց ու փորձեց նրանց տասն օր:
14 Անիկա ասոր համաձայնեցաւ ու զանոնք տասը օր փորձեց։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:141:14 Он послушался их в этом и испытывал их десять дней.
1:15 μετὰ μετα with; amid δὲ δε though; while τὰς ο the δέκα δεκα ten ἡμέρας ημερα day ἐφάνη φαινω shine; appear ἡ ο the ὄψις οψις sight; face αὐτῶν αυτος he; him καλὴ καλος fine; fair καὶ και and; even ἡ ο the ἕξις εξις habit τοῦ ο the σώματος σωμα body κρείσσων κρεισσων superior τῶν ο the ἄλλων αλλος another; else νεανίσκων νεανισκος young man τῶν ο the ἐσθιόντων εσθιω eat; consume τὸ ο the βασιλικὸν βασιλικος regal; royal δεῖπνον δειπνον dinner
1:15 וּ û וְ and מִ mi מִן from קְצָת֙ qᵊṣˌāṯ קְצָת end יָמִ֣ים yāmˈîm יֹום day עֲשָׂרָ֔ה ʕᵃśārˈā עֲשָׂרָה ten נִרְאָ֤ה nirʔˈā ראה see מַרְאֵיהֶם֙ marʔêhˌem מַרְאֶה sight טֹ֔וב ṭˈôv טֹוב good וּ û וְ and בְרִיאֵ֖י vᵊrîʔˌê בָּרִיא fat בָּשָׂ֑ר bāśˈār בָּשָׂר flesh מִן־ min- מִן from כָּל־ kol- כֹּל whole הַ ha הַ the יְלָדִ֔ים yᵊlāḏˈîm יֶלֶד boy הָ hā הַ the אֹ֣כְלִ֔ים ʔˈōḵᵊlˈîm אכל eat אֵ֖ת ʔˌēṯ אֵת [object marker] פַּתְבַּ֥ג paṯbˌaḡ פַּתְבַּג table הַ ha הַ the מֶּֽלֶךְ׃ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
1:15. post dies autem decem apparuerunt vultus eorum meliores et corpulentiores prae omnibus pueris qui vescebantur cibo regioAnd after ten days, their faces appeared fairer and fatter than all the children that ate of the king's meat.
15. And at the end of ten days their countenances appeared fairer, and they were fatter in flesh, than all the youths which did eat of the king’s meat.
So he consented to them in this matter, and proved them ten days:

1:14 Он послушался их в этом и испытывал их десять дней.
1:15
μετὰ μετα with; amid
δὲ δε though; while
τὰς ο the
δέκα δεκα ten
ἡμέρας ημερα day
ἐφάνη φαινω shine; appear
ο the
ὄψις οψις sight; face
αὐτῶν αυτος he; him
καλὴ καλος fine; fair
καὶ και and; even
ο the
ἕξις εξις habit
τοῦ ο the
σώματος σωμα body
κρείσσων κρεισσων superior
τῶν ο the
ἄλλων αλλος another; else
νεανίσκων νεανισκος young man
τῶν ο the
ἐσθιόντων εσθιω eat; consume
τὸ ο the
βασιλικὸν βασιλικος regal; royal
δεῖπνον δειπνον dinner
1:15
וּ û וְ and
מִ mi מִן from
קְצָת֙ qᵊṣˌāṯ קְצָת end
יָמִ֣ים yāmˈîm יֹום day
עֲשָׂרָ֔ה ʕᵃśārˈā עֲשָׂרָה ten
נִרְאָ֤ה nirʔˈā ראה see
מַרְאֵיהֶם֙ marʔêhˌem מַרְאֶה sight
טֹ֔וב ṭˈôv טֹוב good
וּ û וְ and
בְרִיאֵ֖י vᵊrîʔˌê בָּרִיא fat
בָּשָׂ֑ר bāśˈār בָּשָׂר flesh
מִן־ min- מִן from
כָּל־ kol- כֹּל whole
הַ ha הַ the
יְלָדִ֔ים yᵊlāḏˈîm יֶלֶד boy
הָ הַ the
אֹ֣כְלִ֔ים ʔˈōḵᵊlˈîm אכל eat
אֵ֖ת ʔˌēṯ אֵת [object marker]
פַּתְבַּ֥ג paṯbˌaḡ פַּתְבַּג table
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּֽלֶךְ׃ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
1:15. post dies autem decem apparuerunt vultus eorum meliores et corpulentiores prae omnibus pueris qui vescebantur cibo regio
And after ten days, their faces appeared fairer and fatter than all the children that ate of the king's meat.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
15. Цветущий вид Даниила с друзьями при питании растительной пищей послужил для виночерпия достаточным основанием не противиться их желанию и во все остальное время воспитания.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:15: And at the end of ten days their countenances appeared fairer - Hebrew, "good;" that is, they appeared more beautiful and healthful. The experiment was successful. There was no diminution of beauty, of vigour, or of the usual indications of health. One of the results of a course of temperance appears in the countenance, and it is among the wise appointments of God that it should be so. He has so made us, that while the other parts of the body may be protected from the gaze of men, it is necessary that the "face" should be exposed. Hence, he has made the countenance the principal scat of expression, for the chief muscles which indicate expression have their location there. See the valuable work of Sir Charles Bell on the "Anatomy of Expression," London, 1844. Hence, there are certain marks of guilt and vice which always are indicated in the countenance. God has so made us that the drunkard and the glutton must proclaim their own guilt and shame.
The bloated face, the haggard aspect, the look of folly, the "heaviness of the eye, the disposition to squint, and to see double, and a forcible elevation of the eyebrow to counteract the dropping of the upper eyelid, and preserve the eyes from closing," are all marks which God has appointed to betray and expose the life of indulgence. "Arrangements are made for these expressions in the very anatomy of the face, and no art of man can pRev_ent it." - Bell on the "Anatomy of Expression," p. 106. God meant that if man "would" be intemperate he should himself proclaim it to the world, and that his fellow-men should be apprised of his guilt. This was intended to be one of the safeguards of virtue. The young man who will be intemperate "knows" what the result must be. He is apprised of it in the loathsome aspect of every drunkard whom he meets. He knows that if he yields himself to indulgence in intoxicating drink, he must soon proclaim it himself to the wide world.
No matter how beautiful, or fresh, or blooming, or healthful, he may now be; no matter how bright the eye, or ruddy the cheek, or eloquent the tongue; the eye, and the cheek, and the tongue will soon become indices of his manner of life, and the loathsomeness and offensiveness of the once beautiful and blooming countenance must pay the penalty of his folly. And in like manner, and for the same reason, the countenance is an indication of temperance and purity. The bright and steady eye, the blooming cheek, the lips that eloquently or gracefully utter the sentiments of virtue, proclaim the purity of the life, and are the natural indices to our fellow-men that we live in accordance with the great and benevolent laws of our nature, and are among the rewards of temperance and virtue.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:15: their: Exo 23:25; Deu 28:1-14; Kg2 4:42-44; Psa 37:16; Pro 10:22; Hag 1:6, Hag 1:9; Mal 2:2; Mat 4:4; Mar 6:41, Mar 6:42
Geneva 1599
1:15 And at the end of ten days their (q) countenances appeared fairer and fatter in flesh than all the children which did eat the portion of the king's meat.
(q) This bare feeding and that also of Moses, when he fled from the court of Egypt, declares that we must live in such sobriety as God calls us to, seeing that he will make it more profitable to us than all dainties: for his blessing alone suffices.
John Gill
1:15 And at the end of ten days their countenances appeared fairer, and fatter in flesh,.... At the time fixed for the trial of them, when they came to be examined, they appeared to be of a better complexion, and a more healthful look, and even plumper and fatter, with good solid flesh, and not swelled up as persons in a dropsy:
than all the children which did eat the portion of the king's meat: who appeared at the same time, and were compared with them, being under the care of the same persons: now this was owing to the blessing of divine Providence, as Jacchiades observes; for, how healthful soever pulse may be, or the several things designed by it, particularly rice, of which Aben Ezra on the place gives great encomiums, as very salutary and nourishing, and a purifier of the blood; yet neither that, nor any of the things before mentioned, tend to make persons fat in flesh, as these were.
John Wesley
1:15 Fairer and fatter - The blessing of God upon homely fare, affords often more health and strength, than more costly fare to them that eat the fat, and drink the sweet.
1:151:15: Եւ յետ կատարելոյ աւուրցն տասանց, երեւեցան երեսք նոցա նմա՝ բարիք, եւ հզօրք մարմնով քան զամենայն մանկունսն որ ուտէին զսեղան թագաւորին։
15 Երբ վերջացան տասը օրերը, նրանց դէմքերը նրան աւելի լաւ երեւացին, իսկ նրանք մարմնով աւելի հզօր, քան բոլոր այն մանուկները, որոնք ուտում էին թագաւորի սեղանից:
15 Տասը օր ետքը անոնց դէմքը՝ թագաւորին ազնիւ կերակուրը ուտող բոլոր տղաքներուն դէմքէն աւելի աղէկ ու գէր երեւցաւ։
Եւ յետ կատարելոյ աւուրցն տասանց, երեւեցան երեսք նոցա նմա բարիք, եւ [9]հզօրք մարմնով քան զամենայն մանկունսն որ ուտէին զսեղան թագաւորին:

1:15: Եւ յետ կատարելոյ աւուրցն տասանց, երեւեցան երեսք նոցա նմա՝ բարիք, եւ հզօրք մարմնով քան զամենայն մանկունսն որ ուտէին զսեղան թագաւորին։
15 Երբ վերջացան տասը օրերը, նրանց դէմքերը նրան աւելի լաւ երեւացին, իսկ նրանք մարմնով աւելի հզօր, քան բոլոր այն մանուկները, որոնք ուտում էին թագաւորի սեղանից:
15 Տասը օր ետքը անոնց դէմքը՝ թագաւորին ազնիւ կերակուրը ուտող բոլոր տղաքներուն դէմքէն աւելի աղէկ ու գէր երեւցաւ։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:151:15 По истечении же десяти дней лица их оказались красивее, и телом они были полнее всех тех отроков, которые питались царскими яствами.
1:16 καὶ και and; even ἦν ειμι be Αβιεσδρι αβιεσδρι eliminate; take up τὸ ο the δεῖπνον δειπνον dinner αὐτῶν αυτος he; him καὶ και and; even τὸν ο the οἶνον οινος wine αὐτῶν αυτος he; him καὶ και and; even ἀντεδίδου αντιδιδωμι he; him ἀπὸ απο from; away τῶν ο the ὀσπρίων οσπριον pulse
1:16 וַ wa וְ and יְהִ֣י yᵊhˈî היה be הַ ha הַ the מֶּלְצַ֗ר mmelṣˈar מֶלְצַר guardian נֹשֵׂא֙ nōśˌē נשׂא lift אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker] פַּתְבָּגָ֔ם paṯbāḡˈām פַּתְבַּג table וְ wᵊ וְ and יֵ֖ין yˌên יַיִן wine מִשְׁתֵּיהֶ֑ם mištêhˈem מִשְׁתֶּה drinking וְ wᵊ וְ and נֹתֵ֥ן nōṯˌēn נתן give לָהֶ֖ם lāhˌem לְ to זֵרְעֹנִֽים׃ zērᵊʕōnˈîm זֵרְעֹנִים herbs
1:16. porro Malassar tollebat cibaria et vinum potus eorum dabatque eis leguminaSo Malasar took their portions, and the wine that they should drink: and he gave them pulse.
16. So the steward took away their meat, and the wine that they should drink, and gave them pulse.
And at the end of ten days their countenances appeared fairer and fatter in flesh than all the children which did eat the portion of the king' s meat:

1:15 По истечении же десяти дней лица их оказались красивее, и телом они были полнее всех тех отроков, которые питались царскими яствами.
1:16
καὶ και and; even
ἦν ειμι be
Αβιεσδρι αβιεσδρι eliminate; take up
τὸ ο the
δεῖπνον δειπνον dinner
αὐτῶν αυτος he; him
καὶ και and; even
τὸν ο the
οἶνον οινος wine
αὐτῶν αυτος he; him
καὶ και and; even
ἀντεδίδου αντιδιδωμι he; him
ἀπὸ απο from; away
τῶν ο the
ὀσπρίων οσπριον pulse
1:16
וַ wa וְ and
יְהִ֣י yᵊhˈî היה be
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּלְצַ֗ר mmelṣˈar מֶלְצַר guardian
נֹשֵׂא֙ nōśˌē נשׂא lift
אֶת־ ʔeṯ- אֵת [object marker]
פַּתְבָּגָ֔ם paṯbāḡˈām פַּתְבַּג table
וְ wᵊ וְ and
יֵ֖ין yˌên יַיִן wine
מִשְׁתֵּיהֶ֑ם mištêhˈem מִשְׁתֶּה drinking
וְ wᵊ וְ and
נֹתֵ֥ן nōṯˌēn נתן give
לָהֶ֖ם lāhˌem לְ to
זֵרְעֹנִֽים׃ zērᵊʕōnˈîm זֵרְעֹנִים herbs
1:16. porro Malassar tollebat cibaria et vinum potus eorum dabatque eis legumina
So Malasar took their portions, and the wine that they should drink: and he gave them pulse.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ all ▾
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:16: Thus Melzar took away the portion of their meat ... - Doubtless permanently. The experiment had been satisfactory, and it was inferred that if the course of temperance could be practiced for ten days without unhappy results, there would be safety in suffering it to be continued. We may remark on this:
I. That the experiment was a most important one, not only for the object then immediately in view, but for furnishing lessons of permanent instruction adapted to future times. It was worth one such trial, and it was desirable to have one such illustration of the effect of temperance recorded. There are so strong propensities in our nature to indulgence; there are so many temptations set before the young; there is so much that allures in a luxurious mode of life, and so much of conviviality and happiness is supposed to be connected with the social glass, that it was well to have a fair trial made, and that the result should be recorded for the instruction of future times.
II. It was especially desirable that the experiment should be made of the effect of strict abstinence from the use of "wine." Distilled liquors were indeed then unknown; but alcohol, the intoxicating principle in all ardent spirits, then existed, as it does now, in wine, and was then, as it is now, of the same nature as when found in other substances. It was in the use of wine that the principal danger of intemperance then lay; and it may be added, that in reference to a very large class of persons of both sexes, it is in the use of wine that the principal danger always lies. There are multitudes, especially of young men, who are in little or no danger of becoming intemperate from the use of the stronger kinds of intoxicating drinks. They would never "begin" with them. But the use of "wine" is so respectable in the view of the upper classes of society; it is deemed so essential to the banquet; it constitutes so much, apparently, a mark of distinction, from the fact that ordinarily only the rich can afford to indulge in it; its use is regarded extensively as so proper for even refined and delicate females, and is so often sanctioned by their participating in it; it is so difficult to frame an argument against it that will be decisive; there is so much that is plausible that may be said in favor or in justification of its use, and it is so much sanctioned by the ministers of religion, and by those of influence in the churches, that one of the principal dangers of the young arises from the temptation to indulgence in wine, and it was well that there should be a fair trial of the comparative benefit of total abstinence. A trial could scarcely have been made under better circumstances than in the case before us. There was every inducement to indulgence which is ever likely to occur; there was as much to make it a mere matter of "principle" to abstain from it as can be found now in any circumstances, and the experiment was as triumphant and satisfactory as could be desired.
III. The result of the experiment.
(a) It was complete and satisfactory. "More" was accomplished in the matter of the trial by abstinence than by indulgence. Those who abstained were more healthful, more beautiful, more vigorous than the others. And there was nothing miraculous - nothing that occurred in that case which does not occur in similar cases. Sir John Chardin remarks, respecting those whom he had seen in the East, "that the countenances of the kechicks (monks) are in fact more rosy and smooth than those of others; and that those who fast much, I mean the Armenians and the Greeks, are, notwithstanding, very beautiful, sparkling with health, with a clear and lively countenance." He also takes notice of the very great abstemiousness of the Brahmins in the Indies, who lodge on the ground, abstain from music, from all sorts of agreeable smells, who go very meanly clothed, are almost always wet, either by going into water, or by rain; "yet," says he, "I have seen also many of them very handsome and healthful." Harmer's "Observa." ii. pp. 112, 113.
(b) The experiment has often been made, and with equal success, in modern times, and especially since the commencement of the temperance reformation, and an opportunity has been given of furnishing the most decisive proofs of the effects of temperance in contrast with indulgence in the use of wine and of other intoxicating drinks. This experiment has been made on a wide scale, and with the same result. It is demonstrated, as in the case of Daniel, that "more" will be secured of what men are so anxious usually to obtain, and of what it is desirable to obtain, than can be by indulgence.
(1) There will be "more" beauty of personal appearance. Indulgence in intoxicating drinks leaves its traces on the countenance - the skin, the eye, the nose, the whole expression - as God "meant" it should. See the notes at Dan 1:15. No one can hope to retain beauty of complexion or countenance who indulges freely in the use of intoxicating drinks.
(2) "More" clearness of mind and intellectual vigour can be secured by abstinence than by indulgence. It is true that, as was often the case with Byron and Burns, stimulating drinks may excite the mind to brilliant temporary efforts; but the effect soon ceases, and the mind makes a compensation for its over-worked powers by sinking down below its proper level as it had been excited above. It will demand a penalty in the exhausted energies, and in the incapacity for even its usual efforts, and unless the exhausting stimulus be again applied, it cannot rise even to its usual level, and when often applied the mind is divested of "all" its elasticity and vigour; the physical frame loses its power to endure the excitement; and the light of genius is put out, and the body sinks to the grave. He who wishes to make the most of his mind "in the long run," whatever genius he may be endowed with, will be a temperate man. His powers will be retained uniformly at a higher elevation, and they will maintain their balance and their vigour longer.
(3) the same is true in regard to everything which requires vigour of body. The Roman soldier, who carried his eagle around the world, and who braved the dangers of every clime - equally bold and vigorous, and hardy, and daring amidst polar snows, and the burning sands of the equator - was a stranger to intoxicating drinks. He was allowed only vinegar and water, and his extraordinary vigour was the result of the most abstemious fare. The wrestlers in the Olympic and Isthmian games, who did as much to give suppleness, vigour, and beauty to the body, as could be done by the most careful training, abstained from the use of wine and all that would enervate. Since the temperance reformation commenced in this land, the experiment has been made in every way possible, and it has been "settled" that a man will do more work, and do it better; that he can bear more fatigue, can travel farther, can better endure the severity of cold in the winter, and of toil in the heat of summer, by strict temperance, than he can if he indulges in the use of intoxicating drinks. Never was the result of an experiment more uniform than this has been; never has there been a case where the testimony of those who have had an opportunity of witnessing it was more decided and harmonious; never was there a question in regard to the effect of a certain course on health in which the testimony of physicians has been more uniform; and never has there been a question in regard to the amount of labor which a man could do, on which the testimony of respectable farmers, and master mechanics, and overseers of public works, could be more decided.
(4) the full force of these remarks about temperance in general, applies to the use of "wine." It was in respect to "wine" that the experiment before us was made, and it is this which gives it, in a great degree, its value and importance. Distilled spirits were then unknown, but it was of importance that a fair experiment should be made of the effect of abstinence from wine. The great danger of intemperance, taking the world at large, has been, and is still, from the use of wine. This danger affects particularly the upper classes in society and young men. It is by the use of wine, in a great majority of instances, that the peril commences, and that the habit of drinking is formed. Let it be remembered, also, that the intoxicating principle is the same in wine as in any other drink that produces intemperance. It is "alcohol" - the same substance precisely, whether it be driven off by heat from wine, beer, or cider, and condensed by distillation, or whether it remain in these liquids without being distilled. It is neither more nor less intoxicating in one form than it is in the other. It is only more condensed and concentrated in one case than in the other, better capable of preservation, and more convenient for purposes of commerce. Every "principle," therefore, which applies to the temperance cause at all, applies to the use of wine; and every consideration derived from health, beauty, vigour, length of days, reputation, property, or salvation, which should induce a young man to abstain from ardent spirits at all should induce him to abstain, as Daniel did, from the use of wine.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:16: Dan 1:11
John Gill
1:16 Thus Melzar took away the portion of their meat,.... To himself, as the Syriac version adds; he took and carried it to his own family, and made use of it himself; and the portion of four such young gentlemen, maintained at the king's expense, and who had their provision from his table, must be, especially in the course of three years, of great advantage to this man and his family; for this was continued, as the word signifies, and may be rendered, "and Melzar was taking away &c." (f); so he did from time to time; and thus, by serving the Lord's people, he served himself:
and the wine that they should drink; which he also took for his own use:
and gave them pulse; to eat, and water to drink, as the Syriac version adds, and which they desired; when he found this agreed so well with them, and he could safely do it without exposing himself to danger, and being to his profit and advantage.
(f) "fuit ferens", Montanus; "auferens", Piscator, Gejerus; "perseveravit auferre cibum"; Cocceius; "erat capiens", Michaelis.
1:161:16: Եւ առնոյր Ամեղասադ զընթրիս նոցա, եւ զգինի ըմպելւոյ նոցա, եւ տայր ունտս չորեցունց մանկանցն[12038]։ [12038] Ոմանք. ՑԱմաղեսադ։ Իսկ Ոսկան. ցՄալասադ։
16 Ամելասադը վերցնում էր նրանց ընթրիքն ու խմելու գինին եւ չորս մանուկներին ընդեղէն էր տալիս:
16 Ուստի տնտեսը անոնց ազնիւ կերակուրը ու խմելու գինին կը վերցնէր ու անոնց ընդեղէն կու տար։
Եւ առնոյր [10]Ամեղասադ զընթրիս նոցա եւ զգինի ըմպելւոյ նոցա, եւ տայր ունդս [11]չորեցունց մանկանցն:

1:16: Եւ առնոյր Ամեղասադ զընթրիս նոցա, եւ զգինի ըմպելւոյ նոցա, եւ տայր ունտս չորեցունց մանկանցն[12038]։
[12038] Ոմանք. ՑԱմաղեսադ։ Իսկ Ոսկան. ցՄալասադ։
16 Ամելասադը վերցնում էր նրանց ընթրիքն ու խմելու գինին եւ չորս մանուկներին ընդեղէն էր տալիս:
16 Ուստի տնտեսը անոնց ազնիւ կերակուրը ու խմելու գինին կը վերցնէր ու անոնց ընդեղէն կու տար։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:161:16 Тогда Амелсар брал их кушанье и вино для питья и давал им овощи.
1:17 καὶ και and; even τοῖς ο the νεανίσκοις νεανισκος young man ἔδωκεν διδωμι give; deposit ὁ ο the κύριος κυριος lord; master ἐπιστήμην επιστημη and; even σύνεσιν συνεσις comprehension καὶ και and; even φρόνησιν φρονησις prudence; insight ἐν εν in πάσῃ πας all; every γραμματικῇ γραμματικος craft καὶ και and; even τῷ ο the Δανιηλ δανιηλ Daniēl; Thanil ἔδωκε διδωμι give; deposit σύνεσιν συνεσις comprehension ἐν εν in παντὶ πας all; every ῥήματι ρημα statement; phrase καὶ και and; even ὁράματι οραμα vision καὶ και and; even ἐνυπνίοις ενυπνιον dream καὶ και and; even ἐν εν in πάσῃ πας all; every σοφίᾳ σοφια wisdom
1:17 וְ wᵊ וְ and הַ ha הַ the יְלָדִ֤ים yᵊlāḏˈîm יֶלֶד boy הָ hā הַ the אֵ֨לֶּה֙ ʔˈēlleh אֵלֶּה these אַרְבַּעְתָּ֔ם ʔarbaʕtˈām אַרְבַּע four נָתַ֨ן nāṯˌan נתן give לָהֶ֧ם lāhˈem לְ to הָֽ hˈā הַ the אֱלֹהִ֛ים ʔᵉlōhˈîm אֱלֹהִים god(s) מַדָּ֥ע maddˌāʕ מַדָּע knowledge וְ wᵊ וְ and הַשְׂכֵּ֖ל haśkˌēl שׂכל prosper בְּ bᵊ בְּ in כָל־ ḵol- כֹּל whole סֵ֣פֶר sˈēfer סֵפֶר letter וְ wᵊ וְ and חָכְמָ֑ה ḥoḵmˈā חָכְמָה wisdom וְ wᵊ וְ and דָנִיֵּ֣אל ḏāniyyˈēl דָּנִיֵּאל Daniel הֵבִ֔ין hēvˈîn בין understand בְּ bᵊ בְּ in כָל־ ḵol- כֹּל whole חָזֹ֖ון ḥāzˌôn חָזֹון vision וַ wa וְ and חֲלֹמֹֽות׃ ḥᵃlōmˈôṯ חֲלֹום dream
1:17. pueris autem his dedit Deus scientiam et disciplinam in omni libro et sapientia Daniheli autem intellegentiam omnium visionum et somniorumAnd to these children God gave knowledge, and understanding in every book, and wisdom: but to Daniel the understanding also of all visions and dreams.
17. Now as for these four youths, God gave them knowledge and skill in all learning and wisdom: and Daniel had understanding in all visions and dreams.
Thus Melzar took away the portion of their meat, and the wine that they should drink; and gave them pulse:

1:16 Тогда Амелсар брал их кушанье и вино для питья и давал им овощи.
1:17
καὶ και and; even
τοῖς ο the
νεανίσκοις νεανισκος young man
ἔδωκεν διδωμι give; deposit
ο the
κύριος κυριος lord; master
ἐπιστήμην επιστημη and; even
σύνεσιν συνεσις comprehension
καὶ και and; even
φρόνησιν φρονησις prudence; insight
ἐν εν in
πάσῃ πας all; every
γραμματικῇ γραμματικος craft
καὶ και and; even
τῷ ο the
Δανιηλ δανιηλ Daniēl; Thanil
ἔδωκε διδωμι give; deposit
σύνεσιν συνεσις comprehension
ἐν εν in
παντὶ πας all; every
ῥήματι ρημα statement; phrase
καὶ και and; even
ὁράματι οραμα vision
καὶ και and; even
ἐνυπνίοις ενυπνιον dream
καὶ και and; even
ἐν εν in
πάσῃ πας all; every
σοφίᾳ σοφια wisdom
1:17
וְ wᵊ וְ and
הַ ha הַ the
יְלָדִ֤ים yᵊlāḏˈîm יֶלֶד boy
הָ הַ the
אֵ֨לֶּה֙ ʔˈēlleh אֵלֶּה these
אַרְבַּעְתָּ֔ם ʔarbaʕtˈām אַרְבַּע four
נָתַ֨ן nāṯˌan נתן give
לָהֶ֧ם lāhˈem לְ to
הָֽ hˈā הַ the
אֱלֹהִ֛ים ʔᵉlōhˈîm אֱלֹהִים god(s)
מַדָּ֥ע maddˌāʕ מַדָּע knowledge
וְ wᵊ וְ and
הַשְׂכֵּ֖ל haśkˌēl שׂכל prosper
בְּ bᵊ בְּ in
כָל־ ḵol- כֹּל whole
סֵ֣פֶר sˈēfer סֵפֶר letter
וְ wᵊ וְ and
חָכְמָ֑ה ḥoḵmˈā חָכְמָה wisdom
וְ wᵊ וְ and
דָנִיֵּ֣אל ḏāniyyˈēl דָּנִיֵּאל Daniel
הֵבִ֔ין hēvˈîn בין understand
בְּ bᵊ בְּ in
כָל־ ḵol- כֹּל whole
חָזֹ֖ון ḥāzˌôn חָזֹון vision
וַ wa וְ and
חֲלֹמֹֽות׃ ḥᵃlōmˈôṯ חֲלֹום dream
1:17. pueris autem his dedit Deus scientiam et disciplinam in omni libro et sapientia Daniheli autem intellegentiam omnium visionum et somniorum
And to these children God gave knowledge, and understanding in every book, and wisdom: but to Daniel the understanding also of all visions and dreams.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ gnv▾ kad▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ all ▾
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:17: As for these four children - Young men or youths. Our translation gives a false idea.
In all visions and dreams - That is, such as are Divine; for as to dreams in general, they have as much signification as they have connection, being the effects of the state of the body, of the mind, or of the circumstances of the dreamer. A dream may be considered supernatural, if it have nothing preposterous, nothing monstrous, and nothing irregular. If the whole order and consequences of the things be preserved in them, from beginning to end, then we may presume they are supernatural. In such dreams Daniel had understanding.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:17: As for these four children - On the word "children," see the notes at Dan 1:4. Compare Dan 1:6.
God gave them knowledge and skill - See the notes at Dan 1:9. There is no reason to suppose that in the "knowledge and skill" here referred to, it is meant to be implied that there was anything miraculous, or that there was any direct inspiration. Inspiration was evidently confined to Daniel, and pertained to what is spoken of under the head of "visions and dreams." The fact that "all" this was to be attributed to God as his gift, is in accordance with the common method of speaking in the Scriptures; and it is also in accordance with "fact," that "all" knowledge is to be traced to God. See Exo 31:2-3. God formed the intellect; he preserves the exercise of reason; he furnishes us instructors; he gives us clearness of perception; he enables us to take advantage of bright thoughts and happy suggestions which occur in our own minds, as much as he sends rain, and dew, and sunshine on the fields of the farmer, and endows him with skill. Compare Isa 28:26, "For his God doth instruct him." The knowledge and skill which we may acquire, therefore, should be as much attributed to God as the success of the farmer should. Compare Job 32:8, "For there is a spirit in man, and the inspiration of the Almighty giveth them understanding." In the case before us, there is no reason to doubt that the natural powers of these young men had been diligently applied during the three years of their trial Dan 1:5, and under the advantages of a strict course of temperance; and that the knowledge here spoken of was the result of such an application to their studies. On the meaning of the words "knowledge" and "skill" here, see the notes at Dan 1:4.
In all learning and wisdom - See also the notes at Dan 1:4.
And Daniel had understanding - Showing that in that respect there was a special endowment in his case; a kind of knowledge imparted which could be communicated only by special inspiration. The margin is, "he made Daniel understand." The margin is in accordance with the Hebrew, but the sense is the same.
In all visions - On the word rendered "visions" - חזון châ zô n - see the notes at Isa 1:1, and the introduction to Isaiah, Section 7. (4). It is a term frequently employed in reference to prophecy, and designates the usual method by which future events were made known. The prophet was permitted to see those events "as if" they were made to pass before the eye, and to describe them "as if" they were objects of sight. Here the word seems to be used to denote all supernatural appearances; all that God permitted him to see that in any way shadowed forth the future. It would seem that men who were not inspired were permitted occasionally to behold such supernatural appearances, though they were not able to interpret them. Thus their attention would be particularly called to them, and they would be prepared to admit the truth of what the interpreter communicated to them. Compare Dan. 4; Dan 5:5-6; Gen 40:5; Gen 41:1-7. Daniel was so endowed that he could interpret the meaning of these mysterious appearances, and thus convey important messages to men. The same endowment had been conferred on Joseph when in Egypt. See the passages referred to in Genesis.
And dreams - One of the ways by which the will of God was anciently communicated to men. See Introduction to Isaiah, Section 7. (2), and the notes at Job 33:14-18. Daniel, like Joseph before him, was supernaturally endowed to explain these messages which God sent to men, or to unfold these preintimations of coming events. This was a kind of knowledge which the Chaldeans particularly sought, and on which they especially prided themselves; and it was important, in order to "stain the pride of all human glory," and to make "the wisdom of the wise" in Babylon to be seen to be comparative "folly," to endow one man from the land of the prophets in the most ample manner with this knowledge, as it was important to do the same thing at the court of Pharaoh by the superior endowments of Joseph Gen 41:8.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:17: God: Dan 2:21, Dan 2:23; Kg1 3:12, Kg1 3:28, Kg1 4:29-31; Ch2 1:10, Ch2 1:12; Job 32:8; Psa 119:98-100; Pro 2:6; Ecc 2:26; Isa 28:26; Luk 21:15; Act 6:10, Act 7:10; Col 1:9; Jam 1:5, Jam 1:17
knowledge: Act 7:22
Daniel had understanding: or, he made Daniel understand, Dan 4:9, Dan 4:10, Dan 5:11, Dan 5:12, Dan 5:14, Dan 10:1; Gen 41:8-15; Num 12:6; Ch2 26:5; Eze 28:3; Co1 12:7-11
Carl Friedrich Keil and Franz Delitzsch
1:17
The progress of the young men in the wisdom of the Chaldeans, and their appointment to the service of the king.
As God blessed the resolution of Daniel and his three friends that they would not defile themselves by the food, He also blessed the education which they received in the literature (ספר, Dan 1:17 as Dan 1:4) and wisdom of the Chaldeans, so that the whole four made remarkable progress therein. But besides this, Daniel obtained an insight into all kinds of visions and dreams, i.e., he attained great readiness in interpreting visions and dreams. This is recorded regarding him because of what follows in this book, and is but a simple statement of the fact, without any trace of vainglory. Instruction in the wisdom of the Chaldeans was, besides, for Daniel and his three friends a test of their faith, since the wisdom of the Chaldeans, from the nature of the case, was closely allied to the Chaldean idolatry and heathen superstition, which the learners of this wisdom might easily be led to adopt. But that Daniel and his friends learned only the Chaldean wisdom without adopting the heathen element which was mingled with it, is evidenced from the stedfastness in the faith with which at a later period, at the danger of their lives (cf. Dan 3:6), they stood aloof from all participation in idolatry, and in regard to Daniel in particular, from the deep glance into the mysteries of the kingdom of God which lies before us in his prophecies, and bears witness of the clear separation between the sacred and the profane. But he needed to be deeply versed in the Chaldean wisdom, as formerly Moses was in the wisdom of Egypt (Acts 7:22), so as to be able to put to shame the wisdom of this world by the hidden wisdom of God.
Dan 1:18-20
After the expiry of the period of three years the youths were brought before the king. They were examined by him, and these four were found more intelligent and discriminating than all the others that had been educated along with them (מכּלּם, "than all," refers to the other Israelitish youths, Dan 1:3, that had been brought to Babylon along with Daniel and his friends), and were then appointed to his service. יעמדוּ, as in Dan 1:5, of standing as a servant before his master. The king found them indeed, in all matters of wisdom about which he examined them, to excel all the wise men in the whole of his kingdom. Of the two classes of the learned men of Chaldea, who are named instar omnium in Dan 1:20, see at Dan 2:2.
Dan 1:21
In Dan 1:21 the introduction to the book is concluded with a general statement as to the period of Daniel's continuance in the office appointed to him by God. The difficulty which the explanation of ויהי offers is not removed by a change of the reading into ויחי, since Daniel, according to Dan 10:1, lived beyond the first year of Cyrus and received divine revelations. עד marks the terminus ad quem in a wide sense, i.e., it denotes a termination without reference to that which came after it. The first year of king Cyrus is, according to 2Chron 36:22; Ezra 1:1; Ezra 6:3, the end of the Babylonish exile, and the date, "to the first year of king Cyrus," stands in close relation to the date in Dan 1:1, Nebuchadnezzar's advance against Jerusalem and the first taking of the city, which forms the commencement of the exile; so that the statement, "Daniel continued unto the first year of king Cyrus," means only that he lived and acted during the whole period of the exile in Babylon, without reference to the fact that his work continued after the termination of the exile. Cf. The analogous statement, Jer 1:2., that Jeremiah prophesied in the days of Josiah and Jehoiakim to the end of the eleventh year of Zedekiah, although his book contains prophecies also of a date subsequent to the taking of Jerusalem. ויהי stands neither for ויחי, he lived, nor absolutely in the sense of he existed, was present; for though היה means existere, to be, yet it is never used absolutely in this sense, as חיּה, to live, but always only so that the "how" or "where" of the being or existence is either expressly stated, or at least is implied in the connection. Thus here also the qualification of the "being" must be supplied from the context. The expression will then mean, not that he lived at the court, or in Babylon, or in high esteem with the king, but more generally, in the place to which God had raised him in Babylon by his wonderful endowments.
Geneva 1599
1:17 As for these four children, God gave them knowledge and skill in all learning (r) and wisdom: and Daniel had understanding in all (s) visions and dreams.
(r) Meaning in the liberal sciences, and natural knowledge, and not in the magical areas which are forbidden; (Deut 18:11).
(s) So that he alone was a Prophet, and none of the others: for by dreams and visions God appeared to his Prophets; (Num 12:6)
John Gill
1:17 As for these four children, God gave them knowledge and skill in all learning and wisdom,.... As they prospered in their bodies, they succeeded in their studies, and improved in their minds, and became great proficients in all kind of lawful and useful knowledge; not owing so much to their own sagacity and diligence, and the goodness and ability of their teachers, as to the blessing of God on their instructions and studies; for, as all natural, so all acquired parts are to be ascribed to God; and which these were favoured with by him in a very great manner, to answer some purposes of his. This is to be understood, not of magic art, vain philosophy, judicial astrology, to which the Chaldeans were addicted; but of learning and wisdom, laudable and useful, both in things natural and political; for these men, who scrupled eating and drinking what came from the king's table, would never indulge themselves in the study of vain, curious, and unlawful knowledge; much less would God have blessed the study of such things, and still less be said to give them knowledge and skill therein:
and Daniel had understanding in all visions and dreams; besides knowledge and skill in all learning and wisdom, in languages and sciences, in common with the other young men; he had the honour of seeing very remarkable visions of future things, and of interpreting dreams; and this not by rules of art, such as the Oneirocritics use, but by the gift of God; of which many singular instances follow in this book.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:17 God gave them knowledge-- (Ex 31:2-3; 3Kings 3:12; Job 32:8; Jas 1:5, Jas 1:17).
Daniel had understanding in . . . dreams--God thus made one of the despised covenant-people eclipse the Chaldean sages in the very science on which they most prided themselves. So Joseph in the court of Pharaoh (Gen 40:5; Gen 41:1-8). Daniel, in these praises of his own "understanding," speaks not through vanity, but by the direction of God, as one transported out of himself. See my Introduction, "CONTENTS OF THE BOOK."
1:171:17: Եւ ետ նոցա Աստուած իմաստութիւն եւ հանճար յամենայն դպրութեան՝ եւ իմաստութեան. եւ Դանիէլ խելամո՛ւտ էր ամենայն տեսլեան երազոց[12039]։ [12039] Ոմանք. Տեսլեան եւ երազոց։
17 Աստուած նրանց խելք եւ իմաստութիւն տուեց ամէն տեսակի դպրութեան եւ իմացութեան մէջ: Դանիէլը խելամուտ էր հասկանալու ամէն տեսակ տեսիլքներ ու երազներ:
17 Աստուած այս չորս տղաքներուն՝ ամէն դպրութեան ու իմաստութեան մէջ գիտութիւն ու հանճար տուաւ։ Դանիէլ ամէն տեսիլք ու երազ կը հասկնար։
Եւ ետ նոցա`` Աստուած իմաստութիւն եւ հանճար յամենայն դպրութեան եւ իմաստութեան. եւ Դանիէլ խելամուտ էր ամենայն տեսլեան եւ երազոց:

1:17: Եւ ետ նոցա Աստուած իմաստութիւն եւ հանճար յամենայն դպրութեան՝ եւ իմաստութեան. եւ Դանիէլ խելամո՛ւտ էր ամենայն տեսլեան երազոց[12039]։
[12039] Ոմանք. Տեսլեան եւ երազոց։
17 Աստուած նրանց խելք եւ իմաստութիւն տուեց ամէն տեսակի դպրութեան եւ իմացութեան մէջ: Դանիէլը խելամուտ էր հասկանալու ամէն տեսակ տեսիլքներ ու երազներ:
17 Աստուած այս չորս տղաքներուն՝ ամէն դպրութեան ու իմաստութեան մէջ գիտութիւն ու հանճար տուաւ։ Դանիէլ ամէն տեսիլք ու երազ կը հասկնար։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:171:17 И даровал Бог четырем сим отрокам знание и разумение всякой книги и мудрости, а Даниилу еще даровал разуметь и всякие видения и сны.
1:18 μετὰ μετα with; amid δὲ δε though; while τὰς ο the ἡμέρας ημερα day ταύτας ουτος this; he ἐπέταξεν επιτασσω order ὁ ο the βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king εἰσαγαγεῖν εισαγω lead in; bring in αὐτούς αυτος he; him καὶ και and; even εἰσήχθησαν εισαγω lead in; bring in ἀπὸ απο from; away τοῦ ο the ἀρχιευνούχου αρχιευνουχος to; toward τὸν ο the βασιλέα βασιλευς monarch; king Ναβουχοδονοσορ ναβουχοδονοσορ Nabouchodonosor; Navukhothonosor
1:18 וּ û וְ and לְ lᵊ לְ to מִ mi מִן from קְצָת֙ qᵊṣˌāṯ קְצָת end הַ ha הַ the יָּמִ֔ים yyāmˈîm יֹום day אֲשֶׁר־ ʔᵃšer- אֲשֶׁר [relative] אָמַ֥ר ʔāmˌar אמר say הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֖לֶךְ mmˌeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king לַ la לְ to הֲבִיאָ֑ם hᵃvîʔˈām בוא come וַ wa וְ and יְבִיאֵם֙ yᵊvîʔˌēm בוא come שַׂ֣ר śˈar שַׂר chief הַ ha הַ the סָּרִיסִ֔ים ssārîsˈîm סָרִיס official לִ li לְ to פְנֵ֖י fᵊnˌê פָּנֶה face נְבֻכַדְנֶצַּֽר׃ nᵊvuḵaḏneṣṣˈar נְבוּכַדְנֶאצַּר Nebuchadnezzar
1:18. conpletis itaque diebus post quos dixerat rex ut introducerentur introduxit eos praepositus eunuchorum in conspectu NabuchodonosorAnd when the days were ended, after which the king had ordered they should be brought in: the prince of the eunuchs brought them in before Nabuchodonosor.
18. And at the end of the days which the king had appointed for bringing them in, the prince of the eunuchs brought them in before Nebuchadnezzar.
As for these four children, God gave them knowledge and skill in all learning and wisdom: and Daniel had understanding in all visions and dreams:

1:17 И даровал Бог четырем сим отрокам знание и разумение всякой книги и мудрости, а Даниилу еще даровал разуметь и всякие видения и сны.
1:18
μετὰ μετα with; amid
δὲ δε though; while
τὰς ο the
ἡμέρας ημερα day
ταύτας ουτος this; he
ἐπέταξεν επιτασσω order
ο the
βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king
εἰσαγαγεῖν εισαγω lead in; bring in
αὐτούς αυτος he; him
καὶ και and; even
εἰσήχθησαν εισαγω lead in; bring in
ἀπὸ απο from; away
τοῦ ο the
ἀρχιευνούχου αρχιευνουχος to; toward
τὸν ο the
βασιλέα βασιλευς monarch; king
Ναβουχοδονοσορ ναβουχοδονοσορ Nabouchodonosor; Navukhothonosor
1:18
וּ û וְ and
לְ lᵊ לְ to
מִ mi מִן from
קְצָת֙ qᵊṣˌāṯ קְצָת end
הַ ha הַ the
יָּמִ֔ים yyāmˈîm יֹום day
אֲשֶׁר־ ʔᵃšer- אֲשֶׁר [relative]
אָמַ֥ר ʔāmˌar אמר say
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֖לֶךְ mmˌeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
לַ la לְ to
הֲבִיאָ֑ם hᵃvîʔˈām בוא come
וַ wa וְ and
יְבִיאֵם֙ yᵊvîʔˌēm בוא come
שַׂ֣ר śˈar שַׂר chief
הַ ha הַ the
סָּרִיסִ֔ים ssārîsˈîm סָרִיס official
לִ li לְ to
פְנֵ֖י fᵊnˌê פָּנֶה face
נְבֻכַדְנֶצַּֽר׃ nᵊvuḵaḏneṣṣˈar נְבוּכַדְנֶאצַּר Nebuchadnezzar
1:18. conpletis itaque diebus post quos dixerat rex ut introducerentur introduxit eos praepositus eunuchorum in conspectu Nabuchodonosor
And when the days were ended, after which the king had ordered they should be brought in: the prince of the eunuchs brought them in before Nabuchodonosor.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ gnv▾ ab▾ ac▾ mh▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
18. Отказ Даниила от языческой пищи был проявлением его благочестия, за которое он наделяется Богом выше-человеческой мудростью, проявившеюся как в усвоении халдейской науки, так и в умении истолковывать сны и видения (2:17-19, 27-28). "Не халдейское обучение, - говорит блаженный Феодорит, - сделало Даниила смысленным и исполнило всякой премудрости, но по Божией благодати, сподобившись смысла и премудрости всякого знания, оказался он всех лучшим".
Matthew Henry: Concise Commentary on the Whole Bible - 1706
17 As for these four children, God gave them knowledge and skill in all learning and wisdom: and Daniel had understanding in all visions and dreams. 18 Now at the end of the days that the king had said he should bring them in, then the prince of the eunuchs brought them in before Nebuchadnezzar. 19 And the king communed with them; and among them all was found none like Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah: therefore stood they before the king. 20 And in all matters of wisdom and understanding, that the king enquired of them, he found them ten times better than all the magicians and astrologers that were in all his realm. 21 And Daniel continued even unto the first year of king Cyrus.
Concerning Daniel and his fellows we have here,
I. Their great attainments in learning, v. 17. They were very sober and diligent, and studied hard; and we may suppose their tutors, finding them of an uncommon capacity, took a great deal of pains with them, but, after all, their achievements are ascribed to God only. It was he that gave them knowledge and skill in all learning and wisdom; for every good and perfect gift is from above, from the Father of the lights. It is the Lord our God that gives men power to get this wealth; the mind is furnished only by him that formed it. The great learning which God gave these four children was, 1. A balance for their losses. They had, for the iniquity of their fathers, been deprived of the honours and pleasures that would have attended their noble extraction; but, to make them amends for that, God, in giving them learning, gave them better honours and pleasures than those they had been deprived of. 2. A recompence for their integrity. They kept to their religion, even in the minutest instances of it, and would not so much as defile themselves with the king's meat or wine, but became, in effect, Nazarites; and now God rewarded them for it with eminency in learning; for God gives to a man that is good in his sight, wisdom, and knowledge, and joy with them, Eccl. ii. 26. To Daniel he gave a double portion; he had understanding in visions and dreams; he knew how to interpret dreams, as Joseph, not by rules of art, such as are pretended to be given by the oneirocritics, but by a divine sagacity and wisdom which God gave him. Nay, he was endued with a prophetic spirit, by which he was enabled to converse with God, and to receive the notices of divine things in dreams and visions, Num. xii. 6. According to this gift given to Daniel, we find him, in this book, all along employed about dreams and visions, interpreting or entertaining them; for, as every one has received the gift, so shall he have an opportunity, and so should he have a heart, to minister the same, 1 Pet. iv. 10.
II. Their great acceptance with the king. After three years spent in their education (they being of some maturity, it is likely, when they came, perhaps about twenty years old) they were presented to the king with the rest that were of their standing, v. 18. And the king examined them and communed with them himself, v. 19. He could do it, being a man of parts and learning himself, else he would not have come to be so great; and he would do it, for it is the wisdom of princes, in the choice of the persons they employ, to see with their own eyes, to exercise their own judgment, and not trust too much to the representation of others. The king examined them not so much in the languages, in the rules of oratory or poetry, as in all matters of wisdom and understanding, the rules of prudence and true politics; he enquired into their judgment about the due conduct of human life and public affairs; not "Were they wits?" but, "Were they wise?" And he not only found them to excel the young candidates for preferment that were of their own standing, but found that they had more understanding than the ancients, than all their teachers, Ps. cxix. 99, 100. So far was the king from being partial to his own countrymen, to seniors, to those of his own religion and of an established reputation, that he freely owned that, upon trial, he found those poor young captive Jews ten times wiser and better than all the magicians that were in all his realm, v. 20. He was soon aware of something extraordinary in these young men, and, which gave him a surprising satisfaction, was soon aware that a little of their true divinity was preferable to a great deal of the divination he had been used to. What is the chaff to the wheat? what are the magicians' rods to Aaron's? There was no comparison between them. These four young students were better, were ten times better, than all the old practitioners, put them all together, that were in all his realm, and we may be sure that they were not a few. This contempt did God pour upon the pride of the Chaldeans, and this honour did he put upon the low estate of his own people; and thus did he make not only these persons, but the rest of their nation for their sakes, the more respected in the land of their captivity. Lastly, This judgment being given concerning them, they stood before the king (v. 19); they attended in the presence-chamber, nay, and in the council-chamber, for to see the king's face is the periphrasis of a privy-counsellor, Esth. i. 14. This confirms Solomon's observation, Seest thou a man diligent in his business, sober and humble? he shall stand before kings; he shall not stand before mean men. Industry is the way to preferment. How long the other three were about the court we are not told; but Daniel, for his part, continued to the first year of Cyrus (v. 21), though not always alike in favour and reputation. He lived and prophesied after the first year of Cyrus; but that is mentioned to intimate that he lived to see the deliverance of his people out of their captivity and their return to their own land. Note, Sometimes God favours his servants that mourn with Zion in her sorrows to let them live to see better times with the church than they saw in the beginning of their days and to share with her in her joys.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:18: Now at the end of the days - That is, at the end of three years, Dan 1:5.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:18: Now at the end of the days ... - After three years. See Dan 1:5.
The prince of the eunuchs brought them in - Daniel, his three friends, and the others who had been selected and trained for the same purpose.
Geneva 1599
1:18 Now at the (t) end of the days that the king had said he should bring them in, then the prince of the eunuchs brought them in before Nebuchadnezzar.
(t) Of the three years mentioned above as in (Dan 1:5).
John Gill
1:18 Now at the end of the days that the king had said he should bring them in,.... That is, at the end of three years; which was the time appointed for their education, and when they were to be brought before the king for his examination and approbation:
then the prince of the eunuchs brought them in before Nebuchadnezzar; even all the young men that were taken from among the children of Israel and Judah, as well as the four children before and after mentioned, appears by what follows. This was done by Asphenaz, and not Melzar.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:18 brought them in--that is, not only Daniel and his three friends, but other youths (Dan 1:3, Dan 1:19, "among them all").
1:181:18: Եւ յետ կատարածի աւուրցն՝ հրամա՛ն ետ թագաւորն ածել զնոսա. եւ ա՛ծ զնոսա ներքինապետն առաջի Նաբուքոդոնոսորայ.
18 Իսկ երբ ժամանակը լրացաւ, թագաւորը հրամայեց բերել նրանց: Ներքինապետը նրանց բերեց Նաբուքոդոնոսորի առաջ, եւ արքան խօսեց նրանց հետ:
18 Որոշուած օրերը լմննալէն ետքը, թագաւորը հրաման ըրեր էր, որ զանոնք իրեն տանին։ Ներքինապետը զանոնք Նաբուգոդոնոսորին առջեւ տարաւ։
Եւ յետ կատարածի աւուրցն հրաման ետ թագաւորն ածել զնոսա, եւ ած զնոսա ներքինապետն առաջի Նաբուքոդոնոսորայ:

1:18: Եւ յետ կատարածի աւուրցն՝ հրամա՛ն ետ թագաւորն ածել զնոսա. եւ ա՛ծ զնոսա ներքինապետն առաջի Նաբուքոդոնոսորայ.
18 Իսկ երբ ժամանակը լրացաւ, թագաւորը հրամայեց բերել նրանց: Ներքինապետը նրանց բերեց Նաբուքոդոնոսորի առաջ, եւ արքան խօսեց նրանց հետ:
18 Որոշուած օրերը լմննալէն ետքը, թագաւորը հրաման ըրեր էր, որ զանոնք իրեն տանին։ Ներքինապետը զանոնք Նաբուգոդոնոսորին առջեւ տարաւ։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:181:18 По окончании тех дней, когда царь приказал представить их, начальник евнухов представил их Навуходоносору.
1:19 καὶ και and; even ὡμίλησεν ομιλεω keep company; converse αὐτοῖς αυτος he; him ὁ ο the βασιλεύς βασιλευς monarch; king καὶ και and; even οὐχ ου not εὑρέθη ευρισκω find ἐν εν in τοῖς ο the σοφοῖς σοφος wise ὅμοιος ομοιος like; similar to τῷ ο the Δανιηλ δανιηλ Daniēl; Thanil καὶ και and; even Ανανια ανανιας Ananias καὶ και and; even Μισαηλ μισαηλ and; even Αζαρια αζαριας and; even ἦσαν ειμι be παρὰ παρα from; by τῷ ο the βασιλεῖ βασιλευς monarch; king
1:19 וַ wa וְ and יְדַבֵּ֣ר yᵊḏabbˈēr דבר speak אִתָּם֮ ʔittom אֵת together with הַ ha הַ the מֶּלֶךְ֒ mmeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king וְ wᵊ וְ and לֹ֤א lˈō לֹא not נִמְצָא֙ nimṣˌā מצא find מִ mi מִן from כֻּלָּ֔ם kkullˈām כֹּל whole כְּ kᵊ כְּ as דָנִיֵּ֣אל ḏāniyyˈēl דָּנִיֵּאל Daniel חֲנַנְיָ֔ה ḥᵃnanyˈā חֲנַנְיָה Hananiah מִֽישָׁאֵ֖ל mˈîšāʔˌēl מִישָׁאֵל Mishael וַ wa וְ and עֲזַרְיָ֑ה ʕᵃzaryˈā עֲזַרְיָה Azariah וַ wa וְ and יַּֽעַמְד֖וּ yyˈaʕamᵊḏˌû עמד stand לִ li לְ to פְנֵ֥י fᵊnˌê פָּנֶה face הַ ha הַ the מֶּֽלֶךְ׃ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
1:19. cumque locutus eis fuisset rex non sunt inventi de universis tales ut Danihel Ananias Misahel et Azarias et steterunt in conspectu regisAnd when the king had spoken to them, there were not found among them all such as Daniel, Ananias, Misael, and Azarias: and they stood in the king's presence.
19. And the king communed with them; and among them all was found none like Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah: therefore stood they before the king.
Now at the end of the days that the king had said he should bring them in, then the prince of the eunuchs brought them in before Nebuchadnezzar:

1:18 По окончании тех дней, когда царь приказал представить их, начальник евнухов представил их Навуходоносору.
1:19
καὶ και and; even
ὡμίλησεν ομιλεω keep company; converse
αὐτοῖς αυτος he; him
ο the
βασιλεύς βασιλευς monarch; king
καὶ και and; even
οὐχ ου not
εὑρέθη ευρισκω find
ἐν εν in
τοῖς ο the
σοφοῖς σοφος wise
ὅμοιος ομοιος like; similar to
τῷ ο the
Δανιηλ δανιηλ Daniēl; Thanil
καὶ και and; even
Ανανια ανανιας Ananias
καὶ και and; even
Μισαηλ μισαηλ and; even
Αζαρια αζαριας and; even
ἦσαν ειμι be
παρὰ παρα from; by
τῷ ο the
βασιλεῖ βασιλευς monarch; king
1:19
וַ wa וְ and
יְדַבֵּ֣ר yᵊḏabbˈēr דבר speak
אִתָּם֮ ʔittom אֵת together with
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּלֶךְ֒ mmeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
וְ wᵊ וְ and
לֹ֤א lˈō לֹא not
נִמְצָא֙ nimṣˌā מצא find
מִ mi מִן from
כֻּלָּ֔ם kkullˈām כֹּל whole
כְּ kᵊ כְּ as
דָנִיֵּ֣אל ḏāniyyˈēl דָּנִיֵּאל Daniel
חֲנַנְיָ֔ה ḥᵃnanyˈā חֲנַנְיָה Hananiah
מִֽישָׁאֵ֖ל mˈîšāʔˌēl מִישָׁאֵל Mishael
וַ wa וְ and
עֲזַרְיָ֑ה ʕᵃzaryˈā עֲזַרְיָה Azariah
וַ wa וְ and
יַּֽעַמְד֖וּ yyˈaʕamᵊḏˌû עמד stand
לִ li לְ to
פְנֵ֥י fᵊnˌê פָּנֶה face
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּֽלֶךְ׃ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
1:19. cumque locutus eis fuisset rex non sunt inventi de universis tales ut Danihel Ananias Misahel et Azarias et steterunt in conspectu regis
And when the king had spoken to them, there were not found among them all such as Daniel, Ananias, Misael, and Azarias: and they stood in the king's presence.
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Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:19: And among them all - All the young noble captives from different nations.
Therefore stood they before the king - It appears that only four were wanting.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:19: And the king communed with them - Hebrew, "spake with them." Probably he conversed with them on the points which had constituted the principal subjects of their studies; or he "examined" them. It is easy to imagine that this must have been to these young men a severe ordeal.
And among them all was found none like Daniel ... - Daniel and his three friends had pursued a course of strict temperance; they had come to their daily task with clear heads and pure hearts - free from the oppression and lethargy of surfeit, and the excitement of wine; they had prosecuted their studies in the enjoyment of fine health, and with the buoyousness and elasticity of spirit produced by temperance, and they now showed the result of such a course of training. Young men of temperance, other things being equal, will greatly surpass others in their preparation for the duties of life in any profession or calling.
Therefore stood they before the king - It is not said, indeed, that the others were not permitted also to stand before the monarch, but the object of the historian is to trace the means by which "these youths" rose to such eminence and virtue. It is clear, however, that whatever may have been the result on the others, the historian means to say that these young men rose to higher eminence than they did, and were permitted to stand nearer the throne. The phrase "stood before the king," is one which denotes elevated rank. They were employed in honorable offices at the court, and received peculiar marks of the royal favor.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:19: am 3401, bc 603
therefore: Dan 1:5; Gen 41:46; Kg1 17:1; Pro 22:29; Jer 15:19
John Gill
1:19 And the king communed with them,.... He asked them several questions upon the several articles of literature in which they had been educated, to try and see what proficiency they had made; he discoursed with them on various topics of learning, that he might be able to form a judgment of them, and of their capacities, and what employments under him they would be most fit for, and capable of. This shows that the king was a man of learning and good sense, as well as prudence, to be capable of taking such a step as this:
and among them all was found none like Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah; for their learning and knowledge: after the king had gone through the examination of all the youths, these four appeared to be the greatest proficients, and were accordingly taken notice of and distinguished:
therefore stood they before the king; ministered unto him, became his servants, and even came to be of his privy council, especially Daniel; see Prov 22:29.
John Wesley
1:19 Before - Both in the presence chamber, and in the council chamber, to try their proficiency; this shews the king's ability and judgment, how else could he discern their fitness, and their excellency above others.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:19 stood . . . before the king--that is, were advanced to a position of favor near the throne.
1:191:19: եւ խօսեցաւ ընդ նոսա արքայն։ Եւ ո՛չ գտան յամենայնի նման Դանիելի՝ եւ Անանիայ՝ եւ Միսայելի՝ եւ Ազարիայ. եւ կային առաջի թագաւորին[12040]։ [12040] Ոմանք. Եւ ոչ գտան յամենեսին նման Դա՛՛։
19 Բոլորի մէջ չգտնուեց ոչ ոք, որ նման լինէր Դանիէլին, Անանիային, Միսայէլին եւ Ազարիային:
19 Թագաւորը անոնց հետ խօսեցաւ եւ Դանիէլին, Անանիային, Միսայէլին ու Ազարիային պէս մէկը չգտնուեցաւ անոնց ամենուն մէջ։ Անոնք թագաւորին առջեւ կը կայնէին։
Եւ խօսեցաւ ընդ նոսա արքայն, եւ ոչ գտան յամենայնի նման Դանիելի եւ Անանեայ եւ Միսայելի եւ Ազարեայ. եւ կային առաջի թագաւորին:

1:19: եւ խօսեցաւ ընդ նոսա արքայն։ Եւ ո՛չ գտան յամենայնի նման Դանիելի՝ եւ Անանիայ՝ եւ Միսայելի՝ եւ Ազարիայ. եւ կային առաջի թագաւորին[12040]։
[12040] Ոմանք. Եւ ոչ գտան յամենեսին նման Դա՛՛։
19 Բոլորի մէջ չգտնուեց ոչ ոք, որ նման լինէր Դանիէլին, Անանիային, Միսայէլին եւ Ազարիային:
19 Թագաւորը անոնց հետ խօսեցաւ եւ Դանիէլին, Անանիային, Միսայէլին ու Ազարիային պէս մէկը չգտնուեցաւ անոնց ամենուն մէջ։ Անոնք թագաւորին առջեւ կը կայնէին։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:191:19 И царь говорил с ними, и из всех {отроков} не нашлось подобных Даниилу, Анании, Мисаилу и Азарии, и стали они служить пред царем.
1:20 καὶ και and; even ἐν εν in παντὶ πας all; every λόγῳ λογος word; log καὶ και and; even συνέσει συνεσις comprehension καὶ και and; even παιδείᾳ παιδεια discipline ὅσα οσος as much as; as many as ἐζήτησε ζητεω seek; desire παρ᾿ παρα from; by αὐτῶν αυτος he; him ὁ ο the βασιλεύς βασιλευς monarch; king κατέλαβεν καταλαμβανω apprehend αὐτοὺς αυτος he; him σοφωτέρους σοφος wise δεκαπλασίως δεκαπλασιως over; for τοὺς ο the σοφιστὰς σοφιστης and; even τοὺς ο the φιλοσόφους φιλοσοφος philosopher τοὺς ο the ἐν εν in πάσῃ πας all; every τῇ ο the βασιλείᾳ βασιλεια realm; kingdom αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him καὶ και and; even ἐδόξασεν δοξαζω glorify αὐτοὺς αυτος he; him ὁ ο the βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king καὶ και and; even κατέστησεν καθιστημι establish; appoint αὐτοὺς αυτος he; him ἄρχοντας αρχων ruling; ruler καὶ και and; even ἀνέδειξεν αναδεικνυμι indicate; appoint αὐτοὺς αυτος he; him σοφοὺς σοφος wise παρὰ παρα from; by πάντας πας all; every τοὺς ο the αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him ἐν εν in πράγμασιν πραγμα act; matter ἐν εν in πάσῃ πας all; every τῇ ο the γῇ γη earth; land αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him καὶ και and; even ἐν εν in τῇ ο the βασιλείᾳ βασιλεια realm; kingdom αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him
1:20 וְ wᵊ וְ and כֹ֗ל ḵˈōl כֹּל whole דְּבַר֙ dᵊvˌar דָּבָר word חָכְמַ֣ת ḥoḵmˈaṯ חָכְמָה wisdom בִּינָ֔ה bînˈā בִּינָה understanding אֲשֶׁר־ ʔᵃšer- אֲשֶׁר [relative] בִּקֵּ֥שׁ biqqˌēš בקשׁ seek מֵהֶ֖ם mēhˌem מִן from הַ ha הַ the מֶּ֑לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king וַֽ wˈa וְ and יִּמְצָאֵ֞ם yyimṣāʔˈēm מצא find עֶ֣שֶׂר ʕˈeśer עֶשֶׂר ten יָדֹ֗ות yāḏˈôṯ יָד hand עַ֤ל ʕˈal עַל upon כָּל־ kol- כֹּל whole הַֽ hˈa הַ the חַרְטֻמִּים֙ ḥarṭummîm חַרְטֹם magician הָֽ hˈā הַ the אַשָּׁפִ֔ים ʔaššāfˈîm אַשָּׁף conjurer אֲשֶׁ֖ר ʔᵃšˌer אֲשֶׁר [relative] בְּ bᵊ בְּ in כָל־ ḵol- כֹּל whole מַלְכוּתֹֽו׃ malᵊḵûṯˈô מַלְכוּת kingship
1:20. et omne verbum sapientiae et intellectus quod sciscitatus est ab eis rex invenit in eis decuplum super cunctos ariolos et magos qui erant in universo regno eiusAnd in all matters of wisdom and understanding, that the king enquired of them, he found them ten times better than all the diviners, and wise men, that were in all his kingdom.
20. And in every matter of wisdom and understanding, concerning which the king inquired of them, he found them ten times better than all the magicians and enchanters that were in all his realm.
And the king communed with them; and among them all was found none like Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah: therefore stood they before the king:

1:19 И царь говорил с ними, и из всех {отроков} не нашлось подобных Даниилу, Анании, Мисаилу и Азарии, и стали они служить пред царем.
1:20
καὶ και and; even
ἐν εν in
παντὶ πας all; every
λόγῳ λογος word; log
καὶ και and; even
συνέσει συνεσις comprehension
καὶ και and; even
παιδείᾳ παιδεια discipline
ὅσα οσος as much as; as many as
ἐζήτησε ζητεω seek; desire
παρ᾿ παρα from; by
αὐτῶν αυτος he; him
ο the
βασιλεύς βασιλευς monarch; king
κατέλαβεν καταλαμβανω apprehend
αὐτοὺς αυτος he; him
σοφωτέρους σοφος wise
δεκαπλασίως δεκαπλασιως over; for
τοὺς ο the
σοφιστὰς σοφιστης and; even
τοὺς ο the
φιλοσόφους φιλοσοφος philosopher
τοὺς ο the
ἐν εν in
πάσῃ πας all; every
τῇ ο the
βασιλείᾳ βασιλεια realm; kingdom
αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him
καὶ και and; even
ἐδόξασεν δοξαζω glorify
αὐτοὺς αυτος he; him
ο the
βασιλεὺς βασιλευς monarch; king
καὶ και and; even
κατέστησεν καθιστημι establish; appoint
αὐτοὺς αυτος he; him
ἄρχοντας αρχων ruling; ruler
καὶ και and; even
ἀνέδειξεν αναδεικνυμι indicate; appoint
αὐτοὺς αυτος he; him
σοφοὺς σοφος wise
παρὰ παρα from; by
πάντας πας all; every
τοὺς ο the
αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him
ἐν εν in
πράγμασιν πραγμα act; matter
ἐν εν in
πάσῃ πας all; every
τῇ ο the
γῇ γη earth; land
αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him
καὶ και and; even
ἐν εν in
τῇ ο the
βασιλείᾳ βασιλεια realm; kingdom
αὐτοῦ αυτος he; him
1:20
וְ wᵊ וְ and
כֹ֗ל ḵˈōl כֹּל whole
דְּבַר֙ dᵊvˌar דָּבָר word
חָכְמַ֣ת ḥoḵmˈaṯ חָכְמָה wisdom
בִּינָ֔ה bînˈā בִּינָה understanding
אֲשֶׁר־ ʔᵃšer- אֲשֶׁר [relative]
בִּקֵּ֥שׁ biqqˌēš בקשׁ seek
מֵהֶ֖ם mēhˌem מִן from
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּ֑לֶךְ mmˈeleḵ מֶלֶךְ king
וַֽ wˈa וְ and
יִּמְצָאֵ֞ם yyimṣāʔˈēm מצא find
עֶ֣שֶׂר ʕˈeśer עֶשֶׂר ten
יָדֹ֗ות yāḏˈôṯ יָד hand
עַ֤ל ʕˈal עַל upon
כָּל־ kol- כֹּל whole
הַֽ hˈa הַ the
חַרְטֻמִּים֙ ḥarṭummîm חַרְטֹם magician
הָֽ hˈā הַ the
אַשָּׁפִ֔ים ʔaššāfˈîm אַשָּׁף conjurer
אֲשֶׁ֖ר ʔᵃšˌer אֲשֶׁר [relative]
בְּ bᵊ בְּ in
כָל־ ḵol- כֹּל whole
מַלְכוּתֹֽו׃ malᵊḵûṯˈô מַלְכוּת kingship
1:20. et omne verbum sapientiae et intellectus quod sciscitatus est ab eis rex invenit in eis decuplum super cunctos ariolos et magos qui erant in universo regno eius
And in all matters of wisdom and understanding, that the king enquired of them, he found them ten times better than all the diviners, and wise men, that were in all his kingdom.
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Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:20: Magicians and astrologers - Probably the same as philosophers and astronomers among us.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:20: And in all matters of wisdom and understanding - Margin, "of." The Hebrew is, "Everything of wisdom of understanding." The Greek, "In all things of wisdom "and" knowledge." The meaning is, in everything which required peculiar wisdom to understand and explain it. The points submitted were such as would appropriately come before the minds of the sages and magicians who were employed as counselors at court.
He found them ten times better - Better counselors, better informed. Hebrew, "ten "hands" above the magicians;" that is, ten "times," or "many" times. In this sense the word "ten" is used in Gen 31:7, Gen 31:41; Num 14:22; Neh 4:12; Job 19:3. They greatly surpassed them.
Than all the magicians - Greek, τοὺς ἐπαοιδοὺς tous epaoidous. The Greek word means, "those singing to;" then those who propose to heal the sick by singing; then those who practice magical arts or incantations - particularly with the idea of charming with songs; and then those who accomplish anything surpassing human power by mysterious and supernatural means. - Passow. The Hebrew word (הרטמים chareṭ ummı̂ ym), occurs only in the following places in the Scriptures, in all of which it is rendered "magicians:" - Gen 41:8, Gen 41:24; Exo 7:11, Exo 7:22; Exo 8:7 (3), 18 (14), 19 (15); Exo 9:11; Dan 1:20; Dan 2:2. From this it appears that it applied only to the magicians in Egypt and in Babylon, and doubtless substantially the same class of persons is referred to. It is found only in the plural number, "perhaps" implying that they formed companies, or that they were always associated together, so that different persons performed different parts in their incantations.
The word is defined by Gesenius to mean, "Sacred scribes, skilled in the sacred writings or hieroglyphics - ἱερογραμματεῖς hierogrammateis - a class of Egyptian priests." It is, according to him (Lex.), of Hebrew origin, and is derived from חרט chereṭ, "stylus" - an instrument of writing, and the formative מ (m). It is not improbable, he suggests, that the Hebrews with these letters imitated a similar Egyptian word. Prof. Stuart (in loc.) says that the word would be correctly translated "pen-men," and supposes that it originally referred to those who were "busied with books and writing, and skilled in them." It is evident that the word is not of Persian origin, since it was used in Egypt long before it occurs in Daniel. A full and very interesting account of the Magians and their religion may be found in Creuzer, "Mythologie und Symbolik," i. pp. 187-234. Herodotus mentions the "Magi" as a distinct people, i. 101.
The word "Mag" or "Mog" (from the μάγοι magoi of the Greeks, and the "magi" of the Romans) means, properly, a "priest;" and at a very early period the names "Chaldeans" and "Magi" were interchangeable, and both were regarded as of the same class. - Creuzer, i. 187, note. They were doubtless, at first, a class of priests among the Medes and Persians, who were employed, among other things, in the search for wisdom; who were connected with pagan oracles; who claimed acquaintance with the will of the gods, and who professed to have the power, therefore, of making known future events, by explaining dreams, visions, preternatural appearances, etc. The Magi formed one of the six tribes into which the Medes were formerly divided (Herodotus, i. 101), but on the downfall of the Median empire they continued to retain at the court of the conqueror a great degree of power and authority. "The learning of the Magi was connected with astrology and enchantment, in which they were so celebrated that their name was applied to all orders of magicians and enchanters." - Anthon, "Class. Dic." These remarks may explain the reason why the word "magician" comes to be applied to this class of men, though we are not to suppose that the persons referred to in Genesis and Exodus, under the appellation of the Hebrew name there given to them (הרטמים chareṭ ummı̂ ym), or those found in Babylon, referred to in the passage before us, to whom the same name is applied, were of that class of priests.
The name "magi," or "magician," was so extended as to embrace "all" who made pretensions to the kind of knowledge for which the magi were distinguished, and hence, came also to be synonymous with the "Chaldeans," who were also celebrated for this. Compare the notes at Dan 2:2. In the passage before us it cannot be determined with certainty, that the persons were of "Magian" origin, though it is possible, as in Dan 2:2, they are distinguished from the Chaldeans. All that is certainly meant is, that they were persons who laid claim to the power of diving into future events; of explaining mysteries; of interpreting dreams; of working by enchantments, etc.
And astrologers - - האשׁפים hâ'ashâ pı̂ ym. This word is rendered by the Septuagint, μάγους magous, "magians." So also in the Vulgate, "magos." The English word "astrologer" denotes "one who professes to foretell future events by the aspects and situation of the stars." - Webster. The Hebrew word - אשׁפים 'ashâ pı̂ ym - according to Gesenius, means "enchanters, magicians." It is derived, probably, from the obsolete root אשׁף 'â shap, "to cover," "to conceal," and refers to those who were devoted to the practice of occult arts, and to the cultivation of recondite and cabalistic sciences. It is supposed by some philologists to have given rise, by dropping the initial א to the Greek σοφος sophos, "wise, wise man," and the Persian sophi, an epithet of equivalent import. See Gesenius on the word, and compare Bush on Dan 2:2. The word is found only in Daniel, Dan 1:20; Dan 2:2, Dan 2:10, Dan 2:27; Dan 4:7 (4); Dan 5:7, Dan 5:11, Dan 5:15, in every instance rendered "astrologer" and "astrologers." There is no evidence, however, that the science of astrology enters into the meaning of the word, or that the persons referred to attempted to pracrise divination by the aid of the stars. It is to be regretted that the term "astrologer" should have been employed in our translation, as it conveys an intimation which is not found in the original. It is, indeed, in the highest degree probable, that a part of their pretended wisdom consisted in their ability to cast the fates of men by the conjunctions and opposition of the stars, but this is not necessarily implied in the word. Prof. Stuart renders it "enchanters."
In all his realm - Not only in the capital, but throughout the kingdom. These arts were doubtless practiced extensively elsewhere, but it is probable that the most skillful in them would be assembled at the capital.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:20: in all: Kg1 4:29-34, Kg1 10:1-3, Kg1 10:23, Kg1 10:24; Psa 119:99
wisdom and understanding: Heb. wisdom of understanding
ten: Gen 31:7; Num 14:22; Neh 4:12; Job 19:3
the magicians: Dan 2:2-11, Dan 2:21-23, Dan 4:7, Dan 4:8-18, Dan 5:7, Dan 5:8, Dan 5:17; Gen 41:8; Exo 7:11, Exo 7:12, Exo 7:22, Exo 8:7, Exo 8:19; Isa 19:3, Isa 47:12-14; Ti2 3:8, Ti2 3:9
John Gill
1:20 And in all matters of wisdom and understanding that the king inquired of them,.... At the time of their examination before him, when he put questions to them, which they gave a ready, pertinent, and solid answer to: and afterwards, when he had occasion to consult them on any affair,
he found them ten times, or ten hands (g) better than all the magicians and astrologers that were in all his realm; than all the magi and sophies, the enchanters, diviners, soothsayers, and such who pretended to judicial astrology, and to judge of and foretell things by the position of the stars; these young men were able to give more pertinent answers to questions put to them, and better advice and counsel when asked of them, than all the persons before described, throughout the king's dominions.
(g) "decem manibus", Montanus.
John Wesley
1:20 The king enquired - This is a farther confirmation of the king's noble endowments, and of his great care whom he chose to be in offices of trust, namely persons excellently qualified to serve him in the great affairs of the kingdom. And thus did God pour contempt upon the pride of the Chaldeans, and put honour on the low estate of his people.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:20 ten times--literally, "ten hands."
magicians--properly, "sacred scribes, skilled in the sacred writings, a class of Egyptian priests" [GESENIUS]; from a Hebrew root, "a pen." The word in our English Version, "magicians," comes from mag, that is, "a priest." The Magi formed one of the six divisions of the Medes.
astrologers--Hebrew, "enchanters," from a root, "to conceal," pactisers of the occult arts.
1:201:20: Եւ յամենայն բանս իմաստութեան եւ գիտութեան զոր խնդրէր ՚ի նոցանէ թագաւորն՝ գտանէր զնոսա տասնպատիկ առաւե՛լ քան զամենայն գէտս եւ զմոգս որ էին ՚ի թագաւորութեան նորա[12041]։[12041] Ոմանք. Եւ յամենայն բան իմաս՛՛։
20 Եւ նրանք կանգնեցին թագաւորի առաջ: Իմաստութեան ու գիտութեան այն բոլոր բաների մասին, որ թագաւորը հարցնում էր նրանց, այդ բոլորի մէջ նրանց գտնում էր տասնապատիկ առաւել, քան բոլոր գիտուններին ու մոգերին, որ նրա թագաւորութեան մէջ էին:
20 Թագաւորը՝ անոնց հարցուցած իմաստութեան ու գիտութեան վերաբերեալ բոլոր բաներուն մէջ՝ զանոնք իր թագաւորութեանը մէջ եղող բոլոր մոգերէն ու հմայողներէն տասնապատիկ գերազանց գտաւ։
Եւ յամենայն բանս իմաստութեան եւ գիտութեան զոր խնդրէր ի նոցանէ թագաւորն` գտանէր զնոսա տասնպատիկ առաւել քան զամենայն գէտս եւ զմոգս որ էին ի թագաւորութեան նորա:

1:20: Եւ յամենայն բանս իմաստութեան եւ գիտութեան զոր խնդրէր ՚ի նոցանէ թագաւորն՝ գտանէր զնոսա տասնպատիկ առաւե՛լ քան զամենայն գէտս եւ զմոգս որ էին ՚ի թագաւորութեան նորա[12041]։
[12041] Ոմանք. Եւ յամենայն բան իմաս՛՛։
20 Եւ նրանք կանգնեցին թագաւորի առաջ: Իմաստութեան ու գիտութեան այն բոլոր բաների մասին, որ թագաւորը հարցնում էր նրանց, այդ բոլորի մէջ նրանց գտնում էր տասնապատիկ առաւել, քան բոլոր գիտուններին ու մոգերին, որ նրա թագաւորութեան մէջ էին:
20 Թագաւորը՝ անոնց հարցուցած իմաստութեան ու գիտութեան վերաբերեալ բոլոր բաներուն մէջ՝ զանոնք իր թագաւորութեանը մէջ եղող բոլոր մոգերէն ու հմայողներէն տասնապատիկ գերազանց գտաւ։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:201:20 И во всяком деле мудрого уразумения, о чем ни спрашивал их царь, он находил их в десять раз выше всех тайноведцев и волхвов, какие были во всем царстве его.
1:21 καὶ και and; even ἦν ειμι be Δανιηλ δανιηλ Daniēl; Thanil ἕως εως till; until τοῦ ο the πρώτου πρωτος first; foremost ἔτους ετος year τῆς ο the βασιλείας βασιλεια realm; kingdom Κύρου κυρος monarch; king Περσῶν περσης Persēs; Persis
1:21 וַֽ wˈa וְ and יְהִי֙ yᵊhˌî היה be דָּֽנִיֵּ֔אל dˈāniyyˈēl דָּנִיֵּאל Daniel עַד־ ʕaḏ- עַד unto שְׁנַ֥ת šᵊnˌaṯ שָׁנָה year אַחַ֖ת ʔaḥˌaṯ אֶחָד one לְ lᵊ לְ to כֹ֥ורֶשׁ ḵˌôreš כֹּורֶשׁ Cyrus הַ ha הַ the מֶּֽלֶךְ׃ פ mmˈeleḵ . f מֶלֶךְ king
1:21. fuit autem Danihel usque ad annum primum Cyri regisAnd Daniel continued even to the first year of king Cyrus.
21. And Daniel continued even unto the first year of king Cyrus.
And in all matters of wisdom [and] understanding, that the king enquired of them, he found them ten times better than all the magicians [and] astrologers that [were] in all his realm:

1:20 И во всяком деле мудрого уразумения, о чем ни спрашивал их царь, он находил их в десять раз выше всех тайноведцев и волхвов, какие были во всем царстве его.
1:21
καὶ και and; even
ἦν ειμι be
Δανιηλ δανιηλ Daniēl; Thanil
ἕως εως till; until
τοῦ ο the
πρώτου πρωτος first; foremost
ἔτους ετος year
τῆς ο the
βασιλείας βασιλεια realm; kingdom
Κύρου κυρος monarch; king
Περσῶν περσης Persēs; Persis
1:21
וַֽ wˈa וְ and
יְהִי֙ yᵊhˌî היה be
דָּֽנִיֵּ֔אל dˈāniyyˈēl דָּנִיֵּאל Daniel
עַד־ ʕaḏ- עַד unto
שְׁנַ֥ת šᵊnˌaṯ שָׁנָה year
אַחַ֖ת ʔaḥˌaṯ אֶחָד one
לְ lᵊ לְ to
כֹ֥ורֶשׁ ḵˌôreš כֹּורֶשׁ Cyrus
הַ ha הַ the
מֶּֽלֶךְ׃ פ mmˈeleḵ . f מֶלֶךְ king
1:21. fuit autem Danihel usque ad annum primum Cyri regis
And Daniel continued even to the first year of king Cyrus.
ru▾ LXX-gloss▾ bhs-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
21. Еврейский предлог "aq" = русс. "до", определяя известное состояние вещи или лица до такого или иного времени, не исключает продолжения того же состояния и за этим пределом времени, точнее, оставляет в стороне вопрос о дальнейшем продолжении или окончании данного состояния (ср. Быт 8:7; Пс 109:1). Ввиду этого настоящий стих не находится в противоречии с 10:1. Он говорит лишь, что Даниил жил и действовал при царском дворе во весь период плена вавилонского и не касается его судьбы в дальнейшее время (ср. Иер 1:3: и гл. 40: и д.).
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
1:21: The first year of king Cyrus - That is, to the end of the Chaldean empire. And we find Daniel alive in the third year of Cyrus, see Dan 10:1.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
1:21: And Daniel continued even unto the first year of king Cyrus - When the proclamation was issued by him to rebuild the temple at Jerusalem, Ezr 1:1. That is, he continued in influence and authority at different times during that period, and, of course, during the whole of the seventy years captivity. It is not necessarily implied that he did not "live" longer, or even that he ceased then to have influence and authority at court, but the object of the writer is to show that, during that long and eventful period, he occupied a station of influence until the captivity was accomplished, and the royal order was issued for rebuilding the temple. He was among the first of the captives that were taken to Babylon, and he lived to see the end of the captivity - "the joyful day of Jewish freedom." - Prof. Stuart. It is commonly believed that, when the captives returned, he remained in Chaldea, probably detained by his high employments in the Persian empire, and that he died either at Babylon or at Shushan. Compare the Introduction Section I.
Practical Remarks
In view of the exposition given of this chapter, the following remarks may be made:
(1) There is in every period of the world, and in every place, much obscure and buried talent that might be cultivated and brought to light, as there are many gems in earth and ocean that are yet undiscovered. See the notes at Dan 1:1-4. Among these captive youths - prisoners of war - in a foreign land, and as yet unknown, there was most rich and varied talent - talent that was destined yet to shine at the court of the most magnificent monarchy of the ancient world, and to be honored as among the brightest that the world has seen. And so in all places and at all times, there is much rich and varied genius which might shine with great brilliancy, and perform important public services, if it were cultivated and allowed to develope itself on the great theater of human affairs. Thus, in obscure rural retreats there may be bright gems of intellect; in the low haunts of vice there may be talent that would charm the world by the beauty of song or the power of eloquence; among slaves there may be mind which, if emancipated, would take its place in the brightest constellations of genius. The great endowments of Moses as a lawgiver, a prophet, a profound statesman, sprang from an enslaved people, as those of Daniel did; and it is not too much to say that the brightest talent of the earth has been found in places of great obscurity, and where, but for some remarkable dispensation of Providence, it might have remained foRev_er unknown. This thought has been immortalized by Gray:
"Full many a gem of purest ray serene,
The dark unfathomed caves of ocean bear;
Full many a flower is born to blush unseen,
And waste its sweetness on the desert air.
"Some village Hampden, that with dauntless breast
The little tyrant of his fields withstood;
Some mute inglorious Milton here may rest.
Some Cromwell, guiltless of his country's blood."
There is at any time on the earth talent enough created for all that there is to be done in any generation; and there is always enough for talent to accomplish if it were employed in the purposes for which it was originally adapted. There need be at no time any wasted or unoccupied mind; and there need be no great and good plan that should fail for the want of talent fitted to accomplish it, if what actually exists on the earth were called into action.
(2) He does a great service to the world who seeks out such talent, and gives it an opportunity to accomplish what it is fitted to, by furnishing it the means of an education, Dan 1:3. Nebuchadnezzar, unconsciously, and doubtless undesignedly, did a great service to mankind by his purpose to seek out the talent of the Hebrew captives, and giving it an opportunity to expand and to ripen into usefulness. Daniel has taken his place among the prophets and statesmen of the world as a man of rare endowments, and of equally rare integrity of character. He has, under the leading of the Divine Spirit, done more than most other prophets to lift the mysterious veil which shrouds the future; more than "could" have been done by the penetrating sagacity of all the Burkes, the Cannings, and the Metternichs of the world. So far as human appearances go, all this might have remained in obscurity, if it had not been for the purpose of the Chaldean monarch to bring forward into public notice the obscure talent which lay hid among the Hebrew captives. He always does a good service to mankind who seeks out bright and promising genius, and who gives it the opportunity of developing itself with advantage on the great theater of human affairs.
(3) We cannot but admire the arrangements of Providence by which this was done. See the notes at Dan 1:1-4. This occurred in connection with the remarkable purpose of a pagan monarch - a man who, perhaps more than any other pagan ruler, has furnished an illustration of the truth that "the king's heart is in the hand of the Lord." "That purpose was, to raise to eminence and influence the talent that might be found among the Hebrew captives." There can be no doubt that the hand of God was in this; that there was a secret Divine influence on his mind, unknown to him, which secured this result; and that, while he was aiming at one result, God was designing to secure another. There was thus a double influence on his mind:
(a) what arose from the purpose of the monarch himself, originated by considerations of policy, or contemplating the aggrandizement and increased splendor of his court; and
(b) the secret and silent influence of God, shaping the plans of the monarch to the ends which "He" had in view. Compare the notes at Isa 10:5 following.
(4) as it is reasonable to suppose that these young men had been trained up in the strict principles of religion and temperance Dan 1:8-12, the case before us furnishes an interesting illustration of the temptations to which those who are early trained in the ways of piety are often exposed. Every effort seems to have been made to induce them to abandon the principles in which they had been educated, and there was a strong probability that those efforts would be successful.
(a) They were among strangers, far away from the homes of their youth, and surrounded by the allurements of a great city.
(b) Everything was done which could be done to induce them to "forget" their own land and the religion of their fathers.
(c) They were suddenly brought into distinguished notice; they attracted the attention of the great, and had the prospect of associating with princes and nobles in the most magnificent court on earth. They had been selected on account of their personal beauty and their intellectual promise, and were approached, therefore, in a form of temptation to which youths are commonly most sensitive, and to which they are commonly most liable to yield.
(d) They were far away from the religious institutions of their country; from the public services of the sanctuary; from the temple; and from all those influences which had been made to bear upon them in early life. It was a rare virtue which could, in these circumstances, withstand the power of such temptations.
(5) young men, trained in the ways of religion and in the habits of temperance, are often now exposed to similar temptations. They visit the cities of a foreign country, or the cities in their own land. They are surrounded by strangers. They are far away from the sanctuary to which in early life they were conducted by their parents, and in which they were taught the truths of religion. The eye of that unslumbering vigilance which was upon them in their own land, or in the country neighborhood where their conduct was known to all, is now withdrawn. No one will know it if they visit the theater; no one will see them who will make report if they are found in the gambling room, or the place of dissipation. In those new scenes new temptations are around them. They may be noticed, flattered, caressed. They may be invited to places by the refined and the fashionable, from which, when at home, they would have recoiled. Or, it may be, prospects of honor and affluence may open upon them, and in the whirl of business or pleasure, they may be under the strongest temptations to forget the lessons of early virtue, and to abandon the principles of the religion in which they were trained. Thousands of young men are ruined in circumstances similar to those in which these youths were placed in Babylon, and amidst temptations much less formidable titan those which encompassed them; and it is a rare virtue which makes a young man safe amidst the temptations to which he is exposed in a great city, or in a distant land.
(6) we have in this chapter an instructive instance of the value of early training in the principles of religion and temperance. There can be no doubt that these young men owed their safety and their future success wholly to this. Parents, therefore, should be encouraged to train their sons in the strictest principles of religion and virtue. Seed thus sown will not be lost. In a distant land, far away from home, from a parent's eye, from the sanctuary of God; in the midst of temptations, when surrounded by flatterers, by the gay and by the irreligious, such principles will be a safeguard to them which nothing else can secure, and will save them when otherwise they would be engulphed in the vortex of irreligion and dissipation. The best service which a parent can render to a son, is to imbue his mind thoroughly with the principles of temperance and religion.
(7) we may see the value of a purpose of entire abstinence from the use of "wine," Dan 1:8. Daniel resolved that he would not make use of it as a beverage. His purpose, it would seem, was decided, though he meant to accomplish it by mild and persuasive means if possible. There were good reasons for the formation of such a purpose then, and those reasons are not less weighty now. He never had occasion to regret the formation of such a purpose; nor has anyone who has formed a similar resolution ever had occasion to regret it. Among the reasons for the formation of such a resolution, the following may be suggested:
(a) A fixed resolution in regard to the course which one will pursue; to the kind of life which he will live; to the principles on which he will act, is of inestimable value in a young man. Our confidence in a man is just in proportion as we have evidence that he has formed a steady purpose of virtue, and that he has sufficient strength of resolution to keep it.
(b) The same reasons exist for adopting a resolution of abstinence in regard to the use of wine, which exist for adopting it in relation to the use of ardent spirits, for
(1) The intoxicating principle in wine or other fermented liquors is precisely the same as in ardent spirits. It is the result of "fermentation," not of "distillation," and undergoes no change by distillation. The only effect of that chemical process is to drive it off by heat, condense, and collect it in a form better adapted to commerce or to preservation, but the alcoholic principle is precisely the same in wine as in distilled liquors.
(2) Intoxication itself is the same thing, whether produced by fermented liquors or by distilled spirits. It produces the same effect on the body, on the mind, on the affections. A man who becomes intoxicated on wine - as he easily may - is in precisely the same condition, so far as intoxication is produced, as he who becomes intoxicated on distilled liquors.
(3) There is the same kind of "danger" of becoming intemperate in the use of the one as of the other. The man who habitually uses wine is as certainly in danger of becoming a drunkard as he who indulges in the use of distilled liquors. The danger, too, arises from the same source. It arises from the fact that he who indulges once will feel induced to indulge again; that a strong and peculiar craving is produced for stimulating liquors; that the body is left in such a state that it demands a repetition of the stimulus; that it is a law in regard to indulgence in this kind of drinks, that an increased "quantity" is demanded to meet the exhausted state of the system; and that the demand goes on in this increased ratio until there is no power of control, and the man becomes a confirmed inebriate. All these laws operate in regard to the use of wine as really as to the use of any other intoxicating drinks; and, therefore, there is the same reason for the adoption of a resolution to abstain from all alike.
(4) The temptations are often "greater" in relation to wine than to any other kind of intoxicating drinks. There is a large class of persons in the community who are in comparatively little danger of becoming intemperate from any other cause than this. This remark applies particularly to young men of wealth; to those who move in the more elevated circles; to those who are in college, and to those who are preparing for the learned professions. They are in peculiar danger from this quarter, because it is regarded as genteel to drink a glass of wine; because they are allured by the example of professed Christians, of ministers of the gospel, and of ladies; and because they axe often in circumstances in which it would not be regarded as respectable or respectful to decline it.
(c) Third reason for adopting such a resolution is, that it is the only security that anyone can have that he will not become a drunkard. No one who indulges at all in the use of intoxicating liquors can have any "certainty" that he will not yet become a confirmed inebriate. Of the great multitudes who have been, and who are drunkards, there are almost none who "meant" to sink themselves to that wretched condition. They have become intemperate by indulging in the social glass when they thought themselves safe, and they continued the indulgence until it was too late to recover themselves from ruin. He who is in the habit of drinking at all can have no "security" that he may not yet be all that the poor drunkard now is. But he "will" be certainly safe from this evil if he adopts the purpose of total abstinence, and steadfastly adheres to it. Whatever other dangers await him, he will be secure against this; whatever other calamities he may experience, he is sure that he will escape all those that are caused by intemperance.
(8) We have in this chapter a most interesting illustration of the "value" of temperance in "eating," Dan 1:9-17. There are laws of our nature relating to the quantity and quality of food which can no more be violated with impunity than any other of the laws of God; and yet those laws are probably more frequently violated than any other. There are more persons intemperate in the use of food than in the use of drink, and probably more diseases engendered, and more lives cut short, by improper indulgence in eating than in drinking. At the same time it is a more base, low, gross, and beastly passion. A drunkard is very often the wreck of a generous and noble-minded nature. He was large-hearted, open, free, liberal, and others took advantage of his generosity of disposition, and led him on to habits of intoxication. But there is nothing noble or generous in the gourmand. He approximates more nearly to the lowest forms of the brutal creation than any other human being; and if there is any man who should be looked on with feelings of unutterable loathing, it is he who wastes his vigour, and destroys his health, by gross indulgence in eating. There is almost no sin that God speaks of in tones of more decided abhorrence than the sin of "gluttony." Compare Deu 21:20-21; Psa 141:4; Pro 23:1-3, Pro 23:20-21; Luk 16:19; Luk 21:34.
(9) We have, in the close of the chapter before us, a most interesting illustration of the effect of an early course of strict temperance on the future character and success in life, Dan 1:17-21. The trial in the case of these young men was fairly made. It was continued through three years; a period long enough for a "fair" trial; a period long enough to make it an interesting example to young men who are pursuing a course of literary studies, who are preparing to enter one of the learned professions, or who are qualifying themselves for a life of mechanical or agricultural pursuits. In the case of these young men, they were strictly on "probation," and the result of their probation was seen in the success which attended them when they passed the severe examination before the monarch Dan 1:19, and in the honors which they reached at his court, Dan 1:19-21. To make this case applicable to other young men, and useful to them, we may notice two things: the fact that every young man is on probation; and the effect of an early course of temperance in securing the object of that probation.
(a) Every young man is on probation; that is, his future character and success are to be determined by what he is when a youth.
(1) all the great interests of the world are soon to pass into the hands of the young. They who now possess the property, and fill the offices of the land, will pass away. Whatever there is that is valuable in liberty, science, art, or religion, will pass into the hands of those who are now young. They will preside in the seminaries of learning; will sit down on the benches of justice; will take the vacated seats of senators; will occupy the pulpits in the churches; will be entrusted with all the offices of honor and emolument; will be ambassadors to foreign courts; and will dispense the charities of the land, and carry out and complete the designs of Christian benevolence. There is not an interest of liberty, religion, or law, which will not soon be committed to them.
(2) The world is favorably disposed toward young men, and they who are now entrusted with these great interests, and who are soon to leave them, are ready calmly to commit them to the guardianship of the rising generation, as soon as they have the assurance that they are qualified to receive the trust. They, therefore, watch with intense solicitude the conduct of those to whom so great interests are so soon to be committed
(3) Early virtue is indispensable to a favorable result of the probation of young men. A merchant demands evidence of integrity and industry in a young man before he will admit him to share his business, or will give him credit; and the same thing is true respecting a farmer, mechanic, physician, lawyer, or clergyman. No young man can hope to have the confidence of others, or to succeed in his calling, who does not give evidence that he is qualified for success by a fair probation or trial.
(4) Of no young man is it "presumed" that he is qualified to be entrusted with these great and momentous interests until he has had a fair trial. There is no such confidence in the integrity of young men, or in their tendencies to virtue, or in their native endowments, that the world is "willing" to commit great interests to them without an appropriate probation. No advantage of birth or blood can secure this; and no young man should presume that the world will be ready to confide in him until he has shown that he is qualified for the station to which he aspires.
(5) Into this probation, through which every young man is passing, the question of "temperance" enters perhaps more deeply than anything else respecting character. With reference to his habits on this point, every young man is watched with aft eagle eye, and his character is well understood, when perhaps he least suspects it. The public cannot be deceived on this point, and every young man may be assured that there is an eye of unslumbering vigilance upon him.
(b) The effect of an early course of temperance on the issue of this probation. This is seen in the avoidance of a course of life which would certainly blast every hope; and in its positive influence on the future destiny.
1. The avoidance of certain things which would blast every hope which a young man could cherish. There are certain evils which a young man will certainly avoid by a course of strict temperance, which would otherwise certainly come upon him. They are such as these:
(a) Poverty, as arising from this source. He may, indeed, be poor if he is temperate. He may lose his health, or may meet with losses, or may be unsuccessful in business; but he is certain that he will never be made poor from intemperance. Nine-tenths of the poverty in the community is caused by this vice; nine-tenths of all who are in almshouses are sent there as the result of it; but from all this he will be certain that "he" will be saved. There is a great difference, if a man is poor, between being such as the result of a loss of health, or other Providential dispensations, and being such as the result of intemperance.
(b) He will be saved from committing "crime" from this cause. About ninetenths of the crimes that are committed are the results of intoxicating drinks, and by a course of temperance a man is certain that he will be saved from the commission of all those crimes. Yet if not temperate, no man has any security that he will not commit any one of them. There is nothing in himself to save him from the very worst of them; and every young man who indulges in the intoxicating cup should reflect that he has no security that he will not be led on to commit the most horrid crimes which ever disgrace humanity.
(c) He will certainly be saved from the drunkard's death. He will indeed die. He may die young, for, though temperate, he may be cut down in the vigour of his days. But there is all the difference imaginable between dying as a drunkard, and dying in the ordinary course of nature. It would be a sufficient inducement for anyone to sign a temperance pledge, and to adhere to it, if there were no other, that he might avoid the horrors of a death by "delirium tremens," and be saved from the loathsomeness of a drunkard's grave. It is much for a young man to be able to say as he enters on life, and looks out on the future with solicitude as to what is to come, "Whatever may await me in the unknown future, of this one thing I am certain; I shall never be poor, and haggard, and wretched, as the drunkard is. I shall never commit the crimes to which drunkenness prompts. I shall never experience the unutterable horrors of "delirium tremens." I shall never die the death of unequalled wretchedness caused by a "mania a potu." Come what may, I see, on the threshold of life, that I am to be free from the "worst" evils to which man is ever exposed. If I am poor, I will not be poor as the victim of intemperance is. If I die early, the world will not feel it is benefited by my removal, and my friends will not go forth to my grave with the unutterable anguish which a parent has who follows a drunken son to the tomb."
2. A course of temperance will have a direct and positive effect on the issue of such a probation. So it had in the case of the young men in the chapter before us; and so it will have in every case. Its effect will be seen in the beauty, and healthfulness, and vigour of the bodily frame; in the clearness of the intellect, and the purity of the heart; in habits of industry, in general integrity of life, and in rendering it more probable that the soul will be saved. In no respect whatever will a steadfast adherence to the principles of temperance injure any young man; in every respect, it may be the means of promoting his interests in the present life, and of securing his final happiness in the world to come. Why, then, should any young man hesitate about forming such a resolution as Daniel did Job 1:8, and about expressing, in every proper way, in the most decided manner, his determined purpose to adhere through life to the strictest principles of temperance?
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
1:21: Dan 6:28, Dan 10:1 "He lived to see that glorious time of the return of his people from the Babylonia captivity, though he did not die then. So till is used Psa 110:1, Psa 112:8.
Geneva 1599
1:21 And Daniel continued [even] unto (u) the first year of king Cyrus.
(u) That is, he was esteemed in Babylon as a Prophet as long as that commonwealth stood.
John Gill
1:21 And Daniel continued,.... In Babylon, and at court there, and in the favour of Nebuchadnezzar and his successors:
even unto the first year of King Cyrus: by whom Babylon was taken, and when the seventy years' captivity of the Jews were at an end; which time Daniel was there, for the sake of observing which this is mentioned: not that Daniel died in the first year of Cyrus; or went from Babylon with the rest of the Jews to Jerusalem upon the proclamation of Cyrus, as Jacchiades thinks; for we hear of him at the river Hiddekel, in the third year of Cyrus, Dan 10:1, but he was till this time in the court of the kings of Babylon; and afterwards in the courts of the kings of Media and Persia; for when it is said he was there, it does not so much intend his being there as the state and condition in which he was there; namely, as a favourite and prime minister; for he is said to prosper in the reign of Darius and Cyrus, Dan 6:28. This is that Cyrus who was prophesied of by name, near two hundred years before he was born, by the Prophet Isaiah, Is 44:28, which were sure prophecies, and to be depended upon; and had their exact accomplishment in him. Heathen writers report many things, as presages and predictions of his future greatness; they tell us some dreams, which his grandfather Astyages had concerning his daughter Mandane, the mother of Cyrus; which the interpreters of dreams in those days explained of a future son of hers, that was to be lord of all Asia (h): and Megasthenes (i) relates a prophecy of Nebuchadnezzar, who before his death foretold to the Babylonians that a calamity should befall them, which neither his progenitor Belus nor Queen Beltis could avert; which was, that a Persian mule should bring them under subjection, assisted by a Mede; which is understood of Cyrus, who was a Medo Persian; his father was Cambyses king of Persia, and his mother Mandane was daughter of Astyages king of Media; and he, with Darius the Mede, or however with his army, conquered Babylon: and he is also supposed to be the mule in the Pythian oracle that should be king of the Medes; by which Croesus was deceived, who concluded a mule would never be a king; and therefore, as his kingdom was safe till there was such an one, it must be for ever so (k). The birth, parentage, and education of this prince, together with his victories, and particularly his taking of Babylon, are recorded by Xenophon in his history, in great agreement with this book of Daniel. Plutarch says (l) that Cyrus, or Coresh, as his name is in Hebrew, in the Persian tongue signifies the sun; and the name of the sun, Cheres, is pretty near in sound to it in the Hebrew tongue; and of the same signification and derivation with Cyrus, or Coresh, seems to be Carshena, one of the seven princes of Persia. Cyrus is remarkably famous for the edict he published in favour of the Jews, giving them liberty to go to their own land, and rebuild their temple, Ezra 1:1, according to Cicero (m), out of Dionysius the Persian, he lived to be seventy years of age; and died after a reign of seven years, according to Xenophon (n); and of nine years, according to Ptolemy's canon; the one reckoning from the time he became sole monarch of the empire; the other from his reigning in partnership with his uncle Cyaxares, or Darius the Mede.
(h) Herodoti Clio, sive l. 1. c. 107, 108. Justin. e Trogo, l. 1. (i) Apud Euseb. Praepar. Evangel. l. 9. c. 41. p. 456, 437. (k) Herodotus, Clio. sive l. 1. c. 55. (l) In Vita Artaxerxis. (m) De Divinatione, I. 1. (n) Cyropaedia, l. 8. c. 45.
John Wesley
1:21 Continued - in the court of Babylon until Cyrus, and then he was in the Persian court, and he lived in honour and high employment all that time, yea, after Cyrus began to reign. For Dan 10:1, he had visions and revelations in the third year of Cyrus.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
1:21 Daniel continued . . . unto . . . first year of Cyrus-- (2Chron 36:22; Ezra 1:1). Not that he did not continue beyond that year, but the expression is designed to mark the fact that he who was one of the first captives taken to Babylon, lived to see the end of the captivity. See my Introduction, "SIGNIFICANCE OF THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY." In Dan 10:1 he is mentioned as living "in the third year of Cyrus." See Margin Note, on the use of "till" (Ps 110:1, Ps 112:8).
1:211:0: Տեսիլ Երրորդ։
21 Եւ Դանիէլը մնաց մինչեւ Կիւրոս արքայի տարիները:
21 Դանիէլ մինչեւ Կիւրոս թագաւորին առաջին տարին մնաց։
Եւ եղեւ Դանիէլ մինչեւ [12]յամս Կիւրոսի արքայի:

1:0: Տեսիլ Երրորդ։
21 Եւ Դանիէլը մնաց մինչեւ Կիւրոս արքայի տարիները:
21 Դանիէլ մինչեւ Կիւրոս թագաւորին առաջին տարին մնաց։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
1:211:21 И был там Даниил до первого года царя Кира.
And Daniel continued [even] unto the first year of king Cyrus:

1:21 И был там Даниил до первого года царя Кира.
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