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Matthew Henry: Concise Commentary on the Whole Bible - 1706
The close of the foregoing chapter left Paul in the high priest's court, into which the chief captain (whether to his advantage or no I know not) had removed his cause from the mob; and, if his enemies act there against him with less noise, yet it is with more subtlety. Now here we have, I. Paul's protestation of his own integrity, and of a civil respect to the high priest, however he had upon a sudden spoken warmly to him, and justly, ver. 1-5. II. Paul's prudent contrivance to get himself clear of them, by setting the Pharisees and Sadducees at variance one with another, ver. 6-9. III. The governor's seasonable interposal to rescue him out of their hands likewise, ver. 10. IV. Christ's more comfortable appearing to him, to animate him against those difficulties that lay before him, and to tell him what he must expect, ver. 11. V. A bloody conspiracy of some desperate Jews to kill Paul, and their drawing in the chief priests and the elders to be aiders and abettors with them in it, ver. 12-15. VI. The discovery of this conspiracy to Paul, and by him to the chief captain, who perceived so much of their inveterate malice against Paul that he had reason enough to believe the truth of it, ver. 16-22. VII. The chief captain's care of Paul's safety, by which he prevented the execution of the design; he sent him away immediately under a strong guard from Jerusalem to Cæsarea, which was now the residence of Felix, the Roman governor, and there he safely arrived, ver. 23-35.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
Paul defending himself before the high priest, he commands him to be smitten on the mouth, Act 23:1, Act 23:2. Paul sharply reproves him, and, being reproved for this by one of the attendants, accounts for his conduct, Act 23:3-5. Seeing that the assembly was composed of Pharisees and Sadducees, and that he could expect no justice from his judges, he asserts that it was for his belief in the resurrection that he was called in question, on which the Pharisees declare in his favor, Act 23:6-9. A great dissension arises, and the chief captain, fearing lest Paul should be pulled to pieces, brings him into the castle, Act 23:10. He is comforted by a dream, Act 23:11. More than forty persons conspire his death, Act 23:12-15. Paul's sister's son, hearing of it, informs the captain of the guard, Act 23:16-22. He sends Paul by night, under a strong escort of horse and foot, to Caesarea, to Felix, and with him a letter, stating the circumstances of the case, Act 23:23-33. They arrive at Caesarea, and Felix promises him a hearing when his accusers shall come down, Act 23:34, Act 23:35.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
Act 23:1, As Paul pleads his cause, Act 23:2, Ananias commands them to smite him; Act 23:7, Dissension among his accusers; Act 23:11, God encourages him; Act 23:14, The Jews' laying wait for Paul, Act 23:20. is declared unto the chief captain; Act 23:27, He sends him to Felix the governor.
23:123:1: Եւ հայեցեալ Պաւղոսի յատեանն՝ ասէ. Ա՛րք եղբարք՝ ես ամենայն ուղիղ մտօք գնացեալ եմ առաջի Աստուծոյ՝ մինչեւ ցայսօր[2722]։ [2722] Ոմանք. Ես յամենայն ուղիղ։
1. Պօղոսը հայեացքն ուղղելով ատեանին՝ ասաց. «Եղբայրնե՛ր, ես ամենայն ուղղամտութեամբ եմ կեանք վարել Աստծու առաջ մինչեւ այսօր»:
23 Պօղոս իր աչքերը ժողովին վրայ դարձնելով՝ ըսաւ. «Մարդի՛կ եղբայրներ, ես բոլորովին բարի խղճմտանքով կեանք վարեր եմ Աստուծոյ առջեւ մինչեւ այսօր»։
Եւ հայեցեալ Պաւղոսի յատեանն` ասէ. Արք եղբարք, ես ամենայն ուղիղ մտօք գնացեալ եմ առաջի Աստուծոյ մինչեւ ցայսօր:

23:1: Եւ հայեցեալ Պաւղոսի յատեանն՝ ասէ. Ա՛րք եղբարք՝ ես ամենայն ուղիղ մտօք գնացեալ եմ առաջի Աստուծոյ՝ մինչեւ ցայսօր[2722]։
[2722] Ոմանք. Ես յամենայն ուղիղ։
1. Պօղոսը հայեացքն ուղղելով ատեանին՝ ասաց. «Եղբայրնե՛ր, ես ամենայն ուղղամտութեամբ եմ կեանք վարել Աստծու առաջ մինչեւ այսօր»:
23 Պօղոս իր աչքերը ժողովին վրայ դարձնելով՝ ըսաւ. «Մարդի՛կ եղբայրներ, ես բոլորովին բարի խղճմտանքով կեանք վարեր եմ Աստուծոյ առջեւ մինչեւ այսօր»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:11: Павел, устремив взор на синедрион, сказал: мужи братия! я всею доброю совестью жил пред Богом до сего дня.
23:1  ἀτενίσας δὲ ὁ παῦλος τῶ συνεδρίῳ εἶπεν, ἄνδρες ἀδελφοί, ἐγὼ πάσῃ συνειδήσει ἀγαθῇ πεπολίτευμαι τῶ θεῶ ἄχρι ταύτης τῆς ἡμέρας.
23:1. ἀτενίσας (Having-stretched-along-to) δὲ (moreover,"Παῦλος (a-Paulos,"τῷ (unto-the-one) συνεδρίῳ (unto-a-seatlet-together,"εἶπεν (it-had-said,"Ἄνδρες (Men) ἀδελφοί , ( Brethrened ,"ἐγὼ (I) πάσῃ (unto-all) συνειδήσει (unto-a-seeing-together) ἀγαθῇ (unto-good) πεπολίτευμαι (I-had-come-to-be-citied-of) τῷ (unto-the-one) θεῷ (unto-a-Deity) ἄχρι (unto-whilst) ταύτης (of-the-one-this) τῆς (of-the-one) ἡμέρας. (of-a-day)
23:1. intendens autem concilium Paulus ait viri fratres ego omni conscientia bona conversatus sum ante Deum usque in hodiernum diemAnd Paul, looking upon the council, said: Men, brethren, I have conversed with all good conscience before God until this present day.
1. And Paul, looking stedfastly on the council, said, Brethren, I have lived before God in all good conscience until this day.
And Paul, earnestly beholding the council, said, Men [and] brethren, I have lived in all good conscience before God until this day:

1: Павел, устремив взор на синедрион, сказал: мужи братия! я всею доброю совестью жил пред Богом до сего дня.
23:1  ἀτενίσας δὲ ὁ παῦλος τῶ συνεδρίῳ εἶπεν, ἄνδρες ἀδελφοί, ἐγὼ πάσῃ συνειδήσει ἀγαθῇ πεπολίτευμαι τῶ θεῶ ἄχρι ταύτης τῆς ἡμέρας.
23:1. intendens autem concilium Paulus ait viri fratres ego omni conscientia bona conversatus sum ante Deum usque in hodiernum diem
And Paul, looking upon the council, said: Men, brethren, I have conversed with all good conscience before God until this present day.
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А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
1: "Устремив взор на синедрион..." - со спокойною совестью и решительною уверенностью в своей правоте.

"Мужи, братия!.. " - без прибавления к сему "и отцы", или "начальники народа", как в других случаях (ср. XXII:1; IV:8; VII:2). В высоком сознании своего апостольского достоинства Павел ставит себя как бы наравне с этими старейшинами народными, показывая, что и узы не лишают его этого достоинства и правоты пред судящими его.
Matthew Henry: Concise Commentary on the Whole Bible - 1706
Paul's Second Defence.
1 And Paul, earnestly beholding the council, said, Men and brethren, I have lived in all good conscience before God until this day. 2 And the high priest Ananias commanded them that stood by him to smite him on the mouth. 3 Then said Paul unto him, God shall smite thee, thou whited wall: for sittest thou to judge me after the law, and commandest me to be smitten contrary to the law? 4 And they that stood by said, Revilest thou God's high priest? 5 Then said Paul, I wist not, brethren, that he was the high priest: for it is written, Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people.

Perhaps when Paul was brought, as he often was (corpus cum causa--the person and the cause together), before heathen magistrates and councils, where he and his cause were slighted, because not at all understood, he thought, if he were brought before the sanhedrim at Jerusalem, he should be able to deal with them to some good purpose, and yet we do not find that he works at all upon them. Here we have,

I. Paul's protestation of his own integrity. Whether the chief priest put any question to him, or the chief captain made any representation of his case to the court, we are not told; but Paul appeared here,

1. With a good courage. He was not at all put out of countenance upon his being brought before such an august assembly, for which in his youth he had conceived such a veneration; nor did he fear their calling him to an account about the letters they gave him to Damascus, to persecute the Christians there, though (for aught we know) this was the first time he had ever seem them since; but he earnestly beheld the council. When Stephen was brought before them, they thought to have faced him down, but could not, such was his holy confidence; they looked stedfastly on him, and his face was as that of an angel, ch. vi. 15. Now that Paul was brought before them he thought to have faced them down, but could not, such was their wicked impudence. However, now was fulfilled in him what God promised to Ezekiel (ch. iii. 8, 9): I have made thy face strong against their faces; fear them not, neither be dismayed at their looks.

2. With a good conscience, and that gave him a good courage.

----Hic murus aheneus esto,
Nil conscire sibi----

Be this thy brazen bulwark of defence,
Still to preserve thy conscious innocence.
He said, "Men and brethren, I have lived in all good conscience before God unto this day. However I may be reproached, my heart does not reproach me, but witnesses for me." (1.) He had always been a man inclined to religion; he never was a man that lived at large, but always put a difference between moral good and evil; even in his unregenerate state, he was, as touching the righteousness that was in the law, blameless. He was no unthinking man, who never considered what he did, no designing man, who cared not what he did, so he could but compass his own ends. (2.) Even when he persecuted the church of God, he thought he ought to do it, and that he did God service in it. Though his conscience was misinformed, yet he acted according to the dictates of it. See ch. xxvi. 9. (3.) He seems rather to speak of the time since his conversion, since he left the service of the high priest, and fell under their displeasure for so doing; he does not say, From my beginning until this day; but, "All the time in which you have looked upon me as a deserter, an apostate, and an enemy to your church, even to this day, I have lived in all good conscience before God; whatever you may think of me, I have in every thing approved myself to God, and lived honestly," Heb. xiii. 18. He had aimed at nothing but to please God and do his duty, in those things for which they were so incensed against him; in all he had done towards the setting up of the kingdom of Christ, and the setting of it up among the Gentiles, he had acted conscientiously. See here the character of an honest man. [1.] He sets God before him, and lives as in his sight, and under his eyes, and with an eye to him. Walk before me, and be thou upright. [2.] He makes conscience of what he says and does, and, though he may be under some mistakes, yet, according to the best of his knowledge, he abstains from that which is evil and cleaves to that which is good. [3.] He is universally conscientious; and those that are not so are not at all truly conscientious; is so in all manner of conversation: "I have lived in all good conscience; have had my whole conversation under the direction and dominion of conscience." [4.] He continues so, and perseveres in it: "I have lived so until this day." Whatever changes pass over him, he is still the same, strictly conscientious. And those who thus live in all good conscience before God may, like Paul here, lift up their face without spot; and, if their hearts condemn them not, may have confidence both towards God and man, as Job had when he still held fast his integrity, and Paul himself, whose rejoicing was this, the testimony of his conscience.

II. The outrage of which Ananias the high priest was guilty: he commanded those that stood by, the beadles that attended the court, to smite him on the mouth (v. 2), to give him a dash on the teeth, either with a hand or with a rod. Our Lord Jesus was thus despitefully used in this court, by one of the servants (John xviii. 22), as was foretold, Mic. v. 1, They shall smite the Judge of Israel upon the cheek. But here was an order of court for the doing of it, and, it is likely, it was done. 1. The high priest was highly offended at Paul; some think, because he looked so boldly and earnestly at the council, as if he would face them down; others because he did not address himself particularly to him as president, with some title of honour and respect, but spoke freely and familiarly to them all, as men and brethren. His protestation of his integrity was provocation enough to one who was resolved to run him down and make him odious. When he could charge him with no crime, he thought it was crime enough that he asserted his own innocency. 2. In his rage he ordered him to be smitten, so to put disgrace upon him, and to be smitten on the mouth, as having offended with his lips, and in token of his enjoining him silence. This brutish and barbarous method he had recourse to when he could not answer the wisdom and spirit wherewith he spoke. Thus Zedekiah smote Micaiah (1 Kings xxii. 24), and Pashur smote Jeremiah (Jer. xx. 2), when they spoke in the name of the Lord. If therefore we see such indignities done to good men, nay, if they be done to us for well doing and well saying, we must not think it strange; Christ will give those the kisses of his mouth (Cant. i. 2) who for his sake receive blows on the mouth. And though it may be expected that, as Solomon says, every man should kiss his lips that giveth a right answer (Prov. xxiv. 26), yet we often see the contrary.

III. The denunciation of the wrath of God against the high priest for this wickedness in the place of judgment (Eccl. iii. 16): it agrees with what follows there, v. 17, with which Solomon comforted himself (I said in my heart, God shall judge the righteous and the wicked): God shall smite thee, thou whited wall, v. 3. Paul did not speak this in any sinful heat or passion, but in a holy zeal against the high priest's abuse of his power, and with something of a prophetic spirit, not at all with a spirit of revenge. 1. He gives him his due character: Thou whited wall; that is, thou hypocrite--a mud-wall, trash and dirt and rubbish underneath, but plastered over, or white-washed. It is the same comparison in effect with that of Christ, when he compares the Pharisees to whited sepulchres, Matt. xxiii. 27. Those that daubed with untempered mortar failed not to daub themselves over with something that made them look not only clean, but gay. 2. He reads him his just doom: "God shall smite thee, shall bring upon thee his sore judgments, especially spiritual judgments." Grotius thinks this was fulfilled soon after, in his removal from the office of the high priest, either by death or deprivation, for he finds another in that office a little while after this; probably he was smitten by some sudden stroke of divine vengeance. Jeroboam's hand was withered when it was stretched out against a prophet. 3. He assigns a good reason for that doom: "For sittest thou there as president in the supreme judicature of the church, pretending to judge me after the law, to convict and condemn me by the law, and yet commandest me to be smitten before any crime is proved upon me, which is contrary to the law?" No man must be beaten unless he be worthy to be beaten, Deut. xxv. 2. It is against all law, human and divine, natural and positive, to hinder a man from making his defense, and to condemn him unheard. When Paul was beaten by the rabble, he could say, Father, forgive them, they know not what they do; but it is inexcusable in a high priest that is appointed to judge according to the law.

IV. The offence which was taken at this bold word of Paul's (v. 4): Those that stood by said, Revilest thou God's high priest? It is a probable conjecture that those who blamed Paul for what he said were believing Jews, who were zealous for the law, and consequently for the honour of the high priest, and therefore took it ill that Paul should thus reflect upon him, and checked him for it. See here then, 1. What a hard game Paul had to play, when his enemies were abusive to him, and his friends were so far from standing by him, and appearing for him, that they were ready to find fault with his management. 2. How apt even the disciples of Christ themselves are to overvalue outward pomp and power. As because the temple had been God's temple, and a magnificent structure, there were those who followed Christ that could not bear to have any thing said that threatened the destruction of it; so because the high priest had been God's high priest, and was a man that made a figure, though he was an inveterate enemy to Christianity, yet these were disgusted at Paul for giving him his due.

V. The excuse that Paul made for what he had said, because he found it was a stumbling-block to his weak brethren, and might prejudice them against him in other things. These Jewish Christians, though weak, yet were brethren, so he calls them here, and, in consideration of that, is almost ready to recall his words; for who is offended, saith he, and I burn not? 2 Cor. xi. 29. His fixed resolution was rather to abridge himself in the use of his Christian liberty than give offence to a weak brother; rather than do this, he will eat no flesh while the world stands, 1 Cor. viii. 13. And so here though he had taken the liberty to tell the high priest his own, yet, when he found it gave offence, he cried Peccavi--I have done wrong. He wished he had not done it; and though he did not beg the high priest's pardon, nor excuse it to him, yet he begs their pardon who took offence at it, because this was not a time to inform them better, nor to say what he could say to justify himself. 1. He excuses it with this, that he did not consider when he said it to whom he spoke (v. 5): I wist not, brethren, that he was the high priest--ouk edein. "I did not just then think of the dignity of his place, or else I would have spoken more respectfully to him." I see not how we can with any probability think that Paul did not know him to be the high priest, for Paul had been seven days in the temple at the time of the feast, where he could not miss of seeing the high priest; and his telling him that he sat to judge him after the law shows that he knew who he was; but, says he, I did not consider it. Dr. Whitby puts this sense upon it, that the prophetic impulse that was upon him, and inwardly moved him to say what he did, did not permit him to notice that it was the high priest, lest this law might have restrained him from complying with that impulse; but the Jews acknowledged that prophets might use a liberty in speaking of rulers which others might not, as Isa. i. 10, 23. Or (as he quotes the sense of Grotius and Lightfoot) Paul does not go about to excuse what he had said in the least, but rather to justify it; "I own that God's high priest is not to be reviled, but I do not own this Ananias to be high priest. He is a usurper; he came to the office by bribery and corruption, and the Jewish rabbin say that he who does so is neither a judge nor to be honoured as such." Yet, 2. He takes care that what he had said should not be drawn into a precedent, to the weakening of the obligation of that law in the least: For it is written, and it remains a law in full force, Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people. It is for the public good that the honour of magistracy should be supported, and not suffer for the miscarriages of those who are entrusted with it, and therefore that decorum be observed in speaking both of and to princes and judges. Even in Job's time it was not thought fit to say to a king, Thou art wicked, or to princes, You are ungodly, Job xxxiv. 18. Even when we do well, and suffer for it, we must take it patiently, 1 Pet. ii. 20. Not as if great men may not hear of their faults, and public grievances be complained of by proper persons and in a decent manner, but there must be a particular tenderness for the honour and reputation of those in authority more than of other people, because the law of God requires a particular reverence to be paid to them, as God's vicegerents; and it is of dangerous consequence to have those any way countenanced who despise dominions, and speak evil of dignities, Jude 8. Curse not the king, no not in thy thought, Eccl. x. 20.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
23:1: I have lived in all good conscience - Some people seem to have been unnecessarily stumbled with this expression. What does the apostle mean by it? Why, that, while he was a Jew, he was one from principle of conscience; that what he did, while he continued Jew, he did from the same principle; that, when God opened his eyes to see the nature of Christianity, he became a Christian, because God persuaded his conscience that it was right for him to become one; that, in a word, he was sincere through the whole course of his religious life, and his conduct had borne the most unequivocal proofs of it. The apostle means, therefore, that there was no part of his life in which he acted as a dishonest or hypocritical man; and that he was now as fully determined to maintain his profession of Christianity as he ever was to maintain that of Judaism, previously to his acquaintance with the Christian religion.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:1: And Paul, earnestly beholding - ἀτενίσας atenisas. Fixing his eyes intently on the council. The word denotes "a fixed and earnest gazing; a close observation." See Luk 4:20. Compare the notes on Act 3:4. Paul would naturally look with a keen and attentive observation on the council. He was arraigned before them, and he would naturally observe the appearance, and endeavor to ascertain the character of his judges. Besides, it was by this council that he had been formerly commissioned to persecute the Christians, Act 9:1-2. He had not seen them since that commission was given. He would naturally, therefore, regard them with an attentive eye. The result shows, also, that he looked at them to see what was the character of the men there assembled, and what was the proportion of Pharisees and Sadducees, Act 23:6.
The council - Greek: the Sanhedrin, Act 22:30. It was the great council, composed of seventy elders, to whom was entrusted the affairs of the nation. See the notes on Mat 1:4.
Men and brethren - Greek: "Men, brethren"; the usual form of beginning an address among the Jews. See Act 2:29. He addressed them still as his brethren.
I have lived in all good conscience - I have conducted myself so as to maintain a good conscience. I have done what I believed to be right. This was a bold declaration, after the tumult, and charges, and accusations of the pRev_ious day Acts 22; and yet it was strictly true. His persecutions of the Christians had been conducted conscientiously, Act 26:9, "I verily thought with myself," says he, "that I ought to do many things contrary to the name of Jesus of Nazareth." Of his conscientiousness and fidelity in their service they could bear witness. Of his conscientiousness since, he could make a similar declaration. He doubtless meant to say that as he had been conscientious in persecution, so he had been in his conversion and in his subsequent course. And as they knew that his former life had been with a good conscience, they ought to presume that he had maintained the same character still. This was a remarkably bold appeal to be made by an accused man, and it shows the strong consciousness which Paul had of his innocence. What would have been the drift of his discourse in proving this we can only Conjecture. He was interrupted Act 23:2; but there can be no doubt that he would have pursued such a course of argument as would tend to establish his innocence.
Before God - Greek: to God - τῷ Θεῷ tō Theō. He had lived to God, or with reference to his commands, so as to keep a conscience pure in his sight. The same principle of conduct he states more at length in Act 24:16; "And herein do I exercise myself, to have always a conscience void of offence toward God and toward men."
Until this day - Including the time before his conversion to Christianity, and after. In both conditions he was conscientious; in one, conscientious in persecution and error, though he deemed it to be right; in the other, conscientious in the truth. The mere fact that a man is conscientious does not prove that he is right or innocent. See the note on Joh 16:2.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:1: earnestly: Act 23:6, Act 6:15, Act 22:5; Pro 28:1
Men: Act 22:1
I have: Act 24:16; Co1 4:4; Co2 1:12, Co2 4:2; Ti2 1:3; Heb 13:18; Pe1 3:16
Geneva 1599
23:1 And (1) Paul, earnestly beholding the council, said, Men [and] brethren, I have lived in all good conscience before God until this day.
(1) Paul, against the false accusations of his enemies, displays a clear conscience, for proof of which he repeats the whole course of his life.
John Gill
23:1 And Paul earnestly beholding the council,.... Fastening his eyes upon them, looking wistly and intently at them, and thereby discovering a modest cheerfulness, and a becoming boldness, confidence, and intrepidity, as being not conscious of any guilt, and well assured of the goodness of his cause:
said, men and brethren; see Acts 22:1.
I have lived in all good conscience before God until this day; not only from the time of his conversion, but throughout the whole of his life; for though, strictly speaking, there is no good conscience but what is awakened by the Spirit of God, and is unprincipled by his grace, and is purged from sin by the blood of Christ; in which sense he could only have a good conscience, since he believed in Christ; yet whereas in his state of unregeneracy, and even while he was a blasphemer, and persecutor, he did not act contrary to the dictates of his conscience, but according to them, in which his view was to the glory of God, and the honour of his law; he therefore says he lived before God, or unto God, in all good conscience, though an erroneous and mistaken one; he thought he ought to do what he did; and what he did, he did with a zeal for God though it was not according to knowledge: besides, the apostle has here respect to his outward moral conversation, which, before and after conversion, was very strict, and even blameless, at least unblemished before men; nobody could charge him with any notorious crime, though he did not live without sin in the sight of the omniscient God.
John Wesley
23:1 And Paul earnestly beholding the council - Professing a clear conscience by his very countenance; and likewise waiting to see whether any of them was minded to ask him any question, said, I have lived in all good conscience before God till this day - He speaks chiefly of the time since he became a Christian. For none questioned him concerning what he had been before. And yet even in his unconverted state, although he was in an error, yet he had acted from conscience, before God - Whatever men may think or say of me.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:1 PAUL'S DEFENSE BEFORE THE SAMHEDRIM DIVIDES THE RIVAL FACTIONS, FROM WHOSE VIOLENCE THE COMMANDANT HAS THE APOSTLE REMOVED INTO THE FORTRESS. (Acts 23:1-10)
Paul, earnestly beholding the council--with a look of conscious integrity and unfaltering courage, perhaps also recognizing some of his early fellow pupils.
I have lived in all good conscience before God until this day--The word has an indirect reference to the "polity" or "commonwealth of Israel," of which he would signify that he had been, and was to that hour, an honest and God-fearing member.
23:223:2: Եւ քահանայապետն Անանիայ հրամայեաց սպասաւորացն հարկանե՛լ զբերան նորա։
2. Անանիա քահանայապետը հրամայեց սպասաւորներին, որ խփեն նրա բերանին:
2 Անանիա քահանայապետն ալ հրաման ըրաւ իր քով կայնողներուն, որ անոր բերնին զարնեն։
Եւ քահանայապետն Անանիա հրամայեաց սպասաւորացն հարկանել զբերան նորա:

23:2: Եւ քահանայապետն Անանիայ հրամայեաց սպասաւորացն հարկանե՛լ զբերան նորա։
2. Անանիա քահանայապետը հրամայեց սպասաւորներին, որ խփեն նրա բերանին:
2 Անանիա քահանայապետն ալ հրաման ըրաւ իր քով կայնողներուն, որ անոր բերնին զարնեն։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:22: Первосвященник же Анания стоявшим перед ним приказал бить его по устам.
23:2  ὁ δὲ ἀρχιερεὺς ἁνανίας ἐπέταξεν τοῖς παρεστῶσιν αὐτῶ τύπτειν αὐτοῦ τὸ στόμα.
23:2. ὁ (The-one) δὲ (moreover) ἀρχιερεὺς (a-first-sacreder-of) Ἁνανίας (an-Ananias) ἐπέταξεν (it-arranged-upon) τοῖς (unto-the-ones) παρεστῶσιν ( unto-having-had-come-to-stand-beside ) αὐτῷ (unto-it) τύπτειν (to-batter) αὐτοῦ (of-it) τὸ (to-the-one) στόμα. (to-a-mouth)
23:2. princeps autem sacerdotum Ananias praecepit adstantibus sibi percutere os eiusAnd the high priest, Ananias, commanded them that stood by him to strike him on the mouth.
2. And the high priest Ananias commanded them that stood by him to smite him on the mouth.
And the high priest Ananias commanded them that stood by him to smite him on the mouth:

2: Первосвященник же Анания стоявшим перед ним приказал бить его по устам.
23:2  ὁ δὲ ἀρχιερεὺς ἁνανίας ἐπέταξεν τοῖς παρεστῶσιν αὐτῶ τύπτειν αὐτοῦ τὸ στόμα.
23:2. princeps autem sacerdotum Ananias praecepit adstantibus sibi percutere os eius
And the high priest, Ananias, commanded them that stood by him to strike him on the mouth.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
2: "Первосвященник Анания" - по Флавию, человек гордый и грубый (Флав. Археол. XX:8: и дал. ), сын Неведея (Археол. XX:5, 2), преемник в этой должности Иосифа, сына Камила (там же, XX:1, 3; 5, 2), предшественник Измаила, сына Фаби (там же XX:8, 8, 11). Предшественником тогдашнего прокуратора Феликса - Квадратом он отправлен был в Рим для оправдания пред Кесарем во взведенных обвинениях (Археол. XX:6, 2; О войне Иудейской II:12, 6), - по возвращении, некоторое время сохранял свою должность, от которой был отставлен Феликсом, передавшим эту должность Измаилу, сыну Фаби.

По характеру и образу жизни это был самый развращенный из саддукеев самого худшего периода иудейских иерархов. История передает о его неразумном мщении самарянам и о далеко неблагородных средствах, употребленных им для избежания последствий участия в произведенных при этом убийствах. Талмуд для довершения этой мрачной характеристики Анании прибавляет, что Анания был грабитель-тиран, который своею ненасытною алчностью довел до нищеты низших священников, обсчитывая их в десятинах, и что он посылал своих любимцев с дубинами выбивать десятины силою.

"Приказал бить его по устам..." Вероятно, священнику не понравилось употребление слова "братия", допустимого только в обращении с равными, хотя Павел вполне мог сказать так, потому что сам был некогда членом Синедриона. Может быть также, слова апостола показались ему дерзким самохвальством и даже Богохульством, после того как Павел обвинялся в нарушении закона и осквернении храма. Как бы то ни было, поступок первосвященника был явным беззаконием, которое не должно было остаться без столь же сильного вразумления. Здесь был оскорблен не только закон, а и правда. Здесь была оскорблена и чистота совести апостола, и, наконец, личная честь его, как римского гражданина, и оскорблена самим судиею! Очевидно, резкое слово апостола нисколько не нуждается в оправдании: оправдание его в самих обстоятельствах дела. При том апостол "не хотел подвергнуться презрению тысяченачальника (по-видимому, здесь присутствовавшего, ср. 10: ст. ). Если этот не осмелился бичевать его и хотел предать его иудеям, то, когда слуги стали бить его, тогда он явил еще большее дерзновение, обратился не к слуге, но к самому повелевшему" (Злат. ).
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
23:2: The high priest, Ananias - There was a high priest of this name, who was sent a prisoner to Rome by Quadratus, governor of Syria, to give an account of the part he took in the quarrel between the Jews and the Samaritans; see Joseph. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 6, s. 8; but whether he ever returned again to Jerusalem, says Dr. Lightfoot, is uncertain; still more uncertain whether he was ever restored to the office of high priest; and most uncertain of all whether he filled the chair when Paul pleaded his cause, which was some years after Felix was settled in the government. But Krebs has proved that this very Ananias, on being examined at Rome, was found innocent, returned to Jerusalem, and was restored to the high priesthood; see Joseph. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 9, s. 2; but of his death I find nothing certain. See Krebs on this place, (Observat. in Nov. Testament. e Flavio Josepho), who successfully controverts the opinion of Dr. Lightfoot, mentioned at the beginning of this note. There was one Ananias, who is said to have perished in a tumult raised by his own son about five years after this time; see Jos. Antiq. lib. x. cap. 9. War, lib. ii. cap. 17.
To smite him on the mouth - Because he professed to have a good conscience, while believing on Jesus Christ, and propagating his doctrine.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:2: And the high priest Ananias - This Ananias was doubtless the son of Nebedinus (Josephus, Antiq., book 20, chapter 5, section 3), who was high priest when Quadratus, who preceded Felix, was president of Syria. He was sent bound to Rome by Quadratus, at the same time with Ananias, the prefect of the temple, that they might give an account of their conduct to Claudius Caesar (Josephus, Antiq., book 20, chapter 6, section 2). But in consequence of the intercession of Agrippa the younger, they were dismissed and returned to Jerusalem. Ananias, however, was not restored to the office of high priest. For, when Felix was governor of Judea, this office was filled by Jonathan, who succeeded Ananias I (Josephus, Antiq., book 20, chapter 10). Jonathan was slain in the temple itself, by the instigation of Felix, by assassins who had been hired for the purpose. This murder is thus described by Josephus (Antiq., book 20, chapter 8, section 5): "Felix bore an ill-will to Jonathan, the high priest, because he frequently gave him admonitions about governing the Jewish affairs better than he did, lest complaints should be made against him, since he had procured of Caesar the appointment of Felix as procurator of Judea. Accordingly, Felix contrived a method by which he might get rid of Jonathan, whose admonitions had become troublesome to him. Felix persuaded one of Jonathan's most faithful friends, of the name Doras, to bring the robbers upon him, and to put him to death."
This was done in Jerusalem. The robbers came into the city as if to worship God, and with daggers, which they had concealed under their garments, they put him to death. After the death of Jonathan, the office of high priest remained vacant until King Agrippa appointed Ismael, the son of Fabi, to the office (Josephus, Antiq., book 20, chapter 8, section 8). It was during this interval, while the office of high priest was vacant, that the events which are here recorded took place. Ananias was then at Jerusalem; and as the office of high priest was vacant, and as he was the last person who had borne the office, it was natural that he should discharge, probably by common consent, its duties, so far, at least, as to preside in the Sanhedrin. Of these facts Paul would be doubtless apprised; and hence, what he said Act 23:5 was strictly true, and is one of the evidences that Luke's history accords precisely with the special circumstances which then existed. When Luke here calls Ananias "the high priest," he evidently intends not to affirm that he was actually such, but to use the word, as the Jews did, as applicable to one who had been in that office, and who, on that occasion, when the office was vacant, performed its duties.
To smite him on the mouth - To stop him from speaking; to express their indignation at what he had said. The anger of Ananias was aroused because Paul affirmed that all he had done had been with a good conscience. Their feelings had been excited to the utmost; they regarded him as certainly guilty; they regarded him as an apostate; and they could not bear it that he, with such coolness and firmness, declared that all his conduct had been under the direction of a good conscience. The injustice of the command of Ananias is apparent to all. A similar instance of violence occurred on the trial of the Saviour, Joh 18:22.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:2: Ananias: Act 24:1
to smite: Kg1 22:24; Jer 20:2; Mic 5:1; Mat 26:67; Joh 18:22
Geneva 1599
23:2 (2) And the high priest Ananias commanded them that stood by him to smite him on the mouth.
(2) Hypocrites are forced at length to betray themselves by their violence.
John Gill
23:2 And the high priest Ananias,.... This could not be the same with Annas, the father-in-law of Caiaphas, but rather Ananus his son; though this is more generally thought to be Ananias the son of Nebedaeus, whom Josephus (m) speaks of. There is one R. Ananias, the sagan of the priests, often spoken of in the Jewish writings (n), who lived about these times, and was killed at the destruction of Jerusalem; and in the times of King Agrippa, there was one Chanina, or Ananias the priest, who was a Sadducee (o); and from the number of Sadducees in this sanhedrim, who very likely were the creatures of the high priest, one would be tempted to think he might be the same with this: who
commanded them that stood by him: that is, by Paul, who were nearest to him, some of the members of the sanhedrim; unless they should be thought to be some of the high priest's officers, or servants, as in Jn 18:22 though if they were, one would think they would be so called: these he ordered
to smite him on the mouth: or give him a slap on the face, by way of contempt, and as if he had spoken what ought not to be said, and in order to silence him; the reason of which might be, either because Paul did not directly address him, and give him such flattering titles as he expected, or because he set out with such declarations of his innocence, and spotless behaviour, and with so much courage and boldness.
(m) Antiqu. l. 18. c. 2. sect. 1. & l. 20. c. 8. sect. 1. (n) Misna Shekalim, c. 4. sect. 4. & 6. 1. & Pesachim, c. 1. sect. 6. T. Bab. Yoma, fol. 8. 1. & 21. 2. & Juchasin, fol. 24. 2. (o) Juchasin, fol. 142. 2.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:2 the high priest . . . commanded . . . to smite him on the mouth--a method of silencing a speaker common in the East to this day [HACKET]. But for a judge thus to treat a prisoner on his "trial," for merely prefacing his defense by a protestation of his integrity, was infamous.
23:323:3: Յայնժամ Պաւղոս ասէ ցնա. Հարկանելո՛ց է զքեզ Աստուած՝ որմ բռեալ. եւ դու նստիս դատե՞լ զիս ըստ օրինաց. եւ առանց օրինա՛ց հրամայես զիս հարկանել։
3. Այն ժամանակ Պօղոսը նրան ասաց. «Աստուած է քեզ խփելու, սպիտակեցրա՛ծ պատ. եւ դու նստում ես, որ օրէնքի համաձայն ինձ դատես, մինչդեռ հրամայում ես, որ օրէնքից դուրս ինձ հարուածեն»:
3 Այն ատեն Պօղոս ըսաւ անոր. «Աստուած քեզի պիտի զարնէ, ծեփա՛ծ պատ։ Դուն նստեր ես օրէնքին համեմատ զիս դատելու եւ օրէնքէն դուրս հրամա՞ն կ’ընես, որ ինծի զարնեն»։
Յայնժամ Պաւղոս ասէ ցնա. Հարկանելոց է զքեզ Աստուած, որմ բռեալ, եւ դու նստիս դատել զիս ըստ օրինաց, եւ առանց օրինաց հրամայես զիս հարկանել:

23:3: Յայնժամ Պաւղոս ասէ ցնա. Հարկանելո՛ց է զքեզ Աստուած՝ որմ բռեալ. եւ դու նստիս դատե՞լ զիս ըստ օրինաց. եւ առանց օրինա՛ց հրամայես զիս հարկանել։
3. Այն ժամանակ Պօղոսը նրան ասաց. «Աստուած է քեզ խփելու, սպիտակեցրա՛ծ պատ. եւ դու նստում ես, որ օրէնքի համաձայն ինձ դատես, մինչդեռ հրամայում ես, որ օրէնքից դուրս ինձ հարուածեն»:
3 Այն ատեն Պօղոս ըսաւ անոր. «Աստուած քեզի պիտի զարնէ, ծեփա՛ծ պատ։ Դուն նստեր ես օրէնքին համեմատ զիս դատելու եւ օրէնքէն դուրս հրամա՞ն կ’ընես, որ ինծի զարնեն»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:33: Тогда Павел сказал ему: Бог будет бить тебя, стена подбеленная! ты сидишь, чтобы судить по закону, и, вопреки закону, велишь бить меня.
23:3  τότε ὁ παῦλος πρὸς αὐτὸν εἶπεν, τύπτειν σε μέλλει ὁ θεός, τοῖχε κεκονιαμένε· καὶ σὺ κάθῃ κρίνων με κατὰ τὸν νόμον, καὶ παρανομῶν κελεύεις με τύπτεσθαι;
23:3. τότε (To-the-one-which-also) ὁ (the-one) Παῦλος (a-Paulos) πρὸς (toward) αὐτὸν (to-it) εἶπεν (it-had-said,"Τύπτειν (To-batter) σε (to-thee) μέλλει (it-impendeth,"ὁ (the-one) θεός, (a-Deity,"τοῖχε (Panel) κεκονιαμένε: (Having-had-come-to-be-dusted-unto) καὶ (and) σὺ (thou) κάθῃ ( thou-sit-down ) κρίνων (separating) με (to-me) κατὰ (down) τὸν (to-the-one) νόμον, (to-a-parcelee,"καὶ (and) παρανομῶν (parceleeing-beside-unto) κελεύεις (thou-biddeth-of) με (to-me) τύπτεσθαι; (to-be-battered?"
23:3. tunc Paulus ad eum dixit percutiet te Deus paries dealbate et tu sedens iudicas me secundum legem et contra legem iubes me percutiThen Paul said to him: God shall strike thee, thou whited wall. For, sittest thou to judge me according to the law and, contrary to the law, commandest me to be struck?
3. Then said Paul unto him, God shall smite thee, thou whited wall: and sittest thou to judge me according to the law, and commandest me to be smitten contrary to the law?
Then said Paul unto him, God shall smite thee, [thou] whited wall: for sittest thou to judge me after the law, and commandest me to be smitten contrary to the law:

3: Тогда Павел сказал ему: Бог будет бить тебя, стена подбеленная! ты сидишь, чтобы судить по закону, и, вопреки закону, велишь бить меня.
23:3  τότε ὁ παῦλος πρὸς αὐτὸν εἶπεν, τύπτειν σε μέλλει ὁ θεός, τοῖχε κεκονιαμένε· καὶ σὺ κάθῃ κρίνων με κατὰ τὸν νόμον, καὶ παρανομῶν κελεύεις με τύπτεσθαι;
23:3. tunc Paulus ad eum dixit percutiet te Deus paries dealbate et tu sedens iudicas me secundum legem et contra legem iubes me percuti
Then Paul said to him: God shall strike thee, thou whited wall. For, sittest thou to judge me according to the law and, contrary to the law, commandest me to be struck?
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
3: "Бог будет бить тебя..." Это и укоризна, и пророческое предсказание, что Бог отмстит нанесенную обиду. И действительно, спустя несколько лет, в начале Иудейской войны, Анания погиб от руки сикариев, как изменник (Флав., О войне, II:17, 9).

"Стена подбеленная!.. " - образное обозначение пустоты и низости кажущегося величия (подобно выражению "гроб повапленный" Мф XXIII:27), извращения личности, лицемерия. "Стеной подбеленной называет его потому, что хотя Анания принимал светлый образ человека, который как бы защищает закон и судит по закону, но мысль его полна беззакония. Поэтому Павел и изобличает в нем лицемерный вид наружного расположения к закону" (Феофил. ).

Некоторые сравнивают поступок Павла с подобным же случаем на суде Спасителя и находят, что Павел показал пример менее достойный для подражания, чем пример Спасителя. Так, блаж. Иероним, приводя укорительное выражение Павла, задается вопросом: "где же то терпение Спасителя, Который, будучи ведом, как агнец на заклание, не отверзает уст Своих, и так кротко спрашивает ударившего: "если Я сказал худо, покажи, что худо, а если хорошо, что ты бьешь Меня?" Но кто же осмелится произнести осуждение на действие апостола, сравнивая самообладание человеческое с самообладанием Богочеловека, Который, страдая телом, стоял превыше всякой плотской неправды и человеческой слабости!". Впрочем, сравнение здесь страдает важною неточностью, которая говорит немало в пользу Павла: Иисус Христос, во-первых, получил удары - не по приказанию Своих судей. Будь иначе - если бы удары были нанесены по приказанию Каиафы, кто знает, не указал ли бы и ему Спаситель на столь неприличное забвение первосвященником своего достоинства и прав судии? А затем не надо забывать и того, что Сам Господь, обличая лицемерие и дерзость, давал полную свободу Своему праведному гневу в других случаях. Должно думать также, что Павел поступил в сем случае не как обыкновенный человек, а как посланник Божий. А известно, что пророки имели право обличать всех в преступлениях (3Цар. XVIII:18; 4Цар. III:13; Ис I:10-23; Езек XXI:25). Последующее показало, что его укоризна действительно произнесена была в пророческом духе. Если указывают на заповедь Иисуса Христа о подставлении правой ланиты при ударении в левую (Мф V:24), то не надо забывать, что сим требует Он от последователей Своих только удаления от мщения, а не такого молчания, коим питается дерзость людей беззаконных. Павел вернее всякого исполнял волю Господа в этом отношении, ибо сам свидетельствовал о себе: "злословят, а мы благословляем; нас гонят, а мы терпим; хулят, а мы молимся" (2Кор. IV:12-13). Но в настоящем случае он поступил не вопреки примеру Христа, Который также обличил несправедливость ударившего Его прежде осуждения. Если Павел как будто и извиняет далее свой поступок, то для того, чтобы устранить подозрение, будто бы он нарушил закон, повелевающий не злословить первосвященника (Иннокентий, еп. Херсонский).
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
23:3: God shall smite thee, thou whited wall - Thou hypocrite! who sittest on the seat of judgment, pretending to hear and seriously weigh the defense of an accused person, who must in justice and equity be presumed to be innocent till he is proved to be guilty; and, instead of acting according to the law, commandest me to be smitten contrary to the law, which always has the person of the prisoner under its protection; nor ever suffers any penalty to be inflicted but what is prescribed as the just punishment for the offense. As if he had said: "Thinkest thou that God will suffer such an insult on his laws, on justice, and on humanity, to pass unpunished?"
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:3: God shall smite thee - God shall punish thee. God is just; and he will not suffer such a manifest violation of all the laws of a fair trial to pass unavenged. This was a remarkably bold and fearless declaration. Paul was surrounded by enemies. They were seeking his life. He must have known that such declarations would only excite their wrath and make them more thirsty for his blood. That he could thus address the president of the council was not only strongly characteristic of the man, but was also a strong proof that he was conscious of innocence, and that justice was on his side. This expression of Paul, "God shall smite thee," is not to be regarded in the light of an imprecatio, or as an expression of angry feeling, but of a prediction, or of a strong conviction on the mind of Paul that a man so hypocritical and unjust as Ananias was could not escape the vengeance of God. Ananias was slain, with Hezekiah his brother, during the agitation that occurred in Jerusalem when the robbers, or Sicarii, under their leader, Manahem, had taken possession of the city. He attempted to conceal himself in an aqueduct, but was drawn forth and killed. See Josephus, Jewish Wars, book 2, chapter 17, section 8. Thus, Paul's prediction was fulfilled.
Thou whited wall - This is evidently a proverbial expression, meaning thou hypocrite. His hypocrisy consisted in the fact that while he pretended to sit there to do justice, he commanded the accused to be smitten in direct violation of the Law, thus showing that his character was not what he professed it to be, but that of one determined to carry the purposes of his party and of his own feelings. Our Saviour used a similar expression to describe the hypocritical character of the Pharisees Mat 23:27, when he compares them to whited sepulchres. A whited wall is a wall or enclosure that is covered with lime or gypsum, and that thus appears to be different from what it is, and thus aptly describes the hypocrite. Seneca (De Providentia, chapter 6) uses a similar figure to describe hypocrites: "They are sordid, base, and like their walls adorned only externally." See also Seneca, Epis. 115.
For sittest thou ... - The Law required that justice should be done, and in order to that, it gave every man an opportunity of defending himself. See the note, Joh 7:51. Compare Pro 18:13; Lev 19:15-16; Exo 23:1-2; Deu 19:15, Deu 19:18.
To judge me after the law - As a judge, to hear and decide the case according to the rules of the Law of Moses.
Contrary to the law - In violation of the Law of Moses Lev 19:35, "Ye shall do no unrighteousness in judgment."
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:3: God: God did smite him in a remarkable manner; for about five years after this, after his house had been reduced to ashes, in a tumult raised by his own son, he was besieged and taken in the royal palace; where having attempted in vain to hide himself, he was dragged out and slain.
thou whited: Mat 23:27, Mat 23:28
for: Lev 19:35; Psa 58:1, Psa 58:2, Psa 82:1, Psa 82:2, Psa 94:20; Ecc 3:16; Amo 5:7; Mic 3:8-11
smitten: Deu 25:1, Deu 25:2; Joh 7:51, Joh 18:24
Geneva 1599
23:3 (3) Then said Paul unto him, God shall smite thee, [thou] (b) whited wall: for sittest thou to judge me after the law, and commandest me to be smitten (c) contrary to the law?
(3) It is lawful for us to complain of injuries, and to summon the wicked to the judgment seat of God, but yet we must do it without hatred, and with a quiet and peaceable mind.
(b) This is a vehement and severe speech, but yet not reproachful: for the godly may speak severely, and yet be void of the bitter affection of a severe and angry mind.
(c) For the Law commands the judge to hear the person that is accused patiently, and to pronounce the sentence judiciously.
John Gill
23:3 Then said Paul unto him, God shall smite thee,.... Which may be considered either as a prophecy of what would be, that God would smite him with some judgment here, or with death quickly, or with eternal damnation hereafter; taking up his own words, and suggesting that a retaliation would be made, and that the measure he meted, would be measured to him again; or else as an imprecation upon him; for the words may be rendered, "may God smite thee"; the future tense being often used by the Jews for the imperative, and that in this very phrase; for certain it is, that this is the form of an imprecation with them: for it is said, if anyone should say, , "may God smite", or "so may God smite"; this is "a curse", written in the law (p); though this instance of the apostle ought not to be drawn into example, any more than those of other saints, who might be under a direction of the Holy Ghost to deliver out such things, which would come to pass in righteous judgment: and if this was Ananias, the son of Nebedaeus, as is generally thought, it is remarkable, that five years after this, in the beginning of the wars of the Jews with the Romans, this Ananias, hiding himself under the ruins of a conduit, was discovered, and taken out, and killed (q): and no doubt but he very fitly calls him
thou whited wall; or hypocrite, in like manner as Christ compares the hypocritical Scribes and Pharisees to whited sepulchres, Mt 23:27.
for sittest thou to judge me after the law; the law of Moses, which was the rule of judgment in the sanhedrim, at least professed to be, and which was allowed of by the Romans, especially in matters relating to the Jewish religion:
and commandest me to be smitten contrary to law? which condemns no man before he is heard, and much less punishes him, Jn 7:51 and which is contrary not only to the Jewish laws, but to the Roman laws, and all others founded upon the law of nature and reason.
(p) Misn. Shebuot, c. 4. sect. 13. & Maimon. in ib. (q) Joseph. de Bello Jud. l. 2. c. 17. sect. 9.
John Wesley
23:3 Then said Paul - Being carried away by a sudden and prophetic impulse. God is about to smite thee, thou whited wall - Fair without; full of dirt and rubbish within. And he might well be so termed, not only as he committed this outrage, while gravely sitting on the tribunal of justice but also as, at the same time that he stood high in the esteem of the citizens, he cruelly defrauded the priests of their legal subsistence, so that some of them even perished for want. And God did remarkably smite him; for about five years after this, his house being reduced to ashes, in a tumult begun by his own son, he was besieged in the royal palace; where having hid himself in an old aqueduct, he was dragged out and miserably slain.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:3 God shall smite thee--as indeed He did; for he was killed by an assassin during the Jewish war [JOSEPHUS, Wars of the Jews, 2.17.9].
thou whited wall--that is, hypocrite (Mt 23:27). This epithet, however correctly describing the man, must not be defended as addressed to a judge, though the remonstrance which follows--"for sittest thou," &c.--ought to have put him to shame.
23:423:4: Եւ որ շուրջն կային՝ ասեն. Զքահանայապետ Աստուծոյ հայհոյե՞ս։
4. Շուրջը կանգնողներն ասացին. «Աստծու քահանայապետի՞ն ես հայհոյում»:
4 Բոլորտիքը կայնողները ըսին. «Աստուծոյ քահանայապե՞տը կը նախատես»։
Եւ որ շուրջն կային` ասեն. Զքահանայապե՞տ Աստուծոյ հայհոյես:

23:4: Եւ որ շուրջն կային՝ ասեն. Զքահանայապետ Աստուծոյ հայհոյե՞ս։
4. Շուրջը կանգնողներն ասացին. «Աստծու քահանայապետի՞ն ես հայհոյում»:
4 Բոլորտիքը կայնողները ըսին. «Աստուծոյ քահանայապե՞տը կը նախատես»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:44: Предстоящие же сказали: первосвященника Божия поносишь?
23:4  οἱ δὲ παρεστῶτες εἶπαν, τὸν ἀρχιερέα τοῦ θεοῦ λοιδορεῖς;
23:4. οἱ (The-ones) δὲ (moreover) παρεστῶτες ( having-had-come-to-stand-beside ) εἶπαν (they-said,"Τὸν (To-the-one) ἀρχιερέα (to-a-first-sacreder-of) τοῦ (of-the-one) θεοῦ (of-a-Deity) λοιδορεῖς; (thou-revile-unto?"
23:4. et qui adstabant dixerunt summum sacerdotem Dei maledicisAnd they that stood by said: Dost thou revile the high priest of God?
4. And they that stood by said, Revilest thou God’s high priest?
And they that stood by said, Revilest thou God' s high priest:

4: Предстоящие же сказали: первосвященника Божия поносишь?
23:4  οἱ δὲ παρεστῶτες εἶπαν, τὸν ἀρχιερέα τοῦ θεοῦ λοιδορεῖς;
23:4. et qui adstabant dixerunt summum sacerdotem Dei maledicis
And they that stood by said: Dost thou revile the high priest of God?
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Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:4: Rev_ilest thou ... - Dost thou reproach or abuse the high priest of God? is remarkable that they, who knew that he was not the high priest, should have offered this language. He was, however, in the place of the high priest, and they might have pretended that respect was due to the office.
John Gill
23:4 And they that stood by,.... The members of the sanhedrim that were next to the apostle; or the servants of the high priest, since they are said to stand, whereas those of that court sat: said,
Rev_ilest thou God's high priest? which seems to confirm that the apostle's words were not a bare prediction, but an imprecation, since they are charged with reproaching, reviling, and speaking evil of him; and the aggravation of which was not only that the person reviled was a priest, an high priest, but an high priest of God; though this could not have been proved, for there was now no high priest of God but Jesus Christ; the priesthood was changed and abrogated, and there were no more high priests among men of God's appointing and approving.
23:523:5: Եւ ասէ Պաւղոս. Ո՛չ գիտէի ե՛ղբարք, եթէ իցէ քահանայապետ. գրեա՛լ իսկ է. Զիշխան ժողովրդեան քո ո՛չ հայհոյեսցես[2723]։ [2723] Ոսկան. Զիշխանս ժողովրդ՛՛։
5. Եւ Պօղոսն ասաց. «Չգիտէի, եղբայրնե՛ր, որ քահանայապետ է, քանի որ գրուած է՝ քո ժողովրդի իշխանին չպիտի հայհոյես»:
5 Պօղոս ալ ըսաւ. «Եղբա՛յրներ, չէի գիտեր թէ քահանայապետ է, վասն զի գրուած է. ‘Քու ժողովուրդիդ իշխանին դէմ չարախօսութիւն մի՛ ըներ’»։
Եւ ասէ Պաւղոս. Ոչ գիտէի, եղբարք, եթէ իցէ քահանայապետ. գրեալ իսկ է. Զիշխան ժողովրդեան քո ոչ հայհոյեսցես:

23:5: Եւ ասէ Պաւղոս. Ո՛չ գիտէի ե՛ղբարք, եթէ իցէ քահանայապետ. գրեա՛լ իսկ է. Զիշխան ժողովրդեան քո ո՛չ հայհոյեսցես[2723]։
[2723] Ոսկան. Զիշխանս ժողովրդ՛՛։
5. Եւ Պօղոսն ասաց. «Չգիտէի, եղբայրնե՛ր, որ քահանայապետ է, քանի որ գրուած է՝ քո ժողովրդի իշխանին չպիտի հայհոյես»:
5 Պօղոս ալ ըսաւ. «Եղբա՛յրներ, չէի գիտեր թէ քահանայապետ է, վասն զի գրուած է. ‘Քու ժողովուրդիդ իշխանին դէմ չարախօսութիւն մի՛ ըներ’»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:55: Павел сказал: я не знал, братия, что он первосвященник; ибо написано: начальствующего в народе твоем не злословь.
23:5  ἔφη τε ὁ παῦλος, οὐκ ᾔδειν, ἀδελφοί, ὅτι ἐστὶν ἀρχιερεύς· γέγραπται γὰρ ὅτι ἄρχοντα τοῦ λαοῦ σου οὐκ ἐρεῖς κακῶς.
23:5. ἔφη (it-was-declaring) τε (also,"ὁ (the-one) Παῦλος (a-Paulos,"Οὐκ (Not) ᾔδειν, (I-had-come-to-have-seen," ἀδελφοί , ( Brethrened ,"ὅτι (to-which-a-one) ἐστὶν (it-be) ἀρχιερεύς: (a-first-sacreder-of) γέγραπται (it-had-come-to-be-scribed) γὰρ (therefore) ὅτι (which-a-one," Ἄρχοντα ( To-a-firsting ) τοῦ ( of-the-one ) λαοῦ ( of-a-people ) σου ( of-thee ) οὐκ ( not ) ἐρεῖς ( thou-shall-utter ) κακῶς . ( unto-disrupted )
23:5. dixit autem Paulus nesciebam fratres quia princeps est sacerdotum scriptum est enim principem populi tui non maledicesAnd Paul said: I knew not, brethren, that he is the high priest. For it is written: Thou shalt not speak evil of the prince of thy people.
5. And Paul said, I wist not, brethren, that he was high priest: for it is written, Thou shalt not speak evil of a ruler of thy people.
Then said Paul, I wist not, brethren, that he was the high priest: for it is written, Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people:

5: Павел сказал: я не знал, братия, что он первосвященник; ибо написано: начальствующего в народе твоем не злословь.
23:5  ἔφη τε ὁ παῦλος, οὐκ ᾔδειν, ἀδελφοί, ὅτι ἐστὶν ἀρχιερεύς· γέγραπται γὰρ ὅτι ἄρχοντα τοῦ λαοῦ σου οὐκ ἐρεῖς κακῶς.
23:5. dixit autem Paulus nesciebam fratres quia princeps est sacerdotum scriptum est enim principem populi tui non maledices
And Paul said: I knew not, brethren, that he is the high priest. For it is written: Thou shalt not speak evil of the prince of thy people.
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А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
5: "Я не знал, братья, что он первосвященник!" Это признание апостола в неведении первосвященника многим представляется удивительным. Однако удивительного здесь ничего нет. Первосвященник был новый для Павла (вступивший в должность гораздо после его обращения, около 48: года по Р. Х. ), и Павел, хотя бывал иногда в Иерусалиме, мог не иметь ни побуждений, ни интереса узнавать его лично, хотя мог знать его имя. Вполне возможно, что трудно было узнать незнакомого первосвященника и в самом собрании, так как по отличиям одежды его можно было узнать лишь при священнослужении (ср. к Мф XXVI:65). Не всегда можно было узнать первосвященника и по месту председательскому, которое не было неотъемлемым и насущным правом первосвященника, так как Синедрион имел право сам выбирать сопредседателя (ср. к Ин XI:49). Так или иначе, искренность Павла не оставляет места сомнениям. Признание неведения своего относительно первосвященника не было, впрочем, отрицанием силы сказанного Павлом. Заявляя, что он не сказал бы этих своих слов из уважения к достоинству первосвященника, он, однако, дает понять, что оставляет за собою право повторить их в отношении самого поступка, без внимания к личности. Данный урок беззаконию, таким образом, остается во всей своей силе и значении.

"Ибо написано...", - т. е., если бы я знал, что это первосвященник, то не сказал бы, ибо написано... и т. д. (Исх XXII:28: по LXX),
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
23:5: I wist not, brethren, that he was the high priest - After all the learned labor that has been spent on this subject, the simple meaning appears plainly to be this: -
St. Paul did not know that Ananias was high priest; he had been long absent from Jerusalem; political changes were frequent; the high priesthood was no longer in succession, and was frequently bought and sold; the Romans put down one high priest, and raised up another, as political reasons dictated. As the person of Ananias might have been wholly unknown to him, as the hearing was very sudden, and there was scarcely any time to consult the formalities of justice, it seems very probable that St. Paul, if he ever had known the person of Ananias, had forgotten him; and as, in a council or meeting of this kind, the presence of the high priest was not indispensably necessary, he did not know that the person who presided was not the sagan, or high priest's deputy, or some other person put in the seat for the time being. I therefore understand the words above in their most obvious and literal sense. He knew not who the person was, and God's Spirit suddenly led him to denounce the Divine displeasure against him.
Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people - If I had known he was the high priest, I should not have publicly pronounced this execration; for respect is due to his person for the sake of his office. I do not see that Paul intimates that he had done any thing through inadvertence; nor does he here confess any fault; he states two facts: -
1. That he did not know him to be the high priest.
2. That such a one, or any ruler of the people, should be reverenced. But he neither recalled or made an apology for his words: he had not committed a trespass, and he did not acknowledge one. We must beware how we attribute either to him in the case before us.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:5: Then said Paul, I wist not - I know not; I was ignorant of the fact that he was high priest. Interpreters have been greatly divided on the meaning of this expression. Some have supposed that Paul said it in irony, as if he had said, "Pardon me, brethren, I did not consider that this was the high priest. It did not occur to me that a man who could conduct thus could be God's highest. Others have thought (as Grotius) that Paul used these words for the purpose of mitigating their wrath, and as an acknowledgment that he had spoken hastily, and that it was contrary to his usual habit, which was not to speak evil of the ruler of the people. As if he had said, "I acknowledge my error and my haste. I did not consider that I was addressing him whom God had commanded me to respect." But this interpretation is not probable, for Paul evidently did not intend to retract what he had said.
Dr. Doddridge renders it, "I was not aware, brethren, that it was the high priest," and regards it as an apology for having spoken in haste. But the obvious reply to this interpretation is, that if Ananias was the high priest, Paul could not but be aware of it. Of so material a point it is hardly possible that he could be ignorant. Others suppose that, as Paul had been long absent from Jerusalem, and had not known the changes which had occurred there, he was a stranger to the person of the high priest. Others suppose that Ananias did not occupy the usual seat which was appropriated to the high priest, and that he was not clothed in the usual robes of office, and that Paul did not recognize him as the high priest. But it is wholly improbable that on such an occasion the high priest, who was the presiding officer in the Sanhedrin, should not be known to the accused. The true interpretation, therefore, I suppose, is what is derived from the fact that Ananias was not then properly the high priest; that there was a vacancy in the office, and that he presided by courtesy, or in virtue of his having been formerly invested with that office.
The meaning then will be: "I do not regard or acknowledge him as the high priest, or address him as such, since that is not his true character. Had he been truly the high priest, even if he had thus been guilty of manifest injustice, I would not have used the language which I did. The office, if not the man, would have claimed respect. But as he is not truly and properly clothed with that office, and as he was guilty of manifest injustice, I did not believe that he was to be shielded in his injustice by the Law which commands me to show respect to the proper ruler of the people." If this be the true interpretation, it shows that Luke, in this account, accords entirely with the truth of history. The character of Ananias as given by Josephus, the facts which he has stated in regard to him, all accord with the account here given, and show that the writer of the "Acts of the Apostles" was acquainted with the history of that time, and has correctly stated it.
For it is written - Exo 22:28. Paul adduces this to show that it was his purpose to observe the Law; that he would not intentionally violate it; and that, if he had known Ananias to be high priest, he would have been restrained by his regard for the Law from using the language which he did.
Of the ruler of thy people - This passage had not any special reference to the high priest, but it inculcated the general spirit of respect for those in office, whatever that office was. As the office of high priest was one of importance and authority, Paul declares here that he would not be guilty of showing disrespect for it, or of using reproachful language in regard to it.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:5: I wist: Soon after the holding of the first council at Jerusalem, Ananias, son of Nebedenus, was deprived of the high priest's office, for certain acts of violence, and sent to Rome, whence he was afterwards released, and returned to Jerusalem. Between the death of Jonathan, who succeeded him and was murdered by Felix, and the high priesthood of Ismael, who was invested with that office by Agrippa, an interval elapsed in which this dignity was vacant. This was the precise time when Paul was apprehended; and the Sanhedrin being destitute of a president, Ananias undertook to discharge the office. It is probable that Paul was ignorant of this circumstance. Act 24:17
Thou: Exo 22:28; Ecc 10:20; Pe2 2:10; Jde 1:8, Jde 1:9
Geneva 1599
23:5 (4) Then said Paul, I wist not, brethren, that he was the high priest: for it is written, Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people.
(4) We must willingly and from the heart give honour to magistrates, although they are tyrants.
John Gill
23:5 Then said Paul, I wist not, brethren, that he was the high priest,.... Or I did not know that he was the high priest; and the sense is, that he did not really know him, either because he had been long absent from Jerusalem; and besides there were new high priests made, sometimes every year, and sometimes oftener, that it is no wonder he should not know him; or because he might not sit in his usual place; or chiefly because he was not, in his habit, an high priest; for the priests, both the high priest, and the common priests, only wore their priestly robes, when they ministered in their office, and at other times they wore other clothes, as laymen did, according to Ezek 44:19 which the Targum paraphrases thus;
"when they (the priests) shall go out of the holy court into the outer court, to be mixed with the people, they shall put off their garments in which they ministered, and lay them up in the holy chamber, and shall clothe themselves with other garments, that they may not be mingled with the people, "in their garments".''
For as soon as they had performed their office, there were servants that attended them, who stripped them of their robes, and laid them up in chests which were in the temple (r) till they came to service again, and put them on common garments; for they might not appear among the common people in their priestly garments; which when they were off of them, they were, as Maimonides says (s), "as strangers", or as laymen, like the rest of the people; for which reason Paul might not know Ananias to be the high priest: and this points to another sense of these words; for it was a rule with the Jews (t), that
"at the time the priests' garments were upon them, their priesthood was upon them, but when their garments were not on them, , "there was no priesthood upon them"; for lo, they were as strangers.''
And then the sense is, Ananias not being in the discharge of his office, nor in his habit, the apostle did not know, or own him as an high priest, or consider him as in such a station; or rather, since the priesthood was changed, and there was no other high priest of God but Jesus Christ, he did not own him as one; had he, he should not have spoke to him in the manner he did. Moreover, if this was Ananias, the son of Nebedaeus, as is the opinion of many, he had no right to the office of the priesthood when he was first made an high priest; after which he was sent a prisoner to Rome; during which time several succeeded in the priesthood; and at this time not he, though he had got the management of affairs in his hands, was high priest, but Jesus the son of Gamaliel; so that the apostle's sense might be, he did not own or acknowledge him high priest. Some take the apostle's words in an ironical sense; he an high priest, I should not have known him to be an high priest, he looks and acts more like a furioso, a madman, an unjust judge, and a tyrant, than an high priest, who ought to behave in another guise manner. But what follows shows rather that the apostle spoke seriously, unless the words can be thought to be a citation made by Luke,
for it is written, in Ex 22:28 "thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people"; which the Jewish writers generally understand of the head of the great sanhedrim, as Ananias might be, or of a king (u).
(r) Misna Tamid c. 5. sect. 3. & Bartenora in ib. (s) Hilchot Cele Hamikdash, c. 10. sect. 4. (t) Maimon. Hilchot Cele Hamikdash, c. 10. sect. 4. (u) Maimon. Hilchot Sanhedrin, c. 26. sect. 1. & Moses Kotsensis Mitzvot Torn, pr. neg. 209.
John Wesley
23:5 I was not aware, brethren, that it was the high priest - He seems to mean, I did not advert to it, in the prophetic transport of my mind: but he does not add, that his not adverting to it proceeded from the power of the Spirit coming upon him; as knowing they were not able to bear it. This answer admirably shows the situation of mind he was then in, partly with regard to the bystanders, whom he thus softens, adding also the title of brethren, and justifying their reproof by the prohibition of Moses; partly with regard to himself, who, after that singular transport subsided, was again under the direction of the general command. Ex 22:28.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:5 I wist not . . . that he was the high priest--All sorts of explanations of this have been given. The high priesthood was in a state of great confusion and constant change at this time (as appears from JOSEPHUS), and the apostle's long absence from Jerusalem, and perhaps the manner in which he was habited or the seat he occupied, with other circumstances to us unknown, may account for such a speech. But if he was thrown off his guard by an insult which touched him to the quick, "what can surpass the grace with which he recovered his self-possession, and the frankness with which he acknowledged his error? If his conduct in yielding to the momentary impulse was not that of Christ Himself under a similar provocation (Jn 18:22-23), certainly the manner in which he atoned for his fault was Christ-like" [HACKET].
23:623:6: Իբրեւ գիտաց Պաւղոս՝ եթէ մի կողմն սադուկեցւո՛ց է՝ եւ միւսն փարիսեցւոց, աղաղակէ՛ր ՚ի մէջ ատենին. Ա՛րք եղբարք՝ ես փարիսեցի՛ եմ, որդի փարիսեցւոյ. վասն յուսո՛յ եւ յարութեան մեռելոց՝ ես աւասիկ դատիմ[2724]։ [2724] Ոմանք. Վասն յուսոյն եւ յա՛՛։
6. Երբ Պօղոսն իմացաւ, որ ատեանի մի կողմում սադուկեցիներն են, իսկ միւսում՝ փարիսեցիները, աղաղակեց. «Եղբայրնե՛ր, ես փարիսեցի եմ ու որդի փարիսեցու. այժմ ես դատւում եմ նաեւ մեռելների յարութեան յոյսի համար»:
6 Պօղոս գիտնալով որ մէկ կողմը Սադուկեցիներ են ու միւսը՝ Փարիսեցիներ, կ’աղաղակէր ժողովին մէջ. «Մարդի՛կ եղբայրներ, ես Փարիսեցի եմ, Փարիսեցիի որդի. մեռելոց յարութեանը յոյսին համար կը դատուիմ»։
Իբրեւ գիտաց Պաւղոս եթէ մի կողմն սադուկեցւոց է եւ մեւսն փարիսեցւոց, աղաղակէր ի մէջ ատենին. Արք եղբարք, ես փարիսեցի եմ, որդի փարիսեցւոյ. վասն յուսոյ եւ յարութեան մեռելոց ես աւասիկ դատիմ:

23:6: Իբրեւ գիտաց Պաւղոս՝ եթէ մի կողմն սադուկեցւո՛ց է՝ եւ միւսն փարիսեցւոց, աղաղակէ՛ր ՚ի մէջ ատենին. Ա՛րք եղբարք՝ ես փարիսեցի՛ եմ, որդի փարիսեցւոյ. վասն յուսո՛յ եւ յարութեան մեռելոց՝ ես աւասիկ դատիմ[2724]։
[2724] Ոմանք. Վասն յուսոյն եւ յա՛՛։
6. Երբ Պօղոսն իմացաւ, որ ատեանի մի կողմում սադուկեցիներն են, իսկ միւսում՝ փարիսեցիները, աղաղակեց. «Եղբայրնե՛ր, ես փարիսեցի եմ ու որդի փարիսեցու. այժմ ես դատւում եմ նաեւ մեռելների յարութեան յոյսի համար»:
6 Պօղոս գիտնալով որ մէկ կողմը Սադուկեցիներ են ու միւսը՝ Փարիսեցիներ, կ’աղաղակէր ժողովին մէջ. «Մարդի՛կ եղբայրներ, ես Փարիսեցի եմ, Փարիսեցիի որդի. մեռելոց յարութեանը յոյսին համար կը դատուիմ»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:66: Узнав же Павел, что [тут] одна часть саддукеев, а другая фарисеев, возгласил в синедрионе: мужи братия! я фарисей, сын фарисея; за чаяние воскресения мертвых меня судят.
23:6  γνοὺς δὲ ὁ παῦλος ὅτι τὸ ἓν μέρος ἐστὶν σαδδουκαίων τὸ δὲ ἕτερον φαρισαίων ἔκραζεν ἐν τῶ συνεδρίῳ, ἄνδρες ἀδελφοί, ἐγὼ φαρισαῖός εἰμι, υἱὸς φαρισαίων· περὶ ἐλπίδος καὶ ἀναστάσεως νεκρῶν [ἐγὼ] κρίνομαι.
23:6. Γνοὺς (Having-had-acquainted) δὲ (moreover,"ὁ (the-one) Παῦλος (a-Paulos,"ὅτι (to-which-a-one) τὸ (the-one) ἓν (a-one) μέρος (a-portion) ἐστὶν (it-be) Σαδδουκαίων ( of-Saddouk-belonged ,"τὸ (the-one) δὲ (moreover) ἕτερον (different) Φαρισαίων ( of-Faris-belonged ,"ἔκραζεν (it-was-clamoring-to) ἐν (in) τῷ (unto-the-one) συνεδρίῳ (unto-a-seatlet-together,"Ἄνδρες (Men) ἀδελφοί , ( Brethrened ,"ἐγὼ (I) Φαρισαῖός (Faris-belonged) εἰμι, (I-be,"υἱὸς (a-son) Φαρισαίων : ( of-Faris-belonged ) περὶ (about) ἐλπίδος (of-an-expectation) καὶ (and) ἀναστάσεως (of-a-standing-up) νεκρῶν ( of-en-deaded ) κρίνομαι. (I-be-separated)
23:6. sciens autem Paulus quia una pars esset Sadducaeorum et altera Pharisaeorum exclamavit in concilio viri fratres ego Pharisaeus sum filius Pharisaeorum de spe et resurrectione mortuorum ego iudicorAnd Paul, knowing that the one part were Sadducees and the other Pharisees, cried out in the council: Men, brethren, I am a Pharisee, the son of Pharisees: concerning the hope and resurrection of the dead I am called in question.
6. But when Paul perceived that the one part were Sadducees, and the other Pharisees, he cried out in the council, Brethren, I am a Pharisee, a son of Pharisees: touching the hope and resurrection of the dead I am called in question.
But when Paul perceived that the one part were Sadducees, and the other Pharisees, he cried out in the council, Men [and] brethren, I am a Pharisee, the son of a Pharisee: of the hope and resurrection of the dead I am called in question:

6: Узнав же Павел, что [тут] одна часть саддукеев, а другая фарисеев, возгласил в синедрионе: мужи братия! я фарисей, сын фарисея; за чаяние воскресения мертвых меня судят.
23:6  γνοὺς δὲ ὁ παῦλος ὅτι τὸ ἓν μέρος ἐστὶν σαδδουκαίων τὸ δὲ ἕτερον φαρισαίων ἔκραζεν ἐν τῶ συνεδρίῳ, ἄνδρες ἀδελφοί, ἐγὼ φαρισαῖός εἰμι, υἱὸς φαρισαίων· περὶ ἐλπίδος καὶ ἀναστάσεως νεκρῶν [ἐγὼ] κρίνομαι.
23:6. sciens autem Paulus quia una pars esset Sadducaeorum et altera Pharisaeorum exclamavit in concilio viri fratres ego Pharisaeus sum filius Pharisaeorum de spe et resurrectione mortuorum ego iudicor
And Paul, knowing that the one part were Sadducees and the other Pharisees, cried out in the council: Men, brethren, I am a Pharisee, the son of Pharisees: concerning the hope and resurrection of the dead I am called in question.
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А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
6: "Узнав же Павел..." Вероятно, по каким-либо отличиям во внешности и благодаря отдаленному знакомству с некоторыми Павел замечает искусственную сплоченность своих судей, при непримиримом до крайности противоречии их религиозных убеждений, и это наводит его на счастливую мысль перенести свой вопрос на другую почву, на которой прежде всего обнаружилось бы отсутствие единодушия в предубеждении против него. С удивительным присутствием духа, проницательностью и мудростью, одним смелым оборотом мысли и речи он разлагает собрание на взаимоуничтожающие его элементы, привлекая на свою сторону из двух господствующих здесь партий сильнейшую фарисейскую.

"Я - фарисей, сын фарисея..." - (в некоторых списках сын фарисеев), т. е. не только по личному своему убеждению фарисей, но и по природе, природный потомственный фарисей, в котором не только убеждения, но и плоть, и кровь древних фарисеев. Этим признанием апостол не только отделял себя от той части собрания (саддукейской), которая позволяла себе отрицать некоторые истины закона Моисеева (ст. 8), но и увлекал, так сказать на бой другую правомыслящую часть собрания (фарисейскую), указав и наиболее больное место раздора, с которого следовало начать.

"За чаяние воскресения мертвых меня судят..." Перевод подлинника в данном месте страдает важною неточностью. В греческом тексте это место читается так: peri elpidoV kai anastasewV nekrwn egw krinomai..., точнее русского славянский текст: "о уповании и воскресении мертвых аз суд приемлю". Так как слово чаяние, упование, надежда имело специальный смысл и относилось к Мессии, Мессианским чаяниям (ср. Лк II:33), то и выражение Павла прежде всего хочет сказать, что он стоит пред судом за Надежду Израиля - Мессию (ср. XXVI:6). Что касается второй половины обвинения - воскресения мертвых, то здесь подразумевается, конечно, прежде всего христианская вера в воскресение Спасителя, а потом и вообще вера в воскресение мертвых, по примеру сего уже воскресшего "Первенца мертвых". Как в той, так и другой части обвинения Павел указывает лишь общие соприкосновенные с фарисейским учением стороны, независимо от христианского понимания дела, чем и достигает страстной защиты себя в разгоревшемся на этой почве споре. Бесподобно мудрый и искусный прием! Лучшая и сильнейшая защита!
Matthew Henry: Concise Commentary on the Whole Bible - 1706
Paul's Second Defence.
6 But when Paul perceived that the one part were Sadducees, and the other Pharisees, he cried out in the council, Men and brethren, I am a Pharisee, the son of a Pharisee: of the hope and resurrection of the dead I am called in question. 7 And when he had so said, there arose a dissension between the Pharisees and the Sadducees: and the multitude was divided. 8 For the Sadducees say that there is no resurrection, neither angel, nor spirit: but the Pharisees confess both. 9 And there arose a great cry: and the scribes that were of the Pharisees' part arose, and strove, saying, We find no evil in this man: but if a spirit or an angel hath spoken to him, let us not fight against God. 10 And when there arose a great dissension, the chief captain, fearing lest Paul should have been pulled in pieces of them, commanded the soldiers to go down, and to take him by force from among them, and to bring him into the castle. 11 And the night following the Lord stood by him, and said, Be of good cheer, Paul: for as thou hast testified of me in Jerusalem, so must thou bear witness also at Rome.

Many are the troubles of the righteous, but some way or other the Lord delivereth them out of them all. Paul owned he had experienced the truth of this in the persecutions he had undergone among the Gentiles (see 2 Tim. iii. 11): Out of them all the Lord delivered me. And now he finds that he who has delivered does and will deliver. He that delivered him in the foregoing chapter from the tumult of the people here delivers him from that of the elders.

I. His own prudence and ingenuity stand him in some stead, and contribute much to his escape. Paul's greatest honour, and that upon which he most valued himself, was that he was a Christian, and an apostle of Christ; and all his other honours he despised and made nothing of, in comparison with this, counting them but dung, that he might win Christ; and yet he had sometimes occasion to make use of his other honours, and they did him service. His being a citizen of Rome saved him in the foregoing chapter from his being scourged by the chief captain as a vagabond, and here his being a Pharisee saved him from being condemned by the sanhedrim, as an apostate from the faith and worship of the God of Israel. It will consist very well with our willingness to suffer for Christ to use all lawful methods, nay, and arts too, both to prevent suffering and to extricate ourselves out of it. The honest policy Paul used here for his own preservation was to divide his judges, and to set them at variance one with another about him; and, by incensing one part of them more against him, to engage the contrary part for him.

1. The great council was made up of Sadducees and Pharisees, and Paul perceived it. He knew the characters of many of them ever since he lived among them, and saw those among them whom he knew to be Sadducees, and others whom he knew to be Pharisees (v. 6): One part were Sadducees and the other Pharisees, and perhaps nearly an equal part. Now these differed very much from one another, and yet they ordinarily agreed well enough to do the business of the council together. (1.) The Pharisees were bigots, zealous for the ceremonies, not only those which God had appointed, but those which were enjoined by the tradition of the elders. They were great sticklers for the authority of the church, and for enforcing obedience to its injunctions, which occasioned many quarrels between them and our Lord Jesus; but at the same time they were very orthodox in the faith of the Jewish church concerning the world of spirits, the resurrection of the dead, and the life of the world to come. (2.) The Sadducees were deists--no friends to the scripture, or divine revelation. The books of Moses they admitted as containing a good history and a good law, but had little regard to the other books of the Old Testament; see Matt. xxii. 23. The account here given of these Sadducees is, [1.] That they deny the resurrection; not only the return of the body to life, but a future state of rewards and punishments. They had neither hope of eternal happiness nor dread of eternal misery, nor expectation of any thing on the other side death; and it was upon these principles that they said, It is in vain to serve God, and called the proud happy, Mal. iii. 14, 15. [2.] That they denied the existence of angels and spirits, and allowed of no being but matter. They thought that God himself was corporeal, and had parts and members as we have. When they read of angels in the Old Testament, they supposed them to be messengers that God made and sent on his errands as there was occasion, or that they were impressions on the fancies of those they were sent to, and no real existences--that they were this, or that, or any thing rather than what they were. And, as for the souls of men, they looked upon them to be nothing else but the temperament of the humours of the body, or the animal spirits, but denied their existence in a state of separation from the body, and any difference between the soul of a man and of a beast. These, no doubt, pretended to be free-thinkers, but really thought as meanly, absurdly, and slavishly, as possible. It is strange how men of such corrupt and wicked principles could come into office, and have a place in the great sanhedrim; but many of them were of quality and estate, and they complied with the public establishment, and so got in and kept in. But they were generally stigmatized as heretics, were ranked with the Epicureans, and were prayed against and excluded from eternal life. The prayer which the modern Jews use against Christians, Witsius thinks, was designed by Gamaliel, who made it, against the Sadducees; and that they meant them in their usual imprecation, Let the name of the wicked rot. But how degenerate was the character and how miserable the state of the Jewish church, when such profane men as these were among their rulers!

2. In this matter of difference between the Pharisees and Sadducees Paul openly declared himself to be on the Pharisees' side against the Sadducees (v. 6): He cried out, so as to be heard by all, "I am a Pharisee, was bred a Pharisee, nay, I was born one, in effect, for I was the son of a Pharisee, my father was one before me, and thus far I am still a Pharisee that I hope for the resurrection of the dead, and I may truly say that, if the matter were rightly understood, it would be found that this is it for which I am now called in question." When Christ was upon earth the Pharisees set themselves most against him, because he witnessed against their traditions and corrupt glosses upon the law; but, after his ascension, the Sadducees set themselves most against his apostles, because they preached through Jesus the resurrection of the dead, ch. iv. 1, 2. And it is said (ch. v. 17) that they were the sect of the Sadducees that were filled with indignation at them, because they preached that life and immortality which is brought to light by the gospel. Now here, (1.) Paul owns himself a Pharisee, so far as the Pharisees were in the right. Though as Pharisaism was opposed to Christianity he set himself against it, and against all its traditions that were set up in competition with the law of God or in contradiction to the gospel of Christ, yet, as it was opposed to Sadducism, he adhered to it. We must never think the worse of any truth of God, nor be more shy of owning it, for its being held by men otherwise corrupt. If the Pharisees will hope for the resurrection of the dead, Paul will go along with them in that hope, and be one of them, whether they will or no. (2.) He might truly say that being persecuted, as a Christian, this was the thing he was called in question for. Perhaps he knew that the Sadducees, though they had not such an interest in the common people as the Pharisees had, yet had underhand incensed the mob against him, under pretence of his having preached to the Gentiles, but really because he had preached the hope of the resurrection. However, being called in question for his being a Christian, he might truly say he was called in question for the hope of the resurrection of the dead, as he afterwards pleaded, ch. xxiv. 15, and ch. xxvi. 6, 7. Though Paul preached against the traditions of the elders (as his Master had done), and therein opposed the Pharisees, yet he valued himself more upon his preaching the resurrection of the dead, and a future state, in which he concurred with the Pharisees.

3. This occasioned a division in the council. It is probable that the high priest sided with the Sadducees (as he had done ch. v. 17, and made it to appear by his rage at Paul, v. 2), which alarmed the Pharisees so much the more; but so it was, there arose a dissension between the Pharisees and the Sadducees (v. 7), for this word of Paul's made the Sadducees more warm and the Pharisees more cool in the prosecution of him; so that the multitude was divided; eschisthe--there was a schism, a quarrel among them, and the edge of their zeal began to turn from Paul against one another; nor could they go on to act against him when they could not agree among themselves, or prosecute him for breaking the unity of the church when there was so little among them of the unity of the spirit. All the cry had been against Paul, but now there arose a great cry against one another, v. 9. So much did a fierce furious spirit prevail among all orders of the Jews at this time that every thing was done with clamour and noise; and in such a tumultuous manner were the great principles of their religion stickled for, by which they received little service, for the wrath of man worketh not the righteousness of God. Gainsayers may be convinced by fair reasoning, but never by a great cry.

4. The Pharisees hereupon (would one think it?) took Paul's part (v. 9): They strove, diemachonto--They fought, saying, We find no evil in this man. He had conducted himself decently and reverently in the temple, and had attended the service of the church; and, though it was but occasionally, yet it showed that he was not such an enemy to it as he was said to be. He had spoken very handsomely in his own defence, and given a good account of himself, and had now declared himself orthodox in the great principles of religion, as well as regular and conscientious in his conversation; and therefore they cannot see that he has done any thing worthy of death of bonds. Nay, they go further, "If a spirit or an angel hath spoken to him concerning Jesus, and put him upon preaching as he does, though we may not be so far satisfied as to give credit to him, yet we ought to be cautioned not to oppose him, lest we be found fighting against God;" as Gamaliel, who was himself a Pharisee, had argued, ch. v. 39. Now here, (1.) We may observe, to the honour of the gospel, that it was witnessed to even by its adversaries, and confessions, not only of its innocency, but of its excellency, were extorted sometimes by the power of truth even from those that persecuted it. Pilate found no fault in Christ though he put him to death, nor Festus in Paul though he detained him in bonds; and the Pharisees here supposed it possible that Paul might have a commission sent him for heaven by an angel to do what he did; and yet it should seem, as elders, they after this joined with the high priest in prosecuting him, ch. xxiv. 1. They sinned against the knowledge which they not only had, but sometimes owned, as Christ had said of them, They have both seen and hated both me and my Father, John xv. 24. Yet, (2.) We will hope that some of them at least did henceforward conceive a better opinion of Paul than they had had, and were favourable to him, having had such a satisfactory account both of his conversation in all good conscience and of his faith touching another world; and then it must be observed to their honour that their zeal for the traditions of the elders, which Paul had departed from, was so far swallowed up in a zeal for the great and fundamental doctrines of religion, to which Paul still adhered, that if he will heartily join with them against the Sadducees, and adhere to the hope of the resurrection of the dead, they will not think his shaking off the ceremonial law to be an evil in him, but charitably hope that he walks according to the light God has given him by some angel or spirit, and are so far from persecuting him that they are ready to patronize and protect him. The persecuting Pharisees of the church of Rome are not of this spirit: for let a man be ever so sincere and zealous for all the articles of the Christian faith, yet, if he lay not his neck under the yoke of their church's authority, they find evil enough in him to persecute him unto the death.

II. The chief captain's care and conduct stand him in more stead; for when he has thrown this bone of contention between the Pharisees and Sadducees (which set them together by the ears, and gained a fair testimony from the Pharisees), yet he is never the nearer, but is in danger of being pulled in pieces by them--the Pharisees pulling to have him set at liberty, and the Sadducees pulling to have him put to death, or thrown to the people, like Daniel into the den of lions; so that the chief captain is forced to come with his soldiers and rescue him, as he had done, ch. xxi. 32, and ch. xxii. 24. 1. See here Paul's danger. Between his friends and his enemies he had like to have been pulled to pieces, the one hugging him to death, the other crushing him to death, such violences are those liable to that are eminent, and that are become remarkable, as Paul was, who was by some so much beloved and by others so much maligned. 2. His deliverance: The chief captain ordered his soldiers to go down from the upper wards, and to take them by force from among them, out of that apartment in the temple where he had ordered the council to meet, and to bring him into the castle, or tower of Antonio; for he saw he could make nothing of them towards the understanding of the merits of his cause.

III. Divine consolations stood him in most stead of all. The chief captain had rescued him out of the hands of cruel men, but still he had him in custody, and what might be the issue he could not tell. The castle was indeed a protection to him, but withal it was a confinement; and, as it was now his preservation from so great a death, it might be his reservation for a greater. We do not find that any of the apostles or elders at Jerusalem came to him; either they had not courage or they had not admission. Perhaps, in the night following, Paul was full of thoughts and cares what should become of him, and how his present troubles might be turned to answer some good purpose. Then did the Lord Jesus make him a kind visit, and, thought at midnight, yet a very seasonable one (v. 11): The Lord stood by him, came to his bed-side, though perhaps it was but a bed of straw, to show him that he was all the day long with him really as sure as he was in the night with him visibly. Note, Whoever is against us, we need not fear if the Lord stand by us; if he undertake our protection, we may set those that seek our ruin at defiance. The Lord is with those that uphold my soul, and then nothing can come amiss. 1. Christ bids him have a good heart upon it: "Be of good cheer, Paul; be not discouraged; let not what has happened sadden thee, nor let what may yet be before thee frighten thee." Note, It is the will of Christ that his servants who are faithful should be always cheerful. Perhaps Paul, in the reflection, began to be jealous of himself whether he had done well in what he said to the council the day before; but Christ, by his word, satisfies him that God approved of his conduct. Or, perhaps, it troubled him that his friends did not come to him; but Christ's visit did itself speak, though he had not said, Be of good cheer, Paul. 2. It is a strange argument which he makes use of to encourage him: As thou hast testified of me in Jerusalem, so must thou bear witness also at Rome. One would think this was but cold comfort: "As thou hast undergone a great deal of trouble for me so thou must undergo a great deal more;" and yet this was designed to encourage him; for hereby he is given to understand, (1.) That he had been serving Christ as a witness for him in what he had hitherto endured. It was for no fault that he was buffeted, and it was not his former persecuting of the church that was now remembered against him, however he might remember it against himself, but he was still going on with his work. (2.) That he had not yet finished his testimony, nor was, by his imprisonment, laid aside as useless, but was only reserved for further service. Nothing disheartened Paul so much as the thought of being taken off from doing service to Christ and good to souls: Fear not, says Christ, I have not done with thee, (3.) Paul seems to have had a particular fancy, and an innocent one, to go to Rome, to preach the gospel there, though it was already preached, and a church planted there; yet, being a citizen of Rome, he longed for a journey thither, and had designed it (ch. xix. 21): After I have been at Jerusalem, I must also see Rome. And he had written to the Romans some time ago that he longed to see them, Rom. i. 11. Now he was ready to conclude that this had broken his measures, and he should never see Rome; but even in that Christ tells him he should be gratified, since he desired it for the honour of Christ and to do good.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
23:6: I am a Pharisee, the son of a Pharisee - Instead of Φαρισαιου, of a Pharisee, ABC, some others, with the Syriac and Vulgate, have Φαρισαιων, of the Pharisees; which, if acknowledged to be the genuine reading, would alter the sense thus, I am a Pharisee, and a disciple of the Pharisees, for so the word son is frequently understood.
Of the hope and resurrection - Concerning the hope of the resurrection, the και, and, being here redundant; indeed, it is omitted by the Syriac, all the Arabic, and Ethiopic. St. Paul had preached the resurrection of the dead, on the foundation and evidence of the resurrection of Christ. For this, he and the apostles were, some time before, imprisoned by the high priest and elders, Act 4:1-3; Act 5:17, because they preached, Through Jesus, the resurrection of the dead. This they could not bear; for, if Jesus Christ rose from the dead, their malice and wickedness, in putting him to death, were incontrovertibly established.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:6: But when Paul perceived - Probably by his former acquaintance with the men who composed the council. As he had been brought up in Jerusalem, and had been before acquainted with the Sanhedrin Act 9:2, he would have an acquaintance, doubtless, with the character of most of those present, though he had been absent from them for fourteen years, Gal 2:1.
The one part ... - That the council was divided into two parts, Pharisees and Sadducees. This was commonly the case, though it was uncertain which had the majority. In regard to the opinions of these two sects, see the notes on Mat 3:7.
He cried out ... - The reasons why Paul resolved to take advantage of their difference of opinion were, probably:
(1) That he saw that it was impossible to expect justice at their hands, and he therefore regarded it as prudent and proper to consult his own safety. He saw, from the conduct of Ananias, and from the spirit manifested Act 23:4, that they, like the other Jews, had prejudged the case, and were driven on by blind rage and fury.
(2) his object was to show his innocence to the chief captain. To ascertain that was the purpose for which he had been arraigned. Yet that, perhaps, could be most directly and satisfactorily shown by bringing out, as he knew he could do, the real spirit which actuated the whole council, as a spirit of party strife, contention, and persecution. Knowing, therefore, how sensitive they were on the subject of the resurrection, he seems to have resolved to do what he would not have done had they been disposed to hear him according to the rules of justice - to abandon the direct argument for his defense, and to enlist a large part, perhaps a majority of the council, in his favor. Whatever may be thought of the propriety of this course, it cannot be denied that it was a masterstroke of policy, and that it evinced a profound knowledge of human nature.
I am a Pharisee - That is, I was of that sect among the Jews. I was born a Pharisee, and I ever continued while a Jew to be of that sect. In the main he agreed with them still. He did not mean to deny that he was a Christian, but that, so far as the Pharisees differed from the Sadducees, he was with the former. He agreed with them, not with the Sadducees, in regard to the doctrine of the resurrection, and the existence of angels and spirits.
The son of a Pharisee - What was the name of his father is not known. But the meaning is, simply, that he was entitled to all the immunities and privileges of a Pharisee. He had, from his birth, belonged to that sect, nor had he ever departed from the great cardinal doctrine which distinguished that sect - the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead. Compare Phi 3:5.
Of the hope and resurrection of the dead - That is, of the hope that the dead will be raised. This is the real point of the opposition to me.
I am called in question - Greek: I am judged; that is, I am persecuted, or brought to trial. Orobio charges this upon Paul as an artful manner of declining persecution, unworthy the character of an upright and honest man. Chubb, a British Deist of the seventeenth century, charges it upon Paul as an act of gross "dissimulation, as designed to conceal the true ground of all the troubles that he had brought upon himself, and as designed to deceive and impose upon the Jews." He affirms also that "Paul probably invented this pretended charge against himself to draw over a party of the unbelieving Jews unto him." See Chubb's Posthumous Works, vol. ii. p. 238. Now, in reply to this, we may observe:
(1) That there is not the least evidence that Paul denied that he had been, or was then, a Christian. An attempt to deny this, after all that they knew of him, would have been vain; and there is not the slightest hint that he attempted it.
(2) the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead was the main and leading doctrine which he had insisted on, and which had been to him the cause of much of his persecution. See Act 17:31-32; 1 Cor. 15; Act 13:34; Act 26:6-7, Act 26:23, Act 26:25.
(3) Paul defended this by an argument which he deemed invincible; and which constituted, in fact, the principal evidence of its truth - the fact that the Lord Jesus had been raised. That fact had fully confirmed the doctrine of the Pharisees that the dead would rise. As Paul had everywhere proclaimed the fact that Jesus had been raised up, and as this had been the occasion of his being opposed, it was true that he had been persecuted on account of that doctrine.
(4) the real ground of the opposition Which the Sadducees made to him, and of their opposition to his doctrine, was the additional zeal with which he urged this doctrine, and the additional argument which he brought for the resurrection of the dead. Perhaps the cause of the opposition of this great party among the Jews the Sadducees - to Christianity, was the strong confirmation which the resurrection of Christ gave to the doctrine which they so much hated - the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead. It thus gave a triumph to their opponents among the Pharisees, and Paul, as a leading and zealous advocate of that doctrine, would excite their special hatred.
(5) all that Paul said, therefore, was strictly true. It was because he advocated this doctrine that he was opposed. That there were other causes of opposition to him might be true also; but still this was the main and prominent cause of the hostility.
(6) with great propriety, therefore, he might address the Pharisees and say, "Brethren, the doctrine which has distinguished you from the Sadducees is at stake. The doctrine which is at the foundation of all our hopes - the resurrection of the dead; the doctrine of our fathers, of the Scriptures, of our sect, is in danger. Of that doctrine I have been the advocate. I have never denied it. I have everywhere defended it, and have devoted myself to the work of putting it on an imperishable basis among the Jews and the Gentiles. For my zeal in that I have been opposed. I have excited the ridicule of the Gentile and the hatred of the Sadducee. I have thus been persecuted and arraigned; and for my zeal in urging the argument in defense of it which I have deemed most irrefragable the resurrection of the Messiah - I have been arraigned, and now cast myself on your protection against the mad zeal of the enemies of the doctrine of our fathers." Not only, therefore, was this an act of policy and prudence in Paul, but what he affirmed was strictly true, and the effect was as he had anticipated.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:6: Paul: Mat 10:16
I am: Act 26:5; Phi 3:5
of the hope: Act 24:15, Act 24:21, Act 26:6-8, Act 28:20
Geneva 1599
23:6 (5) But when Paul perceived that the one part were Sadducees, and the other Pharisees, he cried out in the council, Men [and] brethren, I am a Pharisee, the son of a Pharisee: of the hope and resurrection of the dead I am called in question.
(5) We may sometimes lawfully set the wicked against themselves, so that they stop assaulting us, in order that the truth is not hindered.
John Gill
23:6 But when Paul perceived that the one part were Sadducees,.... That is, that one part of the sanhedrim consisted of Sadducees, which was often the case; sometimes the high priest was of this sect, as Ananias probably was, and sometimes the greater part of the sanhedrim were Sadducees, and even sometimes the whole; See Gill on Acts 5:17, but this sanhedrim were only part of them Sadducees:
and the other Pharisees; of both these sects; see Gill on Mt 3:7.
he cried out in the council; with a loud voice, that he might be heard by all:
men and brethren,
I am a Pharisee; he was not only brought up in that sect from his youth, and lived according to it before his conversion, but he was still a Pharisee; wherefore he does not say, I "was", but I "am" a Pharisee; for whatever distinguished the Pharisee from the Sadducee, whether in principle, or in practice, and manner of living, which agreed with Christianity, the apostle still retained; as the belief of the immortality of the soul, the resurrection of the dead, and a future state, and strict holiness of life and conversation.
The son of a Pharisee; the Alexandrian copy, and some others, and the Vulgate Latin version, read in the plural number, "the son of Pharisees"; his father and his mother were both Pharisees; for there were women Pharisees (w), as well as men; so that he was a Pharisee of the Pharisees, as well as an Hebrew of the Hebrews; and this is said to show that he was by education of that sect.
Of the hope and resurrection of the dead, I am called in question; that is, either for the hope of the resurrection of the dead, Acts 24:15 or for professing the hope of eternal life, and happiness in a future state, and the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead, when the soul and body will be reunited, and enjoy endless felicity together: not that these were the particular things now charged upon him, and for which he was now trying and judging; but that these were the ground and foundation of the hatred and persecution of him, because he preached the resurrection of Christ from the dead, and the resurrection of men through him, and that there was hope of eternal life and salvation by him. And in this the apostle showed the prudence and wisdom of the serpent, along with the innocence of the dove, hereby to divide the assembly, and free himself from them; and it was but just and right; for since they would not hear him about to make a fair and open defence of his cause, but ordered him to be smitten on the mouth, it was but justice to throw them into confusion, and save himself.
(w) Misna Sota, c. 3. sect. 4.
John Wesley
23:6 I am a Pharisee, the son of a Pharisee: for the hope of the resurrection of the dead am I called in question - So he was in effect; although not formally, or explicitly.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:6 when Paul perceived--from the discussion which plainly had by this time arisen between the parties.
that the one part were Sadducees, and the other Pharisees, he cried out--raising his voice above both parties.
I am a Pharisee, the son of a Pharisee--The true reading seems to be, "the son of Pharisees," that is, belonging to a family who from father to son had long been such.
of the hope and resurrection of the dead--that is, not the vague hope of immortality, but the definite expectation of the resurrection.
I am called in question--By this adroit stroke, Paul engages the whole Pharisaic section of the council in his favor; the doctrine of a resurrection being common to both, though they would totally differ in their application of it. This was, of course, quite warrantable, and the more so as it was already evident that no impartiality in trying his cause was to be looked for from such an assembly.
23:723:7: Եւ զայս իբրեւ ասաց՝ եղեն հերձուա՛ծք փարիսեցւոցն եւ սադուկեցւոց. եւ պատառեցա՛ւ բազմութիւնն։
7. Եւ երբ այս ասաց, փարիսեցիների եւ սադուկեցիների միջեւ ճեղքուածք առաջ եկաւ, եւ բազմութիւնը պառակտուեց,
7 Երբ ասիկա ըսաւ, Փարիսեցիներուն եւ Սադուկեցիներուն մէջ երկպառակութիւն ինկաւ եւ բազմութիւնը բաժնուեցաւ։
Եւ զայս իբրեւ ասաց, եղեն հերձուածք փարիսեցւոցն եւ սադուկեցւոց, եւ պատառեցաւ բազմութիւնն:

23:7: Եւ զայս իբրեւ ասաց՝ եղեն հերձուա՛ծք փարիսեցւոցն եւ սադուկեցւոց. եւ պատառեցա՛ւ բազմութիւնն։
7. Եւ երբ այս ասաց, փարիսեցիների եւ սադուկեցիների միջեւ ճեղքուածք առաջ եկաւ, եւ բազմութիւնը պառակտուեց,
7 Երբ ասիկա ըսաւ, Փարիսեցիներուն եւ Սադուկեցիներուն մէջ երկպառակութիւն ինկաւ եւ բազմութիւնը բաժնուեցաւ։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:77: Когда же он сказал это, произошла распря между фарисеями и саддукеями, и собрание разделилось.
23:7  τοῦτο δὲ αὐτοῦ εἰπόντος ἐγένετο στάσις τῶν φαρισαίων καὶ σαδδουκαίων, καὶ ἐσχίσθη τὸ πλῆθος.
23:7. τοῦτο (To-the-one-this) δὲ (moreover) αὐτοῦ (of-it) λαλοῦντος (of-speaking-unto) ἐγένετο ( it-had-became ) στάσις (a-standing) τῶν (of-the-ones) Φαρισαίων ( of-Faris-belonged ) καὶ (and) Σαδδουκαίων , ( of-Saddouk-belonged ,"καὶ (and) ἐσχίσθη (it-was-severed-to) τὸ (the-one) πλῆθος. (a-repletion)
23:7. et cum haec dixisset facta est dissensio inter Pharisaeos et Sadducaeos et soluta est multitudoAnd when he had so said, there arose a dissension between the Pharisees and the Sadducees. And the multitude was divided.
7. And when he had so said, there arose a dissension between the Pharisees and Sadducees: and the assembly was divided.
And when he had so said, there arose a dissension between the Pharisees and the Sadducees: and the multitude was divided:

7: Когда же он сказал это, произошла распря между фарисеями и саддукеями, и собрание разделилось.
23:7  τοῦτο δὲ αὐτοῦ εἰπόντος ἐγένετο στάσις τῶν φαρισαίων καὶ σαδδουκαίων, καὶ ἐσχίσθη τὸ πλῆθος.
23:7. et cum haec dixisset facta est dissensio inter Pharisaeos et Sadducaeos et soluta est multitudo
And when he had so said, there arose a dissension between the Pharisees and the Sadducees. And the multitude was divided.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
7-8: "Произошла распря..." - из дальнейшего видно (ст. 9), что распря сильная и страстная, вполне оправдавшая надежды Павла.

"Саддукеи говорят, что нет воскресения, ни ангела, ни духа...", с учением о которых тесно связано учение о воскресении. Ср. к Мф III:7; подробнее о сектах сообщает Археол. Флав. XVIII:1, 4; О войне Иудейской II:8, 11.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
23:7: And the multitude was divided - St. Paul, perceiving the assembly to consist of Sadducees and Pharisees, and finding he was not to expect any justice, thought it best thus to divide the council, by introducing a question on which the Pharisees and Sadducees were at issue. He did so; and the Pharisees immediately espoused his side of the question, because in opposition to the Sadducees, whom they abhorred, as irreligious men.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:7: A dissension - A dispute, or difference.
And the multitude - The council. Compare Act 14:4. The Pharisees embraced, as he desired and expected, his side of the question, and became his advocates, in opposition to the Sadducees, who were arrayed against him.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:7: there: Act 14:4; Psa 55:9; Mat 10:34; Joh 7:40-43
Geneva 1599
23:7 (6) And when he had so said, there arose a dissension between the Pharisees and the Sadducees: and the multitude was divided.
(6) The agreement between the wicked is weak, even though they conspire together to oppress the truth.
John Gill
23:7 And when he had so said,.... He stopped and made a pause:
and there arose a dissension between the Pharisees and the Sadducees; about the things which he had spoken of, particularly the resurrection of the dead; and this was what the apostle intended, so that his end was answered by the speech he made:
and the multitude was divided; that is, the members of the sanhedrim were divided, some being on one side of the question, and some on the other; for this multitude cannot design the multitude of the common people, who were not convened together on this occasion.
23:823:8: Քանզի սադուկեցիքն ասեն. Չի՛ք յարութիւն, եւ ո՛չ հրեշտակ՝ եւ ո՛չ հոգի. բայց փարիսեցիքն խոստովանի՛ն զերկոսեան[2725]։ [2725] Ոմանք. Ասէին. Չիք... խոստովանէին։
8. որովհետեւ սադուկեցիներն ասում էին՝ յարութիւն չկայ. ո՛չ էլ հրեշտակ եւ ո՛չ Հոգի. իսկ փարիսեցիները ընդունում էին երկուսն էլ:
8 Քանզի Սադուկեցիները կ’ըսեն թէ՝ յարութիւն չկայ եւ ո՛չ հրեշտակ, ո՛չ ալ հոգի. բայց Փարիսեցիները երկուքն ալ կը դաւանին։
Քանզի սադուկեցիքն ասեն. չիք յարութիւն եւ ոչ հրեշտակ եւ ոչ հոգի, բայց փարիսեցիքն խոստովանին զերկոսեան:

23:8: Քանզի սադուկեցիքն ասեն. Չի՛ք յարութիւն, եւ ո՛չ հրեշտակ՝ եւ ո՛չ հոգի. բայց փարիսեցիքն խոստովանի՛ն զերկոսեան[2725]։
[2725] Ոմանք. Ասէին. Չիք... խոստովանէին։
8. որովհետեւ սադուկեցիներն ասում էին՝ յարութիւն չկայ. ո՛չ էլ հրեշտակ եւ ո՛չ Հոգի. իսկ փարիսեցիները ընդունում էին երկուսն էլ:
8 Քանզի Սադուկեցիները կ’ըսեն թէ՝ յարութիւն չկայ եւ ո՛չ հրեշտակ, ո՛չ ալ հոգի. բայց Փարիսեցիները երկուքն ալ կը դաւանին։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:88: Ибо саддукеи говорят, что нет воскресения, ни Ангела, ни духа; а фарисеи признают и то и другое.
23:8  σαδδουκαῖοι μὲν γὰρ λέγουσιν μὴ εἶναι ἀνάστασιν μήτε ἄγγελον μήτε πνεῦμα, φαρισαῖοι δὲ ὁμολογοῦσιν τὰ ἀμφότερα.
23:8. Σαδδουκαῖοι ( Saddouk-belonged ) γὰρ (therefore) λέγουσιν (they-fortheth) μὴ (lest) εἶναι (to-be) ἀνάστασιν (to-a-standing-up) μήτε (lest-also) ἄγγελον (to-a-messenger) μήτε (lest-also) πνεῦμα, (to-a-currenting-to," Φαρισαῖοι ( Faris-belonged ) δὲ (moveover) ὁμολογοῦσιν (they-along-forthee-unto) τὰ (to-the-ones) ἀμφότερα . ( to-more-around )
23:8. Sadducaei enim dicunt non esse resurrectionem neque angelum neque spiritum Pharisaei autem utrumque confitenturFor the Sadducees say that there is no resurrection, neither angel, nor spirit: but the Pharisees confess both.
8. For the Sadducees say that there is no resurrection, neither angel, nor spirit: but the Pharisees confess both.
For the Sadducees say that there is no resurrection, neither angel, nor spirit: but the Pharisees confess both:

8: Ибо саддукеи говорят, что нет воскресения, ни Ангела, ни духа; а фарисеи признают и то и другое.
23:8  σαδδουκαῖοι μὲν γὰρ λέγουσιν μὴ εἶναι ἀνάστασιν μήτε ἄγγελον μήτε πνεῦμα, φαρισαῖοι δὲ ὁμολογοῦσιν τὰ ἀμφότερα.
23:8. Sadducaei enim dicunt non esse resurrectionem neque angelum neque spiritum Pharisaei autem utrumque confitentur
For the Sadducees say that there is no resurrection, neither angel, nor spirit: but the Pharisees confess both.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ all ▾
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
23:8: The Sadducees say that there is no resurrection - It is strange, since these denied a future state, that they observed the ordinances of the law; for they also believed the five books of Moses to be a revelation from God: yet they had nothing in view but temporal good; and they understood the promises in the law as referring to these things alone. In order, therefore, to procure them, they watched, fasted, prayed, etc., and all this they did that they might obtain happiness in the present life. See the account of the Pharisees and Sadducees, Mat 3:7; Mat 16:1.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:8: For the Sadducees say - They believe.
No resurrection - Of the dead. By this doctrine they also understood that there was no future state, and that the soul did not exist after death. See the notes on Mat 22:23.
Neither angel - That there are no angels. They deny the existence of good or bad angels. See the notes on Mat 3:7.
Nor spirit - Nor soul. That there is nothing but matter. They were materialists, and supposed that all the operations which we ascribe to mind could be traced to some modification of matter. The Sadducees, says Josephus (Jewish Wars, book ii. chapter 8, section 14), "take away the belief of the immortal duration of the soul, and the punishments and rewards in Hades." "The doctrine of the Sadducees is this," says he (Antiq., book 18, chapter 1, section 4), "that souls die with the bodies." The opinion that the soul is material, and that there is nothing but matter in the universe, has been held by many philosophers, ancient and modern, as well as by the Sadducees.
Confess both - Acknowledge, or receive both as true; that is, that there is a future state, and that there are spirits distinct from matter, as angels, and the disembodied souls of people. The two points in dispute were:
(1) Whether the dead would be raised and exist in a future state; and,
(2) Whether mind was distinct from matter. The Sadducees denied both, and the Pharisees believed both. Their belief of the Latter point was, that spirits existed in two forms - that of angels, and that of souls of people distinct from the body.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:8: Act 4:1; Mat 22:23; Mar 12:18; Luk 20:27
Geneva 1599
23:8 (7) For the Sadducees say that there is no resurrection, neither (d) angel, nor spirit: but the Pharisees confess both.
(7) It is an old heresy of the Sadducees to deny the existence of angels and souls, and in addition the resurrection of the dead.
(d) Things that exist without a body.
John Gill
23:8 For the Sadducees say that there is no resurrection,.... Of the dead, being ignorant of the Scriptures, and the power of God; see Mt 22:23.
neither angel nor spirit; the Ethiopic version reads, "nor Holy Spirit": but the sense seems to be, that they did not believe any such species of beings as angels, nor indeed any spirits whatever, which were immaterial or immortal; for as for the spirit or soul of man, they took that to be only the temperament of the body, and that it died with it, and did not exist in any separate state after this life: for so Josephus (x) says, that they deny the permanence of the soul, and rewards and punishments in the invisible state. And, according to the Talmudic (y) writers, they denied that there was any other world than this:
but the Pharisees confess both; the resurrection of the dead, and that there are spirits, both angels and the souls of men, which are immortal. Josephus, in the place before referred to, says, that they hold that every soul is incorruptible or immortal; and that they held the resurrection of the dead, is manifest from the Talmud (z), and other writings of theirs; the Syriac version renders it, "the Pharisees confess all these things"; to which agree the Arabic and Ethiopic versions.
(x) De Bello Jud. l. 2. c. 10. sect. 19. (y) T. Bab. Beracot, fol. 54. 1. & Gloss. in ib. & Pirke Abot R. Nathan, c. 5. (z) T. Bab. Sanhedrin, fol. 90. 2.
John Wesley
23:8 The Pharisees confess both - Both the resurrection, and the existence of angels and separate spirits.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:8 the Sadducees say . . . there is no resurrection, neither angel, nor spirit--(See on Lk 20:37).
the scribes . . . of the Pharisees' part . . . strove, saying, We find no evil in this man, but--as to those startling things which he brings to our ears.
if a spirit or an angel hath spoken to him--referring, perhaps, to his trance in the temple, of which he had told them (Acts 22:17). They put this favorable construction upon his proceedings for no other reason than that they had found him one of their own party. They care not to inquire into the truth of what he alleged, over and above their opinions, but only to explain it away as something not worth raising a noise about. (The following words, "Let us not fight against God," seem not to belong to the original text, and perhaps are from Acts 5:39. In this case, either the meaning is, "If he has had some divine communication, what of that?" or, the conclusion of the sentence may have been drowned in the hubbub, which Acts 23:10 shows to have been intense).
23:923:9: Եւ եղեւ աղաղա՛կ մեծ. յոտն կացին ոմանք ՚ի դպրաց անտի ՚ի կողմանէն փարիսեցւոց, հակառակէի՛ն եւ ասէ՛ին. Ո՛չինչ չարութիւն գտանեմք յառնս յայսմիկ, բայց եթէ հոգի խօսեցաւ ՚ի դմա՝ կամ հրեշտակ[2726]։ [2726] Ոմանք. ՚Ի կողմանէ Փարիսեցւոցն։ Ոսկան. Ոչ ինչ չարախօսութիւն գտանեմք... բայց թէ։
9. Եւ մեծ աղմուկ եղաւ. փարիսեցիների կողմից օրէնուսոյցներից ոմանք ոտքի ելան եւ հակառակում էին՝ ասելով. «Այս մարդու մէջ ոչ մի չարութիւն չենք գտնում, այլ թերեւս նրա հետ Հոգի կամ մի հրեշտակ խօսած լինի»:
9 Մեծ աղաղակ մը եղաւ ու Փարիսեցիներուն կողմէն եղող դպիրները ոտքի վրայ ելլելով՝ դէմ կեցան ու կ’ըսէին. «Մենք այս մարդուն վրայ չարութիւն մը չենք գտներ. հապա եթէ հոգի մը կամ հրեշտակ մը ատոր խօսած է, ի՞նչ ընենք*»։
Եւ եղեւ աղաղակ մեծ. յոտն կացին ոմանք ի դպրաց անտի ի կողմանէ փարիսեցւոց, հակառակէին եւ ասէին. Ոչինչ չարութիւն գտանեմք յառնս յայսմիկ, բայց եթէ հոգի խօսեցաւ ի դմա կամ հրեշտակ[96]:

23:9: Եւ եղեւ աղաղա՛կ մեծ. յոտն կացին ոմանք ՚ի դպրաց անտի ՚ի կողմանէն փարիսեցւոց, հակառակէի՛ն եւ ասէ՛ին. Ո՛չինչ չարութիւն գտանեմք յառնս յայսմիկ, բայց եթէ հոգի խօսեցաւ ՚ի դմա՝ կամ հրեշտակ[2726]։
[2726] Ոմանք. ՚Ի կողմանէ Փարիսեցւոցն։ Ոսկան. Ոչ ինչ չարախօսութիւն գտանեմք... բայց թէ։
9. Եւ մեծ աղմուկ եղաւ. փարիսեցիների կողմից օրէնուսոյցներից ոմանք ոտքի ելան եւ հակառակում էին՝ ասելով. «Այս մարդու մէջ ոչ մի չարութիւն չենք գտնում, այլ թերեւս նրա հետ Հոգի կամ մի հրեշտակ խօսած լինի»:
9 Մեծ աղաղակ մը եղաւ ու Փարիսեցիներուն կողմէն եղող դպիրները ոտքի վրայ ելլելով՝ դէմ կեցան ու կ’ըսէին. «Մենք այս մարդուն վրայ չարութիւն մը չենք գտներ. հապա եթէ հոգի մը կամ հրեշտակ մը ատոր խօսած է, ի՞նչ ընենք*»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:99: Сделался большой крик; и, встав, книжники фарисейской стороны спорили, говоря: ничего худого мы не находим в этом человеке; если же дух или Ангел говорил ему, не будем противиться Богу.
23:9  ἐγένετο δὲ κραυγὴ μεγάλη, καὶ ἀναστάντες τινὲς τῶν γραμματέων τοῦ μέρους τῶν φαρισαίων διεμάχοντο λέγοντες, οὐδὲν κακὸν εὑρίσκομεν ἐν τῶ ἀνθρώπῳ τούτῳ· εἰ δὲ πνεῦμα ἐλάλησεν αὐτῶ ἢ ἄγγελος _
23:9. ἐγένετο ( It-had-became ) δὲ (moreover) κραυγὴ (a-yelling) μεγάλη, (great,"καὶ (and) ἀναστάντες ( having-had-stood-up ,"τινὲς (ones) τῶν (of-the-ones) γραμματέων (of-letterers-of) τοῦ (of-the-one) μέρους (of-a-portion) τῶν (of-the-ones) Φαρισαίων ( of-Faris-belonged ," διεμάχοντο ( they-were-battling-through ) λέγοντες ( forthing ,"Οὐδὲν (To-not-moreover-one) κακὸν (to-disrupted) εὑρίσκομεν (we-find) ἐν (in) τῷ (unto-the-one) ἀνθρώπῳ (unto-a-mankind) τούτῳ: (unto-the-one-this) εἰ (if) δὲ (moreover) πνεῦμα (a-currenting-to) ἐλάλησεν (it-spoke-unto) αὐτῷ (unto-it) ἢ (or) ἄγγελος--. (a-messenger)
23:9. factus est autem clamor magnus et surgentes quidam Pharisaeorum pugnabant dicentes nihil mali invenimus in homine isto quod si spiritus locutus est ei aut angelusAnd there arose a great cry. And some of the Pharisees rising up, strove, saying: We find no evil in this man. What if a spirit hath spoken to him, or an angel?
9. And there arose a great clamour: and some of the scribes of the Pharisees’ part stood up, and strove, saying, We find no evil in this man: and what if a spirit hath spoken to him, or an angel?
And there arose a great cry: and the scribes [that were] of the Pharisees' part arose, and strove, saying, We find no evil in this man: but if a spirit or an angel hath spoken to him, let us not fight against God:

9: Сделался большой крик; и, встав, книжники фарисейской стороны спорили, говоря: ничего худого мы не находим в этом человеке; если же дух или Ангел говорил ему, не будем противиться Богу.
23:9  ἐγένετο δὲ κραυγὴ μεγάλη, καὶ ἀναστάντες τινὲς τῶν γραμματέων τοῦ μέρους τῶν φαρισαίων διεμάχοντο λέγοντες, οὐδὲν κακὸν εὑρίσκομεν ἐν τῶ ἀνθρώπῳ τούτῳ· εἰ δὲ πνεῦμα ἐλάλησεν αὐτῶ ἢ ἄγγελος _
23:9. factus est autem clamor magnus et surgentes quidam Pharisaeorum pugnabant dicentes nihil mali invenimus in homine isto quod si spiritus locutus est ei aut angelus
And there arose a great cry. And some of the Pharisees rising up, strove, saying: We find no evil in this man. What if a spirit hath spoken to him, or an angel?
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
9: "Книжники фарисейской стороны...", - т. е. представители фарисейской учености (ср. к Мф V:20), бывшие на собрании, не только стали на сторону Павла, но и ядовито укололи противную партию допущением возможности, что Павел говорит по научению отрицаемых саддукеями ангела или духа. По-видимому, фарисеи знали об обстоятельствах обращения Павла (может быть, успевшего сообщить об этом в продолжение заседания), и выражение их - "если дух или ангел говорил ему..." - представляет вольную передачу его рассказа о явлении и словах ему Господа.

"Не будем противиться Богу..." Это выражение находится далеко не во всех древних списках, и отсутствие его придает вышеприведенной фразе несколько другой оттенок мысли, приемлемый и при чтении целиком данного места. Греческое построение речи вполне позволяет и как будто даже требует самостоятельного понимания первой части изречения: ei de pneuma elalhsen aut, h aggeloV - "а что если дух говорил ему или ангел?" Подразумевается, конечно, то, что, может быть, впоследствии и появилось в тексте вместо пояснения: mh qeomacwmen - не будем Богоборствовать!
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
23:9: The scribes - arose, and strove - Διεμαχοντο, They contended forcibly - they came to an open rupture with the Sadducees; and, in order to support their own party against them, they even admitted as truth, St. Paul's account of his miraculous conversion, and therefore they said, if a spirit or an angel hath spoken to him, etc. He had previously mentioned that Jesus Christ had appeared to him, when on his way to Damascus; and, though they might not be ready to admit the doctrine of Christ's resurrection, yet they could, consistently with their own principles, allow that the soul of Christ might appear to him; and they immediately caught at this, as furnishing a strong proof against the doctrine of the Sadducees, who neither believed in angel nor spirit, while the Pharisees confessed both.
Let us not fight against God - These words are wanting in ABCE, several others, with the Coptic, Ethiopic, Armenian, later Syriac, Vulgate, and some of the fathers.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:9: A great cry - A great clamor and tumult.
The scribes - The learned men. They would naturally be the chief speakers.
Of the Pharisees' part - Who were Pharisees, or who belonged to that party. The scribes were not a distinct sect, but might be either Pharisees or Sadducees.
We find no evil in this man - No opinion which is contrary to the Law of Moses; no conduct in spreading the doctrine of the resurrection which we do not approve. The importance of this doctrine, in their view, was so great as to throw into the background all the other doctrines that Paul might hold; and, provided this were propagated, they were willing to vindicate and sustain him. A similar testimony was offered to the innocence of the Saviour by Pilate, Joh 19:6.
But if a spirit or an angel ... - They here referred, doubtless, to what Paul had said in Act 22:17-18. He had declared that he had gone among the I Gentiles in obedience to a command which he received in a vision in the temple. As the Pharisees held to the belief of spirits and angels, and to the doctrine that the will of God was often delivered to people by their agency, they were ready now to admit that he had received such a communication, and that he had gone among the Gentiles in obedience to it, to defend their great doctrine of the resurrection of the dead. We are not to suppose that the Pharisees had become the friends of Paul or of Christianity. The true solution of their conduct doubtless is, that they were so inflamed with hatred against the Sadducees that they were willing to make use of any argument against their doctrine. As the testimony of Paul might be turned to their account, they were willing to vindicate him. It is remarkable, too, that they perverted the statement of Paul in order to oppose the Sadducees. Paul had stated distinctly Act 22:17-18 that he had been commanded to go by the Lord, meaning the Lord Jesus. He had said nothing of "a spirit or an angel." Yet they would unite with the Sadducees so far as to maintain that he had received no such command from the Lord Jesus. But they might easily vary his statements, and suppose that an "angel or a spirit" had spoken to him, and thus make use of his conduct as an argument against the Sadducees. Men are not always very careful about the exact correctness of their statements when they wish to humble a rival.
Let us not fight against God - See the notes on Act 5:39. These words are missing in many mss. and in some of the ancient versions. The Syriac reads it, "If a spirit or an angel have spoken to him, what is there in this?" that is, what is there unusual or wrong?
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:9: We: Act 25:25, Act 26:31; Sa1 24:17; Pro 16:7; Luk 23:4, Luk 23:14, Luk 23:15, Luk 23:22
if: Act 23:8, Act 9:4, Act 22:7, Act 22:17, Act 22:18, Act 26:14-19, Act 27:23; Joh 12:29
let: Act 5:39, Act 11:17; Co1 10:22
Geneva 1599
23:9 (8) And there arose a great cry: and the (e) scribes [that were] of the Pharisees' part arose, and strove, saying, We find no evil in this man: but if a spirit or an angel hath spoken to him, let us not fight against God.
(8) The Lord, when it pleases him, finds defenders of his cause, even amongst his enemies.
(e) The scribe's office was a public office, and the name of the Pharisees was the name of a sect.
John Gill
23:9 And there arose a great cry,.... Or noise, a loud clamour; they began to be very noisy, and to talk loud, and in high spirits, one against another:
and the Scribes that were of the Pharisees' part arose; there were Scribes in the sanhedrim, and these were some of them on the side of the Sadducees, and some on the side of the Pharisees; though, generally speaking, they agreed with the latter, and are often in Scripture mentioned with them, and for them: however, that part in this sanhedrim that were on their side rose up from their seats,
and strove; that is, contended, disputed, and litigated the point with the Sadducees:
saying, we find no evil in this man; why he should be hated, persecuted, and punished:
but if a spirit or an angel hath spoken to him; that is, if the Holy Spirit, as the Ethiopic version reads, has inspired him, or God by an angel has revealed anything to him, who has to say anything against it? This they said in agreement with their own principles, and more for the sake of establishing them, and in opposition to the Sadducees, than in favour of Paul:
let us not fight against God; as in Acts 5:39. These words are not in the Alexandrian copy, nor in the Vulgate Latin, Syriac, and Ethiopic versions.
John Wesley
23:9 And the scribes of the Pharisees' side arising - Every sect contains both learned and unlearned. The former used to be the mouth of the party. If a spirit - St. Paul in his speech from the stairs had affirmed, that Jesus, whom they knew to have been dead, was alive, and that he had spoken to him from heaven, and again in a vision. So they add nothing, only they construe it in their own way, putting an angel or spirit for Jesus.
23:1023:10: Եւ ՚ի բազմանալ ամբոխին, երկուցեալ հազարապետն՝ թէ գուցէ ճեղքիցի՛ Պաւղոս ՚ի նոցանէ, հրամայեաց զօրականին իջանել յափշտակե՛լ զնա ՚ի միջոյ նոցա, եւ ածել ՚ի բանակն։
10. Եւ երբ խռովութիւնը սաստկացաւ, հազարապետը, վախենալով, որ գուցէ նրանք Պօղոսին պատառ-պատառ կ’անեն, զինուորներին հրամայեց իջնել եւ նրանց միջից նրան վերցնել ու տանել զօրանոց:
10 Երբ աղմուկը շատցաւ, հազարապետը՝ վախնալով որ չըլլայ թէ Պօղոս անոնցմէ պատառուի՝ զինուորներուն հրաման ըրաւ որ իջնեն եւ զանիկա անոնց մէջէն յափշտակեն ու բերդը տանին։
Եւ ի բազմանալ ամբոխին` երկուցեալ հազարապետն թէ գուցէ ճեղքիցի Պաւղոս ի նոցանէ, հրամայեաց զօրականին իջանել յափշտակել զնա ի միջոյ նոցա, եւ ածել ի բանակն:

23:10: Եւ ՚ի բազմանալ ամբոխին, երկուցեալ հազարապետն՝ թէ գուցէ ճեղքիցի՛ Պաւղոս ՚ի նոցանէ, հրամայեաց զօրականին իջանել յափշտակե՛լ զնա ՚ի միջոյ նոցա, եւ ածել ՚ի բանակն։
10. Եւ երբ խռովութիւնը սաստկացաւ, հազարապետը, վախենալով, որ գուցէ նրանք Պօղոսին պատառ-պատառ կ’անեն, զինուորներին հրամայեց իջնել եւ նրանց միջից նրան վերցնել ու տանել զօրանոց:
10 Երբ աղմուկը շատցաւ, հազարապետը՝ վախնալով որ չըլլայ թէ Պօղոս անոնցմէ պատառուի՝ զինուորներուն հրաման ըրաւ որ իջնեն եւ զանիկա անոնց մէջէն յափշտակեն ու բերդը տանին։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:1010: Но как раздор увеличился, то тысяченачальник, опасаясь, чтобы они не растерзали Павла, повелел воинам сойти взять его из среды их и отвести в крепость.
23:10  πολλῆς δὲ γινομένης στάσεως φοβηθεὶς ὁ χιλίαρχος μὴ διασπασθῇ ὁ παῦλος ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐκέλευσεν τὸ στράτευμα καταβὰν ἁρπάσαι αὐτὸν ἐκ μέσου αὐτῶν, ἄγειν τε εἰς τὴν παρεμβολήν.
23:10. Πολλῆς (Of-much) δὲ (moreover) γινομένης ( of-becoming ) στάσεως (of-a-standing) φοβηθεὶς (having-been-feareed-unto) ὁ (the-one) χιλίαρχος (a-first-of-thousand) μὴ (lest) διασπασθῇ (it-might-have-been-drawn-unto) ὁ (the-one) Παῦλος (a-Paulos) ὑπ' (under) αὐτῶν (of-them) ἐκέλευσεν (it-bade-of) τὸ (to-the-one) στράτευμα (to-an-amassing-to) καταβὰν (to-having-had-stepped-down) ἁρπάσαι (to-have-snatched-to) αὐτὸν (to-it) ἐκ (out) μέσου (of-middle) αὐτῶν, (of-them) ἄγειν (to-lead) εἰς (into) τὴν (to-the-one) παρεμβολήν. (to-a-casting-in-beside)
23:10. et cum magna dissensio facta esset timens tribunus ne discerperetur Paulus ab ipsis iussit milites descendere et rapere eum de medio eorum ac deducere eum in castraAnd when there arose a great dissension, the tribune, fearing lest Paul should be pulled in pieces by them, commanded the soldiers to go down and to take him by force from among them and to bring him into the castle.
10. And when there arose a great dissension, the chief captain, fearing lest Paul should be torn in pieces by them, commanded the soldiers to go down and take him by force from among them, and bring him into the castle.
And when there arose a great dissension, the chief captain, fearing lest Paul should have been pulled in pieces of them, commanded the soldiers to go down, and to take him by force from among them, and to bring [him] into the castle:

10: Но как раздор увеличился, то тысяченачальник, опасаясь, чтобы они не растерзали Павла, повелел воинам сойти взять его из среды их и отвести в крепость.
23:10  πολλῆς δὲ γινομένης στάσεως φοβηθεὶς ὁ χιλίαρχος μὴ διασπασθῇ ὁ παῦλος ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐκέλευσεν τὸ στράτευμα καταβὰν ἁρπάσαι αὐτὸν ἐκ μέσου αὐτῶν, ἄγειν τε εἰς τὴν παρεμβολήν.
23:10. et cum magna dissensio facta esset timens tribunus ne discerperetur Paulus ab ipsis iussit milites descendere et rapere eum de medio eorum ac deducere eum in castra
And when there arose a great dissension, the tribune, fearing lest Paul should be pulled in pieces by them, commanded the soldiers to go down and to take him by force from among them and to bring him into the castle.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
10: "Чтобы они не растерзали Павла..." Спор достиг такой степени запальчивости и раздражения, что тысяченачальник начал небезосновательно опасаться, как бы Павел не сделался жертвою взаимного раздражения партий, как бы одна из них - враждебная ему, саддукейская - в раздражении не бросилась насильно на апостола, чтобы нанести ему оскорбление, а другая - временно расположившаяся к нему, фарисейская - не ринулась на защиту его, и как бы при этом они не растерзали Павла в буквальном смысле слова.

"Повелел воинам сойти..." - из Антониевой крепости к месту заседания Синедриона, вероятно, во дворе язычников при храме. Тысяченачальник теперь имел двоякий долг охранять безопасность Павла и как блюститель порядка, и как охранитель прав римского гражданства.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
23:10: The chief captain - commanded the soldiers to go down - It appears that the chief captain was present during these transactions, and that he had a body of soldiers in readiness in the castle of Antonia; and it was from this that he commanded them to come down; for the rescue and preservation of Paul.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:10: A great dissension - A great tumult, excitement, or controversy.
Into the castle - See the notes on Act 21:34.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:10: fearing: Act 23:27, Act 19:28-31, Act 21:30-36; Psa 7:2, Psa 50:22; Mic 3:3; Jam 1:19, Jam 3:14-18; Jam 4:1, Jam 4:2
to take: Act 22:24
Geneva 1599
23:10 (9) And when there arose a great dissension, the chief captain, fearing lest Paul should have been pulled in pieces of them, commanded the soldiers to go down, and to take him by force from among them, and to bring [him] into the castle.
(9) God will not forsake his own, even to the very end.
John Gill
23:10 And when there arose a great dissension,.... When that was come to a very great height, hot words were spoken, and they were ready to come to blows, and there was like to be a riot and tumult among them:
the chief captain fearing lest Paul should be pulled in pieces of them; either of the Sadducees, whom he had greatly offended and provoked, or of both Sadducees and Pharisees, the one laying hold on him to preserve him from the fury of the other, and the other endeavouring to pluck him out of their hands; and the fears of the chief captain were not so much out of affection to Paul, but lest there should be an uproar, which might issue in sedition, and rebellion against the Roman government, of which the Roman officers were always jealous; and because that Paul was a Roman, and should he suffer him to be destroyed in an illegal manner, he must be accountable for it: wherefore he
commanded the soldiers to go down: either from the castle of Antonia, or from a superior part of the temple, where he with his guards were, to hear this cause before the sanhedrim, to that part where it sat, and Paul was: and
take him by force from among them; if they refused to deliver him up, to make use of their arms:
and bring him into the castle; of Antonia, where he was before.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:10 the chief captain, fearing lest Paul should have been pulled to pieces . . . commanded the soldiers to go down and take him by force, &c.--This shows that the commandant was not himself present, and further, that instead of the Sanhedrim trying the cause, the proceedings quickly consisted in the one party attempting to seize the prisoner, and the other to protect him.
23:1123:11: Եւ ՚ի վաղուեան գիշերին՝ եկաց առ նմա Տէր եւ ասէ. Քաջալերեա՛ց Պաւղէ, զի որպէս վկայեցեր վասն իմ յԵրուսաղէմ, սոյնպէս պարտ է քեզ եւ ՚ի Հռո՛վմ վկայել[2727]։[2727] Յոմանս պակասի. Քաջալերեա՛ց Պաւղէ։ Ոմանք. Նոյնպէս պարտ է քեզ. եւ ոմանք. Այնպէս պարտ է։
11. Յաջորդ օրուայ գիշերը Տէրը կանգնեց նրա մօտ ու ասաց. «Քաջալերուի՛ր, Պօղո՛ս, որովհետեւ, ինչպէս ինձ համար վկայեցիր Երուսաղէմում, նոյն ձեւով պէտք է, որ դու Հռոմում եւս վկայես»:
11 Հետեւեալ գիշերը Տէրը անոր քով կայնեցաւ ու ըսաւ. «Քաջասի՛րտ եղիր, Պօ՛ղոս, վասն զի ինչպէս Երուսաղէմի մէջ ինծի համար վկայեցիր, այնպէս պէտք է Հռովմի մէջ ալ վկայես»։
Եւ ի վաղուեան գիշերին եկաց առ նմա Տէր եւ ասէ. Քաջալերեաց, Պաւղէ, զի որպէս վկայեցեր վասն իմ յԵրուսաղէմ, սոյնպէս պարտ է քեզ եւ ի Հռովմ վկայել:

23:11: Եւ ՚ի վաղուեան գիշերին՝ եկաց առ նմա Տէր եւ ասէ. Քաջալերեա՛ց Պաւղէ, զի որպէս վկայեցեր վասն իմ յԵրուսաղէմ, սոյնպէս պարտ է քեզ եւ ՚ի Հռո՛վմ վկայել[2727]։
[2727] Յոմանս պակասի. Քաջալերեա՛ց Պաւղէ։ Ոմանք. Նոյնպէս պարտ է քեզ. եւ ոմանք. Այնպէս պարտ է։
11. Յաջորդ օրուայ գիշերը Տէրը կանգնեց նրա մօտ ու ասաց. «Քաջալերուի՛ր, Պօղո՛ս, որովհետեւ, ինչպէս ինձ համար վկայեցիր Երուսաղէմում, նոյն ձեւով պէտք է, որ դու Հռոմում եւս վկայես»:
11 Հետեւեալ գիշերը Տէրը անոր քով կայնեցաւ ու ըսաւ. «Քաջասի՛րտ եղիր, Պօ՛ղոս, վասն զի ինչպէս Երուսաղէմի մէջ ինծի համար վկայեցիր, այնպէս պէտք է Հռովմի մէջ ալ վկայես»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:1111: В следующую ночь Господь, явившись ему, сказал: дерзай, Павел; ибо, как ты свидетельствовал о Мне в Иерусалиме, так надлежит тебе свидетельствовать и в Риме.
23:11  τῇ δὲ ἐπιούσῃ νυκτὶ ἐπιστὰς αὐτῶ ὁ κύριος εἶπεν, θάρσει, ὡς γὰρ διεμαρτύρω τὰ περὶ ἐμοῦ εἰς ἰερουσαλὴμ οὕτω σε δεῖ καὶ εἰς ῥώμην μαρτυρῆσαι.
23:11. Τῇ (Unto-the-one) δὲ (moreover) ἐπιούσῃ (unto-being-upon) νυκτὶ (unto-a-night) ἐπιστὰς (having-had-stood-upon) αὐτῷ (unto-it,"ὁ (the-one) κύριος (Authority-belonged,"εἶπεν (it-had-said,"Θάρσει, (Thou-should-brave-unto,"ὡς (as) γὰρ (therefore) διεμαρτύρω ( thou-witnessed-through ) τὰ (to-the-ones) περὶ (about) ἐμοῦ (of-ME) εἰς (into) Ἰερουσαλὴμ (to-a-Hierousalem) οὕτω (unto-the-one-this) σε (to-thee) δεῖ (it-bindeth) καὶ (and) εἰς (into) Ῥώμην (to-a-Rhome) μαρτυρῆσαι. (to-have-witnessed-unto)
23:11. sequenti autem nocte adsistens ei Dominus ait constans esto sicut enim testificatus es de me Hierusalem sic te oportet et Romae testificariAnd the night following, the Lord standing by him, said: Be constant: for as thou hast testified of me in Jerusalem, so must thou bear witness also at Rome.
11. And the night following the Lord stood by him, and said, Be of good cheer: for as thou hast testified concerning me at Jerusalem, so must thou bear witness also at Rome.
And the night following the Lord stood by him, and said, Be of good cheer, Paul: for as thou hast testified of me in Jerusalem, so must thou bear witness also at Rome:

11: В следующую ночь Господь, явившись ему, сказал: дерзай, Павел; ибо, как ты свидетельствовал о Мне в Иерусалиме, так надлежит тебе свидетельствовать и в Риме.
23:11  τῇ δὲ ἐπιούσῃ νυκτὶ ἐπιστὰς αὐτῶ ὁ κύριος εἶπεν, θάρσει, ὡς γὰρ διεμαρτύρω τὰ περὶ ἐμοῦ εἰς ἰερουσαλὴμ οὕτω σε δεῖ καὶ εἰς ῥώμην μαρτυρῆσαι.
23:11. sequenti autem nocte adsistens ei Dominus ait constans esto sicut enim testificatus es de me Hierusalem sic te oportet et Romae testificari
And the night following, the Lord standing by him, said: Be constant: for as thou hast testified of me in Jerusalem, so must thou bear witness also at Rome.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
11: "Явясь ему..." - как? во сне или состоянии экстаза (ср. XXII:17-18), из текста не видно. Слова Господа, явившегося Павлу, и ободряют его, чтобы он не боялся иудеев, и предвозвещают продолжение его любимого проповеднического служения в самом центре языческого мира - Риме. Это - и лучшая защита узника, и лучшее ему утешение.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
23:11: Be of good cheer, Paul - It is no wonder if, with all these trials and difficulties, St. Paul was much dejected in mind; and especially as he had not any direct intimation from God what the end of the present trials would be: to comfort him and strengthen his faith, God gave him this vision.
So must thou bear witness also at Rome - This was pleasing intelligence to Paul, who had long desired to see that city, and preach the Gospel of Christ there. He appears to have had an intimation that he should see it; but how, he could not tell; and this vision satisfied him that he should be sent thither by God himself. This would settle every fear and scruple concerning the issue of the present persecution.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:11: The Lord stood by him - Evidently the Lord Jesus. See the notes on Act 1:24. Compare Act 22:18. The appearance of the Lord in this case was a proof that he approved the course which Paul had taken before the Sanhedrin.
Be of good cheer - It would not be remarkable if Paul, by these constant persecutions, should be dejected in mind. The issue of the whole matter was as yet doubtful. In these circumstances, it must have been especially consoling to him to hear these words of encouragement from the Lord Jesus, and this assurance that the object of his desires would be granted, and that he would be permitted to bear the same witness of him in Rome. Nothing else can comfort and sustain the soul in trials and persecutions but evidence of the approbation of God, and the promises of his gracious aid.
Bear witness also at Rome - This had been the object of his earnest wish Rom 1:10; Rom 15:23-24, and this promise of the Lord Jesus was fulfilled, Act 28:30-31. The promise which was here made to Paul was not directly one of deliverance from the present persecution, but it implied that, and made it certain.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:11: the Lord: Act 2:25, Act 18:9, Act 27:23, Act 27:24; Psa 46:1, Psa 46:2, Psa 109:31; Isa 41:10, Isa 41:14, Isa 43:2; Jer 15:19-21; Mat 28:20; Joh 14:18; Co2 1:8-10
Be: Act 27:22, Act 27:25; Mat 9:2, Mat 14:27; Joh 16:33
for: Act 19:21, Act 20:22, Act 22:18, Act 28:23-28; Rom 1:15, Rom 1:16; Phi 1:13; Ti2 4:17
must: Act 28:30, Act 28:31; Isa 46:10; Joh 11:8-10
John Gill
23:11 And the night following,.... The day in which Paul was brought before the sanhedrim, and pleaded his own cause before them, and had thrown them into confusion and division:
the Lord stood by him; the Lord Jesus Christ appeared in a vision to him, and stood very near him, by the side of him, by the bed or couch on which he might lie: and said,
be of good cheer, Paul; though he was now a prisoner in the castle; and though the high priest, and the Sadducees especially, were enraged against him; and though a plot was about to be formed to take away his life; for this exhortation seems to be designed to prepare him for further trials, and to prevent discouragement under them; which shows the great care of Christ over him, his concern for him, and love to him: the word Paul is not in the Alexandrian copy, nor in the Vulgate Latin, Syriac, and Ethiopic versions; but the calling him by name seems to express not only singular knowledge of him, but greater familiarity and affection; it is in the Arabic version, and in other Greek copies:
for as thou hast testified of me in Jerusalem; not only in the Christian church, and before the Apostle James, and the elders, but in the Jewish sanhedrim, and before the high priest, Scribes, Pharisees, and Sadducees, where and before whom, though not particularly recorded, he bore a testimony for Jesus, that he was the true Messiah; and that though he died, he was risen from the dead, and was at the right hand of God, and was the only Saviour of men:
so must thou bear witness also at Rome; as he had bore a public and faithful witness to the person, office, and grace of Christ at Jerusalem, the metropolis of Judea; so it was necessary, by the decree of God, and for the glory of Christ, that he should bear a like testimony at Rome, the chief city in the whole world; hereby signifying, that he should not die at Jerusalem, and giving him a hint that he should appeal to Caesar, which he afterwards did.
John Wesley
23:11 And the night following, the Lord Jesus - What Paul had before purposed in spirit, Acts 19:21, God now in due time confirms. Another declaration to the same effect is made by an angel of God, Acts 27:23. And from the 23d chapter the sum of this book turns on the testimony of Paul to the Romans. How would the defenders of St. Peter's supremacy triumph, could they find out half as much ascribed to him! Be of good courage, Paul - As he laboured under singular distresses and persecutions, so he was favoured with extraordinary assurances of the Divine assistance. Thou must testify - Particular promises are usually given when all things appear desperate. At Rome also - Danger is nothing in the eyes of God: all hinderances farther his work. A promise of what is afar off, implies all that necessarily lies between. Paul shall testify at Rome: therefore he shall come to Rome; therefore he shall escape the Jews, the sea, the viper.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:11 IN THE FORTRESS PAUL IS CHEERED BY A NIGHT VISION--AN INFAMOUS CONSPIRACY TO ASSASSINATE HIM IS PROVIDENTIALLY DEFEATED, AND HE IS DESPATCHED BY NIGHT WITH A LETTER FROM THE COMMANDANT TO FELIX AT CÆSAREA, BY WHOM ARRANGEMENTS ARE MADE FOR A HEARING OF HIS CAUSE. (Acts 23:11-35)
the night following--his heart perhaps sinking, in the solitude of his barrack ward, and thinking perhaps that all the predictions of danger at Jerusalem were now to be fulfilled in his death there.
the Lord--that is, Jesus.
stood by him . . . Be of good cheer, Paul; for as thou hast testified of me in Jerusalem, so must thou . . . also at Rome--that is, "Thy work in Jerusalem is done, faithfully and well done; but thou art not to die here; thy purpose next to 'see Rome' (Acts 19:21) shall not be disappointed, and there also must thou bear witness of Me." As this vision was not unneeded now, so we shall find it cheering and upholding him throughout all that befell him up to his arrival there.
23:1223:12: Եւ իբրեւ այգ եղեւ՝ արարեալ ժողով Հրէիցն, նզովեցի՛ն զանձինս ո՛չ ուտել եւ ո՛չ ըմպել՝ մինչեւ սպանցեն զՊաւղոս։
12. Եւ երբ առաւօտ եղաւ, որոշ թուով հրեաներ ժողով անելով՝ նզովեցին իրենք իրենց, որ, մինչեւ Պօղոսին չսպանեն, ո՛չ ուտեն եւ ո՛չ էլ խմեն:
12 Առտուն, Հրեաներէն ոմանք միաբանեցան ու ինքզինքնին անէծքի տակ դրին՝ ըսելով որ չուտեն ու չխմեն մինչեւ որ Պօղոսը սպաննեն։
Եւ իբրեւ այգ եղեւ, [97]արարեալ ժողով Հրէիցն`` նզովեցին զանձինս, ոչ ուտել եւ ոչ ըմպել մինչեւ սպանցեն զՊաւղոս:

23:12: Եւ իբրեւ այգ եղեւ՝ արարեալ ժողով Հրէիցն, նզովեցի՛ն զանձինս ո՛չ ուտել եւ ո՛չ ըմպել՝ մինչեւ սպանցեն զՊաւղոս։
12. Եւ երբ առաւօտ եղաւ, որոշ թուով հրեաներ ժողով անելով՝ նզովեցին իրենք իրենց, որ, մինչեւ Պօղոսին չսպանեն, ո՛չ ուտեն եւ ո՛չ էլ խմեն:
12 Առտուն, Հրեաներէն ոմանք միաբանեցան ու ինքզինքնին անէծքի տակ դրին՝ ըսելով որ չուտեն ու չխմեն մինչեւ որ Պօղոսը սպաննեն։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:1212: С наступлением дня некоторые Иудеи сделали умысел, и заклялись не есть и не пить, доколе не убьют Павла.
23:12  γενομένης δὲ ἡμέρας ποιήσαντες συστροφὴν οἱ ἰουδαῖοι ἀνεθεμάτισαν ἑαυτοὺς λέγοντες μήτε φαγεῖν μήτε πίειν ἕως οὖ ἀποκτείνωσιν τὸν παῦλον.
23:12. Γενομένης ( Of-having-had-became ) δὲ (moreover) ἡμέρας (of-a-day) ποιήσαντες ( having-done-unto ) συστροφὴν (to-a-beturning-together,"οἱ (the-ones) Ἰουδαῖοι ( Iouda-belonged ,"ἀνεθεμάτισαν (they-placed-up-to) ἑαυτοὺς (to-selves) λέγοντες ( forthing ) μήτε (lest-also) φαγεῖν (to-have-had-devoured) μήτε (lest-also) πεῖν (to-have-had-drank) ἕως (unto-if-which) οὗ (of-which) ἀποκτείνωσιν (they-might-have-killed-off) τὸν (to-the-one) Παῦλον. (to-a-Paulos)
23:12. facta autem die collegerunt se quidam ex Iudaeis et devoverunt se dicentes neque manducaturos neque bibituros donec occiderent PaulumAnd when day was come, some of the Jews gathered together and bound themselves under a curse, saying that they would neither eat nor drink till they killed Paul.
12. And when it was day, the Jews banded together, and bound themselves under a curse, saying that they would neither eat nor drink till they had killed Paul.
And when it was day, certain of the Jews banded together, and bound themselves under a curse, saying that they would neither eat nor drink till they had killed Paul:

12: С наступлением дня некоторые Иудеи сделали умысел, и заклялись не есть и не пить, доколе не убьют Павла.
23:12  γενομένης δὲ ἡμέρας ποιήσαντες συστροφὴν οἱ ἰουδαῖοι ἀνεθεμάτισαν ἑαυτοὺς λέγοντες μήτε φαγεῖν μήτε πίειν ἕως οὖ ἀποκτείνωσιν τὸν παῦλον.
23:12. facta autem die collegerunt se quidam ex Iudaeis et devoverunt se dicentes neque manducaturos neque bibituros donec occiderent Paulum
And when day was come, some of the Jews gathered together and bound themselves under a curse, saying that they would neither eat nor drink till they killed Paul.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ mh▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
12: "Некоторые иудеи..." - вероятно, из прежних малоазийских гонителей Павла (XXI:27), не без поощрения и содействия новых врагов его, саддукеев.

"Заклялись..." - наложили на себя обет с клятвою, т. е. с призыванием на главу свою проклятия Божия, если они вкусят пищу, не исполнив своего намерения. Такая формула заклятия содержит в себе сильнейшее побуждение к немедленному и неустранимому ничем осуществлению предпринятого замысла.
Matthew Henry: Concise Commentary on the Whole Bible - 1706
A Conspiracy against Paul; Paul Sent to Felix.
12 And when it was day, certain of the Jews banded together, and bound themselves under a curse, saying that they would neither eat nor drink till they had killed Paul. 13 And they were more than forty which had made this conspiracy. 14 And they came to the chief priests and elders, and said, We have bound ourselves under a great curse, that we will eat nothing until we have slain Paul. 15 Now therefore ye with the council signify to the chief captain that he bring him down unto you to morrow, as though ye would enquire something more perfectly concerning him: and we, or ever he come near, are ready to kill him. 16 And when Paul's sister's son heard of their lying in wait, he went and entered into the castle, and told Paul. 17 Then Paul called one of the centurions unto him, and said, Bring this young man unto the chief captain: for he hath a certain thing to tell him. 18 So he took him, and brought him to the chief captain, and said, Paul the prisoner called me unto him, and prayed me to bring this young man unto thee, who hath something to say unto thee. 19 Then the chief captain took him by the hand, and went with him aside privately, and asked him, What is that thou hast to tell me? 20 And he said, The Jews have agreed to desire thee that thou wouldest bring down Paul to morrow into the council, as though they would enquire somewhat of him more perfectly. 21 But do not thou yield unto them: for there lie in wait for him of them more than forty men, which have bound themselves with an oath, that they will neither eat nor drink till they have killed him: and now are they ready, looking for a promise from thee. 22 So the chief captain then let the young man depart, and charged him, See thou tell no man that thou hast showed these things to me. 23 And he called unto him two centurions, saying, Make ready two hundred soldiers to go to Cæsarea, and horsemen threescore and ten, and spearmen two hundred, at the third hour of the night; 24 And provide them beasts, that they may set Paul on, and bring him safe unto Felix the governor. 25 And he wrote a letter after this manner: 26 Claudius Lysias unto the most excellent governor Felix sendeth greeting. 27 This man was taken of the Jews, and should have been killed of them: then came I with an army, and rescued him, having understood that he was a Roman. 28 And when I would have known the cause wherefore they accused him, I brought him forth into their council: 29 Whom I perceived to be accused of questions of their law, but to have nothing laid to his charge worthy of death or of bonds. 30 And when it was told me how that the Jews laid wait for the man, I sent straightway to thee, and gave commandment to his accusers also to say before thee what they had against him. Farewell. 31 Then the soldiers, as it was commanded them, took Paul, and brought him by night to Antipatris. 32 On the morrow they left the horsemen to go with him, and returned to the castle: 33 Who, when they came to Cæsarea, and delivered the epistle to the governor, presented Paul also before him. 34 And when the governor had read the letter, he asked of what province he was. And when he understood that he was of Cilicia; 35 I will hear thee, said he, when thine accusers are also come. And he commanded him to be kept in Herod's judgment hall.

We have here the story of a plot against the life of Paul; how it was laid, how it was discovered, and how it was defeated.

I. How this plot was laid. They found they could gain nothing by popular tumult, or legal process, and therefore have a recourse to the barbarous method of assassination; they will come upon him suddenly, and stab him, if they can but get him within their reach. So restless is their malice against this good man that, when one design fails, they will turn another stone. Now observe here,

1. Who they were that formed this conspiracy. They were certain Jews that had the utmost degree of indignation against him because he was the apostle of the Gentiles, v. 12. And they were more than forty that were in the design, v. 13. Lord, how are they increased that trouble me!

2. When the conspiracy was formed: When it was day. Satan had filled their hearts in the night to purpose it, and, as soon as it was day, they got together to prosecute it; answering to the account which the prophet gives of some who work evil upon their beds, and when the morning is light they practise it, and are laid under a woe for it, Mic. ii. 1. In the night Christ appeared to Paul to protect him, and, when it was day, here were forty men appearing against him to destroy him; they were not up so soon but Christ was up before them God shall help her, and that right early, Ps. xlvi. 5.

3. What the conspiracy was. These men banded together in a league, perhaps they called it a holy league; they engaged to stand by one another, and every one, to his power, to be aiding and assisting to murder Paul. It was strange that so many could so soon be got together, and that in Jerusalem too, who were so perfectly lost to all sense of humanity and honour as to engage in so bloody a design. Well might the prophet's complaint be renewed concerning Jerusalem (Isa. i. 21): Righteousness has lodged in it, but now murderers. What a monstrous idea must these men have formed of Paul, before they could be capable of forming such a monstrous design against him; they must be made to believe that he was the worst of men, an enemy to God and religion, and the curse and plague of his generation; when really his character was the reverse of all this! What laws of truth and justice so sacred, so strong which malice and bigotry will not break through!

4. How firm they made it, as they thought, that none of them might fly off, upon conscience of the horror of the fact, at second thoughts: They bound themselves under an anathema, imprecating the heaviest curses upon themselves, their souls, bodies, and families, if they did not kill Paul, and so quickly that they would not eat nor drink till they had done it. What a complication of wickedness is here! To design to kill an innocent man, a good man, a useful man, a man that had done them no harm, but was willing to do them all the good he could, was going in the way of Cain, and proved them to be of their father the devil, who was a murderer from the beginning; yet, as if this had been a small matter, (1.) They bound themselves to it. To incline to do evil, and intend to do it, is bad; but to engage to do it is much worse. This is entering into covenant with the devil; it is swearing allegiance to the prince of darkness; it is leaving no room for repentance; nay, it is bidding defiance to it. (2.) They bound one another to it, and did all they could, not only to secure the damnation of their own souls, but of theirs whom they drew into the association. (3.) They showed a great contempt of the providence of God, and a presumption upon it, in that they bound themselves to do such a thing within so short a time as they could continue fasting, without any proviso or reserve for the disposal of an overruling Providence. When we say, To-morrow we will do this or that, be it ever so lawful and good, forasmuch as we know not what shall be on the morrow, we must add, If the Lord will. But with what face could they insert a proviso for the permission of God's providence when they knew that what they were about was directly against the prohibitions of God's work? (4.) They showed a great contempt of their own souls and bodies; of their own souls in imprecating a curse upon them if they did not proceed in this desperate enterprise (what a woeful dilemma did they throw themselves upon! God certainly meets them with his curse if they do go on in it, and they desire he would if they do not!)--and of their own bodies too (for wilful sinners are the destroyers of both) in tying themselves out from the necessary supports of life till they had accomplished a thing which they could never lawfully do, and perhaps not possibly do. Such language of hell those speak that wish God to damn them, and the devil to take them, if they do not do so and so. As they love cursing, so shall it come unto them. Some think the meaning of this curse was, they would either kill Paul, as an Achan, an accursed thing, a troubler of the camp; or, if they did not do it, they would make themselves accursed before God in his stead. (5.) They showed a most eager desire to compass this matter, and an impatience till was done: not only like David's enemies, that were mad against him, and sworn against him (Ps. cii. 8), but like the servants of Job against his enemy: O that we had of this flesh! we cannot be satisfied, Job xxxi. 31. Persecutors are said to eat up God's people as they eat bread; it is as much a gratification to them as meat to one that is hungry, Ps. xiv. 4.

5. What method they took to bring it about. There is no getting near Paul in the castle. He is there under the particular protection of the government, and is imprisoned, not, as others are, lest he should do harm, but lest he should have harm done him; and therefore the contrivance is that the chief priests and elders must desire the governor of the castle to let Paul come to them to the council-chamber, to be further examined (they have some questions to ask him, or something to say to him), and the, in his passage from the castle to the council, they would put an end to all disputes about Paul by killing him; thus the plot was laid, v. 14, 15. Having been all day employed in engaging one another to this wickedness, towards evening they come to the principal members of the great sanhedrim, and, though they might have concealed their mean design and yet might have moved them upon some other pretence to send for Paul, they are so confident of their approbation of this villainy, that they are not ashamed nor afraid to own to them that they have bound themselves under a great curse, without consulting the priests first whether they might lawfully do it, that they will eat nothing the next day till they have killed Paul. They design to breakfast the next morning upon his blood. They doubt not but the chief priests will not only countenance them in the design, but will lend them a helping hand, and be their tools to get them an opportunity of killing Paul; nay, and tell a lie for them too, pretending to the chief captain that they would enquire something more perfectly concerning him, when they meant no such thing. What a mean, what an ill opinion had they of their priests, when they could apply to them on such an errand as this! And yet, vile as the proposal was which was made to them (for aught that appears), the priests and elders consented to it, and at the first work, without boggling at it in the least, promised to gratify them. Instead of reproving them, as they ought, for their wicked conspiracy, they bolstered them up in it, because it was against Paul whom they hated; and thus they made themselves partakers of the crime as much as if they had been the first in the conspiracy.

II. How the plot was discovered. We do not find that the plotters, though they took an oath of fidelity, took an oath of secrecy, either because they thought it did not need it (they would every one keep his own counsel) or because they thought they could accomplish it, though it should take wind and be known; but Providence so ordered it that it was brought to light, and so as effectually to be brought to nought. See here,

1. How it was discovered to Paul, v. 16. There was a youth that was related to Paul, his sister's son, whose mother probably lived in Jerusalem; and some how or other, we are not told how, he heard of their lying in wait, either overheard them talking of it among themselves, or got intelligence from some that were in the ploy: and he went into the castle, probably, as he used to do, to attend on his uncle, and bring him what he wanted, which gave him a free access to him and he told Paul what he heard. Note, God has many ways of bringing to light the hidden works of darkness; though the contrivers of them dig deep to hide them from the Lord, he can made a bird of the air to carry the voice (Eccl. x. 20), or the conspirators' own tongues to betray them.

2. How it was discovered to the chief captain by the young man that told it to Paul. This part of the story is related very particularly, perhaps because the penman was an eye-witness of the prudent and successful management of this affair, and remembered it with a great deal of pleasure. (1.) Paul had got a good interest in the officers that attended, by his prudent peaceable deportment. He could call one of the centurions to him, though a centurion was one in authority, that had soldiers under him, and used to call, not to be called to, and he was ready to come at his call (v. 17); and he desired that he would introduce this young man to the chief captain, to give in an information of something that concerned the honour of the government. (2.) The centurion very readily gratified him, v. 18. He did not send a common soldier with him, but went himself to keep the young man in countenance, to recommend his errand to the chief captain, and to show his respect to Paul: "Paul the prisoner (this was his title now) called me to him, and prayed me to bring this young man to thee; what his business is I know not, but he has something to say to thee." Note, It is true charity to poor prisoners to act for them as well as to give to them. "I was sick and in prison, and you went on an errand for me," will pass as well in the account as, "I was sick and in prison, and you came unto me, to visit me, or sent me a token." Those that have acquaintance and interest should be ready to use them for the assistance of those that are in distress. This centurion helped to save Paul's life by this piece of civility, which should engage us to be ready to do the like when there is occasion. Open thy mouth for the dumb, Prov. xxxi. 8. Those that cannot give a good gift to God's prisoners may yet speak a good word for them. (3.) The chief captain received the information with a great deal of condescension and tenderness, v. 19. He took the young man by the hand, as a friend or father, to encourage him, that he might not be put out of countenance, but might be assured of a favourable audience. The notice that is taken of this circumstance should encourage great men to take themselves easy of access to the meanest, upon any errand which may give them an opportunity of doing good--to condescend to those of low estate. This familiarity to which this Roman tribune or colonel admitted Paul's nephew is here upon record to his honour. Let no man think he disparages himself by his humility or charity. He went with him aside privately, that none might hear his business, and asked him, "What is it that thou hast to tell me? Tell me wherein I can be serviceable to Paul." It is probable that the chief captain was the more obliging in this case because he was sensible he had run himself into a premunire in binding Paul, against his privilege as a Roman citizen, which he was willing now to atone for. (4.) The young man delivered his errand to the chief captain very readily and handsomely (v. 20, 21). "The Jews" (he does not say who, lest he should invidiously reflect upon the chief priests and the elders; and his business was to save his uncle's life, not to accuse his enemies) "have agreed to desire thee that thou wouldest bring down Paul to-morrow into the council, presuming that, being so short a distance, thou wilt send him without a guard; but do not thou yield unto them, we have reason to believe thou wilt not when thou knowest the truth; for there lie in wait for him of them more than forty me, who have sworn to be the death of him, and now are they ready looking for a promised from thee, but I have happily got the start of them." (5.) The captain dismissed the young man with a charge of secrecy: See that thou tell no man that thou hast shown these things unto me, v. 22. The favours of great men are not always to be boasted of; and not fit to be employed in business. If it should be known that the chief captain had this information brought to him, perhaps they would compass and imagine the death of Paul some other way; "therefore keep it private."

III. How the plot was defeated: The chief captain, finding how implacable and inveterate the malice of the Jews was against Paul, how restless they were in their designs to do him a mischief, and how near he was to become himself accessory to it as a minister, resolves to send him away with all speed out of their reach. He received the intelligence with horror and indignation at the baseness and bloody-mindedness of these Jews; and seemed afraid lest, if he should detain Paul in his castle here, under ever so strong a guard, they would find some way or other to compass their end notwithstanding, either beating the guards or burning the castle; and, whatever came of it, he would, if possible, protect Paul, because he looked upon it that he did not deserve such treatment. What a melancholy observation is it, that the Jewish chief priests, when they knew of this assassination-plot, should countenance it, and assist in it, while a Roman chief captain, purely from a natural sense of justice and humanity, when he knows it, sets himself to baffle it, and puts himself to a great deal of trouble to do it effectually!

1. He orders a considerable detachment of the Roman forces under his command to get ready to go to Cæsarea with all expedition, and to bring Paul thither to Felix the governor, where he might sooner expect to have justice done him than by the great sanhedrim at Jerusalem. I see not but the chief captain might, without any unfaithfulness to the duty of his place, have set Paul at liberty, and given him leave to shift for his own safety, for he was never legally committed to his custody as a criminal, he himself owns that nothing was laid to his charge worthy of bonds (v. 29), and he ought to have had the same tenderness for his liberty that he had for his life; but he feared that this would have incensed the Jews too much against him. Or perhaps, finding Paul to be a very extraordinary man, he was proud to have him his prisoner, and under his protection; and the mighty parade with which he sent him off intimates as much. Two centurions, or captains of the hundreds, are employed in this business, v. 23, 24. They must get ready two hundred soldiers, probably those under their own command, to go to Cæsarea; and with these seventy horse, and two hundred spearmen besides, which some think were the chief captain's guards; whether they were horse or foot is not certain, most probably foot, as pikemen for the protection of the horse. See how justly God brought the Jewish nation under the Roman yoke, when such a party of the Roman army was necessary to restrain them from the most execrable villanies! There needed not all this force, there needed not any of it, to keep Paul from being rescued by his friends; ten times this force would not have kept him from being rescued by an angel, if it had pleased God to work his deliverance that way, as he had sometimes done; but, (1.) The chief captain designed hereby to expose the Jews, as a headstrong tumultuous people, that would not be kept within the bounds of duty and decency by the ordinary ministers of justice, but needed to be awed by such a train as this; and, hearing how many were in the conspiracy against Paul, he thought less would not serve to defeat their attempt. (2.) God designed hereby to encourage Paul; for, being thus attended, he was not only kept safely in the hands of his friends, but out of the hands of his enemies. Yet Paul did not desire such a guard, any more than Ezra did (Ezra viii. 22), and for the same reason, because he trusted in God's all-sufficiency; it was owing, however, to the governor's own care. But he was also made considerable; thus his bonds in Christ were made manifest all the country over (Phil. i. 13); and, son great an honour having been put upon them before by the prediction of them, it was agreeable enough that they should be thus honourably attended, that the brethren in the Lord might wax the more confident by his bonds, when they same him rather guarded as the patriot of his country than guarded against as the pest of his country, and so great a preacher made so great a prisoner. When his enemies hate him, and I doubt his friends neglect him, then does a Roman tribune patronise him, and carefully provide, [1.] For his ease: Let them provide beasts, that they may set Paul on. Had his Jewish persecutors ordered his removal by habeas corpus to Cæsarea, they would have made him run on foot, or dragged him thither in a cart, or on a sledge, or have horsed him behind one of the troopers; but the chief captain treats him like a gentleman, though he was his prisoner, and orders him a good horse to ride upon, not at all afraid that he should ride away. Nay, the order being that they should provide, not a beast, but beasts, to set Paul on, we must either suppose that he was allowed so great a piece of state as to have a led horse, or more, that if he did not like one he might take to another; or (as some expositors conjecture) that he had beasts assigned him for his friends and companions, as many as pleased to go along with him, to divert him in his journey, and to minister to him. [2.] For his security. They have a strict charge given them by their commander in chief to bring him safely to Felix the governor, to whom he is consigned, and who was supreme in all civil affairs among the Jews, as this chief captain was in military affairs. The Roman historians speak much of this Felix, as a man of mean extraction, but that raised himself by his shifts to be governor of Judea, in the execution of which office, Tacitus, Hist. 5, says this of him: Per omnem sævitiam ac libidinem jus regium servili ingenio exercuit--He used royal power with a servile genius, and in connection with all the varieties of cruelty and lust. To the judgement of such a man as this is poor Paul turned over; and yet better so than in the hands of Ananias the high priest! Now, a prisoner, thus upon his deliverance by course of law, ought to be protected as well as a prince.

2. The chief captain orders, for the greater security of Paul, that he be taken away at the third hour of the night, which some understand of three hours after sun-set, that, it being now after the feast of pentecost (that is, in the midst of summer), they might have the cool of the night to march in. Others understand it of three hours after midnight, in the third watch, about three in the morning, that they might have the day before them, and might get out of Jerusalem before Paul's enemies were stirring, and so might prevent any popular tumult, and leave them to roar when they rose, like a lion disappointed of his prey.

3. He writes a letter to Felix the governor of this province, by which he discharges himself from any further care about Paul, and leaves the whole matter with Felix. This letter is here inserted totidem verbis--verbatim, v. 25. It is probable that Luke the historian had a copy of it by him, having attended Paul in this remove. Now in this epistle we may observe,

(1.) The compliments he passes upon the governor, v. 26. He is the most excellent governor Felix, this title being given him of course, his excellency, &c. He sends him greeting, wishes him all health and prosperity; may he rejoice, may he ever rejoice.

(2.) The just and fair account which he gives him of Paul's case: [1.] That he was one that the Jews had a pique against: They had taken him, and would have killed him; and perhaps Felix knew the temper of the Jews so well that he did not think much the worse of him for that, v. 27. [2.] That he had protected him because he was a Roman: "When they were about to kill him, I came with an army, a considerable body of men, and rescued him;" which action for a citizen of Rome would recommend him to the Roman governor. [3.] That he could not understand the merits of his cause, nor what it was that made him so odious to the Jews, and obnoxious to their ill-will. He took the proper method to know: he brought him forth into their council (v. 28), to be examined there, hoping that, either from their complaints or his own confession, he would learn something of the ground of all this clamour, but he found that he was accused of questions of their law (v. 29), about the hope of the resurrection of the dead, v. 6. This chief captain was a man of sense and honour, and had good principles in him of justice and humanity; and yet see how slightly he speaks of another world, and the great things of that world, as if that were a question, which is of undoubted certainty, and which both sides agreed in, except the Sadducees; and as if that were a question only of their law, which is of the utmost concern to all mankind! Or perhaps he refers rather to the question about their rituals than about their doctrinals, and the quarrel he perceived they had with him was for lessening the credit and obligation of their ceremonial law, which he looked upon as a thing not worth speaking of. The Romans allowed the nations they conquered the exercise of their own religion, and never offered to impose theirs upon them; yet, as conservators of the public peace, they wound not suffer them, under colour of their religion, to abuse their neighbours. [4.] That thus far he understood that there was nothing laid to his charge worthy of death or of bonds, much less proved or made out against him. The Jews had, by their wickedness, made themselves odious to the world, had polluted their own honour and profaned their own crown, had brought disgrace upon their church, their law, and their holy place, and then they cry out against Paul, as having diminished the reputation of them; and was this a crime worthy of death or bonds?

(3.) His referring Paul's case to Felix (v. 30): "When it was told me that the Jews laid wait for the man, to kill him, without any legal process against him, I sent straightaway to thee, who art the most proper person to head the cause, and give judgment upon it, and let his accusers go after him, if they please, and say before thee what they have against him, for, being bred a soldier, I will never pretend to be a judge, and so farewell."

4. Paul was accordingly conducted to Cæsarea; the soldiers got him safely out of Jerusalem by night, and left the conspirators to consider whether they should east and drink or no before they had killed Paul; and, if they would not repent of the wickedness of their oath as it was against Paul, they were now at leisure to repent of the rashness of it as it was against themselves; if any of them did starve themselves to death, in consequence of their oath and vexation at their disappointment, they fell unpitied. Paul was conducted to Antipatris, which was seventeen miles from Jerusalem, and about the mid-way to Cæsarea, v. 31. Thence the two hundred foot-soldiers, and the two hundred spearmen, returned back to Jerusalem, to their quarters in the castle; for, having conducted Paul out of danger, there needed not strong a guard, but the horsemen might serve to bring him to Cæsarea, and would do it with more expedition; this they did, not only to save their own labour, but their master's charge; and it is an example to servants, not only to act obediently according to their masters' orders, but to act prudently, so as may be most for their masters' interest.

5. He was delivered into the hands of Felix, as his prisoner, v. 33. The officers presented the letter, and Paul with it, to Felix, and so discharged themselves of their trust. Paul had never affected acquaintance or society with great men, but with the disciples, wherever he came; yet Providence overrules his sufferings so as by them to give him an opportunity of witnessing to Christ before great men; and so Christ had foretold concerning his disciples, that they should be brought before rulers and kings for his sake, for a testimony against them, Mark xiii. 9. The governor enquired of what province of the empire the prisoner originally was, and was told that he was a native of Cilicia, v. 34; and, (1.) He promises him a speedy trial (v. 35): "I will hear thee when thing accusers have come, and will have an ear open to both sides, as becomes a judge." (2.) He ordered him into custody, that he should be kept a prisoner in Herod's judgment-hall, in some apartment belonging to that palace which was denominated from Herod the Great, who built it. There he had opportunity of acquainting himself with great men that attended the governor's court, and, no doubt, he improved what acquaintance he got there to the best purposes.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
23:12: That they would neither eat nor drink, etc. - These forty Jews were no doubt of the class of the sicarii mentioned before, (similar to those afterwards called assassins), a class of fierce zealots, who took justice into their own hand; and who thought they had a right to despatch all those who, according to their views, were not orthodox in their religious principles. If these were, in their bad way, conscientious men, must they not all perish through hunger, as God put it out of their power to accomplish their vow? No: for the doctrine of sacerdotal absolution was held among the Jews as among the Papists: hence it is said, in Hieros. Avodah Zarah, fol. 40: "He that hath made a vow not to eat any thing, wo to him, if he eat; and wo to him, if he do not eat. If he eat, he sinneth against his vow; and if he do not eat, he sinneth against his life." What must such a man do in this case? Let him go to the wise men, and they will loose him from his vow, as it is written, Pro 12:18 : "The tongue of the wise is health." When vows were so easily dispensed with, they might be readily multiplied. See Lightfoot.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:12: Certain of the Jews - Some of the Jews. They were more than forty in number, Act 23:13.
Banded together - Made an agreement or compact. They conspired to kill him.
And bound themselves under a curse - See the margin. The Greek is, "they anathematized themselves"; that is, they bound themselves by a solemn oath. They invoked a curse on themselves, or devoted themselves to destruction, if they did not do it. Lightfoot remarks, however, that they could be absolved from this vow by the rabbis if they were unable to execute it. Under various pretences they could easily be freed from such oaths, and it was common to take them; and if there was any difficulty in fulfilling them, they could easily apply to their religious teachers and be absolved.
That they would neither eat nor drink - That is, that they would do it as soon as possible. This was a common form of an oath, or curse, among the Jews. Sometimes they only vowed abstinence from particular things, as from meat, or wine. But in this case, to make the oath more certain and binding, they vowed abstinence from all kinds of food and drink until they had killed him. Who these were - whether they were Sadducees or not - is not mentioned by the sacred writer. It is evident, however, that the minds of the Jews were greatly inflamed against Paul; and as they saw him in the custody of the Roman tribune, and as there was no prospect that he would punish him, they resolved to take the matter into their own hands. Michaelis conjectures that they were of the number of the Sicarii, or cutthroats, with which Judea then abounded. See the notes on Act 21:38. It is needless to remark that this was a most wicked oath. It was a deliberate purpose to commit murder; and it shows the desperate state of morals among the Jews at that time, and the infuriated malice of the people against the apostle, that such an oath could have been taken.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:12: certain: Act 23:21, Act 23:30, Act 25:3; Psa 2:1-3, Psa 64:2-6; Isa 8:9, Isa 8:10; Jer 11:19; Mat 26:4
bound: Kg1 19:2; Kg2 6:31; Mat 27:25; Mar 6:23-26
under a curse: or, with an oath of execration, Lev 27:29; Jos 6:26, Jos 7:1, Jos 7:15; Neh 10:29; Mat 26:74 *Gr: Co1 16:22; Gal 3:13
that: Such execrable vows as these were not unusual among the Jews, who, from their perverted traditions, challenged to themselves a right of punishing without any legal process, those whom they considered transgressors of the law; and in some cases, as in the case of one who had forsaken the law of Moses, they thought they were justified in killing them. They therefore made no scruple of acquainting the chief priests and elders with their conspiracy against the life of Paul, and applying for their connivance and support; who, being chiefly of the sect of the Sadducees, and the apostle's bitterest enemies, were so far from blaming them for it, that they gladly aided and abetted them in this mode of dispatching him, and on its failure they soon afterwards determined upon making a similar attempt (Act 25:2, Act 25:3). If these were, in their bad way, conscientious men, they were under no necessity of perishing for hunger, when the providence of God had hindered them from accomplishing their vow; for their vows of abstinence from eating and drinking were as easy to loose as to bind, any of their wise men or Rabbis having power to absolve them, as Dr. Lightfoot has shown from the Talmud. Sa1 14:24, Sa1 14:27, Sa1 14:28, Sa1 14:40-44; Psa 31:13
Geneva 1599
23:12 (10) And when it was day, certain of the Jews banded together, and bound themselves (f) under a curse, saying that they would neither eat nor drink till they had killed Paul.
(10) Those who are carried away with a foolish zeal think that they may lie and murder, and do whatever mischief they wish.
(f) Cursing and prohibiting themselves, they promised.
John Gill
23:12 And when it was day,.... As soon as it was light, very early in the morning:
certain of the Jews banded together; these very likely were of the sect of the Sadducees, who had been exceedingly irritated and provoked by what Paul had said the day before in the council; these therefore gathered together, entered into a conspiracy to take away Paul's life, and trailed in it, as one man:
and bound themselves under a curse; or "anathematized themselves"; the Hebrew word which answers to "anathema", is sometimes used for an oath, , "Cherem" or "anathema" is "an oath" (a), a vow made to be punished with an anathema if not kept; so these men swore to it, bound themselves with an oath, or wished they might be an anathema, accursed of God, and cut off from his people; they imprecated the most dreadful evils upon themselves:
saying, that they would neither eat nor drink till they had killed Paul: it was a common form of a vow or oath with the Jews (b), , "that I will not eat"; sometimes they only vowed abstinence from particular things, and then others were lawful; as for instance, if one vowed that he would not eat boiled meat, he might eat roast, or that he would not eat flesh, he might eat broth, or that he would abstain from milk, then he might drink whey, (c); but this oath and vow here were, that they would neither eat nor drink anything, till they had destroyed Paul: these were a set of zealots, who in imitation of Phinehas, and pretending the glory of God, took upon them to take away the lives of men, without any, judicial procedure, or the authority of the civil magistrate; of whom; see Gill on Mt 10:4 it may be asked, what became of this vow? or how did they get clear of it, since they did not accomplish the fact? to which it may be answered, that it was a pretty easy thing to be freed from oaths and vows, among the Jews, whose doctors had a power to absolve men from them; and in such cases as this, and such a vow as this, might be loosed upon more accounts than one, as on account of keeping another law, the observing the sabbath and other festivals, when men were obliged to eat and drink: and thus it is said (d),
"if a man swears that he will not drink wine, or that he will not eat flesh, for so many days, then they say to him, if thou hadst known at the time of the oath, that the sabbath or a feast day were within these days, in which thou art obliged to eat flesh and drink wine, as it is said, Is 58:13 "and call the sabbath a delight"; wouldst thou have swore at all? if he says no, they loose his oath:''
and likewise it might be loosed on account of life, which a man is bound to preserve: for so they likewise say (e),
"if a man vows that he will not eat anything, woe be to him if he eats, and woe be to him if he does not eat; if he eats he breaks his vow, if he does not eat he sins against his own soul, or life; what must he do? let him go to the wise men, , "and they will loose his vow for him", as it is written, Prov 12:18 but the tongue of the wise is health;''
and no doubt but these men very easily got their vow loosed, since it was made on such a design.
(a) Pirke Eliezer, c. 38. (b) Misna Nedarim, c. 2. sect. 2, 3. (c) Ib. c. 6. sect. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. (d) Maimon. in Misn. Nedarim, c. 9. sect. 6. (e) T. Hieros. Avoda Zara, fol. 40. 1.
John Wesley
23:12 Some of the Jews bound themselves - Such execrable vows were not uncommon among the Jews. And if they were prevented from accomplishing what they had vowed, it was an easy matter to obtain absolution from their rabbis.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:12 bound themselves under a curse . . . that they would neither eat . . . fill they had killed Paul--Compare 2Kings 3:35; 1Kings 14:24.
23:1323:13: Եւ էին աւելի՛ քան զքառասուն՝ որոց զայս ընդ միմեանս երդմունս արարեալ էր[2728]։ [2728] Ոմանք. Քան զքառասունս։ Ոմանք. Զայս երդումն արարեալ։
13. Եւ քառասունից աւելի էին նրանք, որոնք իրար հետ այս երդումն էին արել:
13 Քառասունէ աւելի էին անոնք՝ որ այս երդումը իրարու հետ ըրին,
Եւ էին աւելի քան զքառասուն որոց զայս ընդ միմեանս երդմունս արարեալ էր:

23:13: Եւ էին աւելի՛ քան զքառասուն՝ որոց զայս ընդ միմեանս երդմունս արարեալ էր[2728]։
[2728] Ոմանք. Քան զքառասունս։ Ոմանք. Զայս երդումն արարեալ։
13. Եւ քառասունից աւելի էին նրանք, որոնք իրար հետ այս երդումն էին արել:
13 Քառասունէ աւելի էին անոնք՝ որ այս երդումը իրարու հետ ըրին,
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:1313: Было же более сорока сделавших такое заклятие.
23:13  ἦσαν δὲ πλείους τεσσεράκοντα οἱ ταύτην τὴν συνωμοσίαν ποιησάμενοι·
23:13. ἦσαν (They-were) δὲ (moreover) πλείους ( beyond ) τεσσεράκοντα (of-forty) οἱ (the-ones) ταύτην (to-the-one-this) τὴν (to-the-one) συνωμοσίαν (to-an-oathing-together-unto) ποιησάμενοι : ( having-done-unto )
23:13. erant autem plus quam quadraginta qui hanc coniurationem fecerantAnd they were more than forty men that had made this conspiracy.
13. And they were more than forty which made this conspiracy.
And they were more than forty which had made this conspiracy:

13: Было же более сорока сделавших такое заклятие.
23:13  ἦσαν δὲ πλείους τεσσεράκοντα οἱ ταύτην τὴν συνωμοσίαν ποιησάμενοι·
23:13. erant autem plus quam quadraginta qui hanc coniurationem fecerant
And they were more than forty men that had made this conspiracy.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ all ▾
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:13: Which had made this conspiracy - This oath συνωμοσίαν sunō mosian, this agreement, or compact. This large number of desperate men, bound by so solemn an oath, would be likely to be successful, and the life of Paul was therefore in special danger. The manner in which they purposed to accomplish their design is stated in Act 23:15.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:13: which: Sa2 15:12, Sa2 15:31; Joh 16:2
John Gill
23:13 And they were more than forty which had made this conspiracy. Who met together, formed this resolution, entered into this scheme, and bound themselves with this oath; the word rendered "conspiracy", signifies an agreement by oath; such a number of them banded together, that they might have strength sufficient to take Paul out of the hands of the soldiers, as he was conducted by them from the castle to the temple.
23:1423:14: Որք մատեան առ քահանայապետսն եւ երիցունս՝ եւ ասեն. Նզովիւք նզովեցաք զանձինս՝ ոչի՛նչ ճաշակել՝ մինչեւ սպանցուք զՊաւղոս[2729]։ [2729] Ոմանք. Որոց մատուցեալ։
14. Սրանք մօտեցան քահանայապետներին եւ երէցներին ու ասացին. «Նզովելով նզովեցինք մեզ, որ բան չճաշակենք, մինչեւ Պօղոսին չսպանենք.
14 Որոնք քահանայապետներուն եւ ծերերուն գացին ու ըսին. «Անէծքով անիծեցինք անձերնիս, որ բան մը չուտենք մինչեւ որ Պօղոսը սպաննենք։
Որք մատեան առ քահանայապետսն եւ երիցունս եւ ասեն. Նզովիւք նզովեցաք զանձինս ոչ ինչ ճաշակել մինչեւ սպանցուք զՊաւղոս:

23:14: Որք մատեան առ քահանայապետսն եւ երիցունս՝ եւ ասեն. Նզովիւք նզովեցաք զանձինս՝ ոչի՛նչ ճաշակել՝ մինչեւ սպանցուք զՊաւղոս[2729]։
[2729] Ոմանք. Որոց մատուցեալ։
14. Սրանք մօտեցան քահանայապետներին եւ երէցներին ու ասացին. «Նզովելով նզովեցինք մեզ, որ բան չճաշակենք, մինչեւ Պօղոսին չսպանենք.
14 Որոնք քահանայապետներուն եւ ծերերուն գացին ու ըսին. «Անէծքով անիծեցինք անձերնիս, որ բան մը չուտենք մինչեւ որ Պօղոսը սպաննենք։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:1414: Они, придя к первосвященникам и старейшинам, сказали: мы клятвою заклялись не есть ничего, пока не убьем Павла.
23:14  οἵτινες προσελθόντες τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν καὶ τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις εἶπαν, ἀναθέματι ἀνεθεματίσαμεν ἑαυτοὺς μηδενὸς γεύσασθαι ἕως οὖ ἀποκτείνωμεν τὸν παῦλον.
23:14. οἵτινες (which-ones) προσελθόντες ( having-had-came-toward ) τοῖς (unto-the-ones) ἀρχιερεῦσιν (unto-first-sacreders) καὶ (and) τοῖς (unto-the-ones) πρεσβυτέροις ( unto-more-eldered ) εἶπαν (they-said,"Ἀναθέματι (Unto-a-placing-up-to) ἀνεθεματίσαμεν (we-placed-up-to) ἑαυτοὺς (to-selves) μηδενὸς (of-lest-moreover-one) γεύσασθαι ( to-have-tasted-of ) ἕως (unto-if-which) οὗ (of-which) ἀποκτείνωμεν (we-might-have-killed-off) τὸν (to-the-one) Παῦλον. (to-a-Paulos)
23:14. qui accesserunt ad principes sacerdotum et seniores et dixerunt devotione devovimus nos nihil gustaturos donec occidamus PaulumWho came to the chief priests and the ancients and said: We have bound ourselves under a great curse that we will eat nothing till we have slain Paul.
14. And they came to the chief priests and the elders, and said, We have bound ourselves under a great curse, to taste nothing until we have killed Paul.
And they came to the chief priests and elders, and said, We have bound ourselves under a great curse, that we will eat nothing until we have slain Paul:

14: Они, придя к первосвященникам и старейшинам, сказали: мы клятвою заклялись не есть ничего, пока не убьем Павла.
23:14  οἵτινες προσελθόντες τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν καὶ τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις εἶπαν, ἀναθέματι ἀνεθεματίσαμεν ἑαυτοὺς μηδενὸς γεύσασθαι ἕως οὖ ἀποκτείνωμεν τὸν παῦλον.
23:14. qui accesserunt ad principes sacerdotum et seniores et dixerunt devotione devovimus nos nihil gustaturos donec occidamus Paulum
Who came to the chief priests and the ancients and said: We have bound ourselves under a great curse that we will eat nothing till we have slain Paul.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
14: "К первосвященникам и старейшинам..." - несомненно первосвященнической партии. Ее согласия и одобрения было достаточно, чтобы убедить Синедрион на вторичное собрание по делу Павла. Для сего достаточно было обратиться уже к одному первосвященнику, способному, по свидетельству Иосифа Флавия, на какое угодно преступление.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:14: And they came ... - Probably by a deputation.
To the chief priests and elders - The members of the Great Council, or Sanhedrin. It is probable that the application was made to the party of the Sadducees, as the Pharisees had shown their determination to defend Paul. They would have had no prospect of success had they attacked the castle, and they therefore devised this mode of obtaining access to Paul, where they might easily despatch him.
Under a great curse - Greek: "We have anathematized ourselves with an anathema." We have made the vow as solemn as possible.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:14: Psa 52:1, Psa 52:2; Isa 3:9; Jer 6:15, Jer 8:12; Hos 4:9; Mic 7:3
John Gill
23:14 And they came to the chief priests, and elders,.... Who were members of the sanhedrim, to acquaint them with their designs:
and said, we have bound ourselves under a great curse, that we will eat nothing until we have slain Paul: these chief priests and elders, had they acted according to the character they bore, on such an information, would have taken up those men, and punished them, at least would have dissuaded them from so vile an action; but they knew the men to whom they applied, and very likely they were all of them of the sect of the Sadducees, whom Paul had so much offended the day before; and therefore were pleased with what they had done, approved of their scheme, and readily fell in with the following proposal.
23:1523:15: Բայց դուք զգացուցէ՛ք հազարապետին հանդերձ ատենիւն, զի իջուսցէ զնա առ ձեզ, որպէս թէ կամիցիք ճշմարտագոյնս ինչ գիտել զնմանէ. եւ մեք յառա՛ջ քան զմօտել նորա՝ պատրաստեմք ՚ի սպանանե՛լ զնա[2730]։ [2730] Ոմանք. Հանդերձ ատենին զի իջուսցեն զնա... որպէս զի կամիցիք ճշգրտագոյնս ինչ գի՛՛... յառաջ քան զմտանելն նորա։ Ոսկան. Պատրաստիմք ՚ի սպա՛՛։
15. բայց դուք հազարապետին, ատեանի հետ միասին, իմա՛ց տուէք, որ նա ձեզ մօտ իջեցնի նրան, որպէս թէ նրա մասին ուզում էք աւելի ճշգրիտ բաներ իմանալ. իսկ մենք, նախքան նրա մօտենալը, պատրաստ ենք նրան սպանելու»:
15 Ուստի դուք ժողովին հետ մէկտեղ հազարապետին իմացուցէք, որ վաղը զանիկա ձեզի իջեցնէ, որպէս թէ դուք աւելի ճիշդ քննութիւն ընել կ’ուզէք անոր մասին եւ մենք անոր մօտ գալէն առաջ պատրաստ ենք զանիկա սպաննելու»։
Բայց դուք զգացուցէք հազարապետին հանդերձ ատենիւն, զի իջուսցէ զնա առ ձեզ, որպէս թէ կամիցիք ճշմարտագոյնս ինչ գիտել զնմանէ. եւ մեք յառաջ քան զմօտել նորա` պատրաստ եմք ի սպանանել զնա:

23:15: Բայց դուք զգացուցէ՛ք հազարապետին հանդերձ ատենիւն, զի իջուսցէ զնա առ ձեզ, որպէս թէ կամիցիք ճշմարտագոյնս ինչ գիտել զնմանէ. եւ մեք յառա՛ջ քան զմօտել նորա՝ պատրաստեմք ՚ի սպանանե՛լ զնա[2730]։
[2730] Ոմանք. Հանդերձ ատենին զի իջուսցեն զնա... որպէս զի կամիցիք ճշգրտագոյնս ինչ գի՛՛... յառաջ քան զմտանելն նորա։ Ոսկան. Պատրաստիմք ՚ի սպա՛՛։
15. բայց դուք հազարապետին, ատեանի հետ միասին, իմա՛ց տուէք, որ նա ձեզ մօտ իջեցնի նրան, որպէս թէ նրա մասին ուզում էք աւելի ճշգրիտ բաներ իմանալ. իսկ մենք, նախքան նրա մօտենալը, պատրաստ ենք նրան սպանելու»:
15 Ուստի դուք ժողովին հետ մէկտեղ հազարապետին իմացուցէք, որ վաղը զանիկա ձեզի իջեցնէ, որպէս թէ դուք աւելի ճիշդ քննութիւն ընել կ’ուզէք անոր մասին եւ մենք անոր մօտ գալէն առաջ պատրաստ ենք զանիկա սպաննելու»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:1515: Итак ныне же вы с синедрионом дайте знать тысяченачальнику, чтобы он завтра вывел его к вам, как будто вы хотите точнее рассмотреть дело о нем; мы же, прежде нежели он приблизится, готовы убить его.
23:15  νῦν οὗν ὑμεῖς ἐμφανίσατε τῶ χιλιάρχῳ σὺν τῶ συνεδρίῳ ὅπως καταγάγῃ αὐτὸν εἰς ὑμᾶς ὡς μέλλοντας διαγινώσκειν ἀκριβέστερον τὰ περὶ αὐτοῦ· ἡμεῖς δὲ πρὸ τοῦ ἐγγίσαι αὐτὸν ἕτοιμοί ἐσμεν τοῦ ἀνελεῖν αὐτόν.
23:15. νῦν (Now) οὖν (accordingly) ὑμεῖς (ye) ἐμφανίσατε (ye-should-have-manifested-in-to) τῷ (unto-the-one) χιλιάρχῳ (unto-a-first-of-thousand) σὺν (together) τῷ (unto-the-one) συνεδρίῳ (unto-a-seatlet-together) ὅπως (unto-which-whither) καταγάγῃ (it-might-have-had-led-down) αὐτὸν (to-it) εἰς (into) ὑμᾶς (to-ye) ὡς (as) μέλλοντας ( to-impending ) διαγινώσκειν (to-acquaint-through) ἀκριβέστερον (to-more-exacted) τὰ (to-the-ones) περὶ (about) αὐτοῦ: (of-it) ἡμεῖς (we) δὲ (moreover) πρὸ (before) τοῦ (of-the-one) ἐγγίσαι (to-have-neared-to) αὐτὸν (to-it) ἕτοιμοί ( readied-of ) ἐσμεν (we-be) τοῦ (of-the-one) ἀνελεῖν (to-have-had-sectioned-up) αὐτόν. (to-it)
23:15. nunc ergo vos notum facite tribuno cum concilio ut producat illum ad vos tamquam aliquid certius cognituri de eo nos vero priusquam adpropiet parati sumus interficere illumNow therefore do you with the council signify to the tribune, that he bring him forth to you, as if you meant to know something more certain touching him. And we, before he come near, are ready to kill him.
15. Now therefore do ye with the council signify to the chief captain that he bring him down unto you, as though ye would judge of his case more exactly: and we, or ever he come near, are ready to slay him.
Now therefore ye with the council signify to the chief captain that he bring him down unto you to morrow, as though ye would enquire something more perfectly concerning him: and we, or ever he come near, are ready to kill him:

15: Итак ныне же вы с синедрионом дайте знать тысяченачальнику, чтобы он завтра вывел его к вам, как будто вы хотите точнее рассмотреть дело о нем; мы же, прежде нежели он приблизится, готовы убить его.
23:15  νῦν οὗν ὑμεῖς ἐμφανίσατε τῶ χιλιάρχῳ σὺν τῶ συνεδρίῳ ὅπως καταγάγῃ αὐτὸν εἰς ὑμᾶς ὡς μέλλοντας διαγινώσκειν ἀκριβέστερον τὰ περὶ αὐτοῦ· ἡμεῖς δὲ πρὸ τοῦ ἐγγίσαι αὐτὸν ἕτοιμοί ἐσμεν τοῦ ἀνελεῖν αὐτόν.
23:15. nunc ergo vos notum facite tribuno cum concilio ut producat illum ad vos tamquam aliquid certius cognituri de eo nos vero priusquam adpropiet parati sumus interficere illum
Now therefore do you with the council signify to the tribune, that he bring him forth to you, as if you meant to know something more certain touching him. And we, before he come near, are ready to kill him.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ all ▾
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
23:15: And we, or ever he come near, are ready to kill him - We shall lie in wait, and despatch him before he can reach the chief captain. The plan was well and deeply laid; and nothing but an especial providence could have saved Paul.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:15: Ye, with the council - With the concurrence or request of the Sanhedrin. It was only by such a request that they had any hope that the chief captain would remove Paul from the castle.
Signify to the chief captain - Send a message or request to him.
That he bring him down unto you - That he bring him from the castle to the usual place of the meeting of the Sanhedrin. As this was at some distance from the castle of Antonia, where Paul was, they supposed it would be easy to waylay him and take his life.
To-morrow - This is missing in the Syriac, Vulgate, and Ethiopic versions. It is, however, probably the correct reading of the text, as it would be necessary to convene the council, and make the request of the tribune, which might require the whole of one day.
As though ye would inquire ... - This request appeared so reasonable that they did not doubt that the tribune would grant it to the council. And though it was obviously a false and wicked pretence, yet these conspirators knew the character of the persons to whom they addressed themselves so well that they did not doubt that they would pRev_ail on the council to make the request. Public justice must have been deeply fallen when it was known that such an iniquitous request could be made with the certain prospect of success.
Or ever he come near - Before he comes near to the Sanhedrin. The Great Council will thus not be suspected of being privy to the deed. We will waylay him, and murder him in the way. The plan was well laid; and nothing but the interposition of Providence could have pRev_ented its execution.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:15: that he: Act 25:3; Psa 21:11, Psa 37:32, Psa 37:33; Pro 1:11, Pro 1:12, Pro 1:16, Pro 4:16; Isa 59:7; Rom 3:14-16
Geneva 1599
23:15 Now therefore ye with the (g) council signify to the chief captain that he bring him down unto you to morrow, as though ye would enquire something more perfectly concerning him: and we, or ever he come near, are ready to kill him.
(g) You and the senate ask that the same thing should be done, so that the tribune will not think that it was demanded of him because of an individual's private interests.
John Gill
23:15 Now therefore ye with the council,.... The whole sanhedrim; their sense is, that they would have the sanhedrim convened by the chief priests and elders, and being met together, then to
signify to the chief captain; or let him know that they were assembled together, upon the affair of Paul, and that they here desirous he might be brought before them:
that he bring him down unto you tomorrow; from the castle of Antonia to the place where the sanhedrim met; the word "tomorrow" is not in the Alexandrian copy, nor in the Vulgate Latin, Syriac, and Ethiopic versions; and then it should seem that they desired him to be brought down forthwith, or otherwise they must propose to fast all that day, and so long on the morrow, till Paul was brought down; but that the common reading is right, appears from the chief captain's sending away Paul at the third hour of the night following, to prevent their designs on the morrow, Acts 23:23. The pretence formed for his being brought down is,
as though ye would inquire something more perfectly concerning him; what he had done, which had occasioned this uproar, what it was he was charged with, and whether he was guilty or not:
and we, or ever he come near: where the sanhedrim sat;
are ready to kill him; lying in wait in some private place between the castle and the temple, from whence they intended to rush out at once upon him, and murder him; far enough both from the temple and the council, that both the one might not be defiled, though they did not greatly stick at that in those times, and that the other might not be charged with having any hand in his death.
John Wesley
23:15 Now therefore ye - Which they never scrupled at all, as not doubting but they were doing God service.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:15 Now . . . ye with the council signify to the chief captain . . . as though, &c.--That these high ecclesiastics fell in readily with this infamous plot is clear. What will not unscrupulous and hypocritical religionists do under the mask of religion? The narrative bears unmistakable internal marks of truth.
or ever he come near--Their plan was to assassinate him on his way down from the barracks to the council. The case was critical, but He who had pledged His word to him that he should testify for Him at Rome provided unexpected means of defeating this well-laid scheme.
23:1623:16: Եւ լուեալ քեռորդւոյն Պաւղոսի զդաւաճանութիւնն, եկն եմուտ ՚ի բանակ անդր՝ պատմեա՛ց Պաւղոսի[2731]։ [2731] Ոմանք. Եւ պատմեաց Պաւ՛՛։
16. Եւ Պօղոսի քրոջ որդին, լսելով այս դաւադրութիւնը, եկաւ զօրանոց ու Պօղոսին պատմեց:
16 Բայց Պօղոսին քրոջ որդին, երբ այս դաւաճանութիւնը լսեց, գնաց բերդը մտաւ ու Պօղոսին պատմեց։
Եւ լուեալ քեռորդւոյն Պաւղոսի զդաւաճանութիւնն` եկն եմուտ ի բանակ անդր, պատմեաց Պաւղոսի:

23:16: Եւ լուեալ քեռորդւոյն Պաւղոսի զդաւաճանութիւնն, եկն եմուտ ՚ի բանակ անդր՝ պատմեա՛ց Պաւղոսի[2731]։
[2731] Ոմանք. Եւ պատմեաց Պաւ՛՛։
16. Եւ Պօղոսի քրոջ որդին, լսելով այս դաւադրութիւնը, եկաւ զօրանոց ու Պօղոսին պատմեց:
16 Բայց Պօղոսին քրոջ որդին, երբ այս դաւաճանութիւնը լսեց, գնաց բերդը մտաւ ու Պօղոսին պատմեց։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:1616: Услышав о сем умысле, сын сестры Павловой пришел и, войдя в крепость, уведомил Павла.
23:16  ἀκούσας δὲ ὁ υἱὸς τῆς ἀδελφῆς παύλου τὴν ἐνέδραν παραγενόμενος καὶ εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὴν παρεμβολὴν ἀπήγγειλεν τῶ παύλῳ.
23:16. Ἀκούσας (Having-heard) δὲ (moreover) ὁ (the-one) υἱὸς (a-son) τῆς (of-the-one) ἀδελφῆς (of-brethrened) Παύλου (of-a-Paulos) τὴν (to-the-one) ἐνέδραν (to-a-seatedness-in) παραγενόμενος ( having-had-became-beside ) καὶ (and) εἰσελθὼν (having-had-came-into) εἰς (into) τὴν (to-the-one) παρεμβολὴν (to-a-casting-in-beside) ἀπήγγειλεν (it-messaged-off) τῷ (unto-the-one) Παύλῳ. (unto-a-Paulos)
23:16. quod cum audisset filius sororis Pauli insidias venit et intravit in castra nuntiavitque PauloWhich when Paul's sister's son had heard, of their lying in wait, he came and entered into the castle and told Paul.
16. But Paul’s sister’s son heard of their lying in wait, and he came and entered into the castle, and told Paul.
And when Paul' s sister' s son heard of their lying in wait, he went and entered into the castle, and told Paul:

16: Услышав о сем умысле, сын сестры Павловой пришел и, войдя в крепость, уведомил Павла.
23:16  ἀκούσας δὲ ὁ υἱὸς τῆς ἀδελφῆς παύλου τὴν ἐνέδραν παραγενόμενος καὶ εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὴν παρεμβολὴν ἀπήγγειλεν τῶ παύλῳ.
23:16. quod cum audisset filius sororis Pauli insidias venit et intravit in castra nuntiavitque Paulo
Which when Paul's sister's son had heard, of their lying in wait, he came and entered into the castle and told Paul.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
16: "Сын сестры Павловой..." О нем, кроме здесь сказанного, ничего более неизвестно.

"Вошедши в крепость..." Вероятно, апостол после объявления о своем римском гражданстве содержался в крепости без особенных строгостей, так что к нему могли иметь доступ родные; так было и в Кесарии после (XXIV:23), и в самом Риме (XXVIII:16).
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
23:16: Paul's sister's son - This is all we know of Paul's family. And we know not how this young man got to Jerusalem; the family, no doubt, still resided at Tarsus.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:16: Paul's sister's son - This is all that we know of the family of Paul. Nor do we know for what purpose he was at Jerusalem. It is possible that Paul might have a sister residing there; though, as Paul himself had been sent there formerly for his education, it seems more probable that this young man was sent there for the same purpose.
Entered into the castle - Paul had the privileges of a Roman citizen, and as no well-founded charge had been laid against him, it is probable that he was not very closely confined, and that his friends might have free access to him.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:16: when: Job 5:13; Pro 21:30; Lam 3:37; Co1 3:19
he went: Sa2 17:17
John Gill
23:16 And when Paul's sister's son heard of their lying in wait,.... Paul might have a sister living in Jerusalem; or this her son might be there on account of his studies; he might be a pupil to one of the doctors, by which means he might come at this secret, that such a number of men were in ambush, in order to take away his uncle's life: wherefore having got intelligence of it,
he went and entered into the castle; the Alexandrian copy reads, "the synagogue"; but Paul was not there, but in the castle of Antonia; the Ethiopic version renders it, "the prison"; though it is plain that he was not very closely confined, it was easy to have access to him; the reason might be, not only because he was a Roman, but because he was uncondemned, nor was any charge proved against him:
and told Paul; what he had heard, that such a number of men had entered into a conspiracy to take away his life, and lay in wait for him; and this was an instance both of duty and affection to his uncle, and worthy of imitation, whether it proceeded from natural relation, or from religion, or both.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:16 Paul's sister's son--(See on Acts 9:30). If he was at this time residing at Jerusalem for his education, like Paul himself, he may have got at the schools those hints of the conspiracy on which he so promptly acted.
23:1723:17: Եւ կոչեցեալ Պաւղոսի առ իւր զմի ՚ի հարիւրապետաց անտի՝ ասէ. Զպատանիս զայս տա՛ր առ հազարապետն, զի ունի՛ ինչ պատմել նմա[2732]։ [2732] Յոմանս պակասի. Պաւղոսի առ իւր։ Օրինակ մի. Ունի ինչ ասել նմա։
17. Եւ Պօղոսը, իր մօտ կանչելով հարիւրապետներից մէկին, ասաց. «Այս պատանուն հազարապետի մօտ տա՛ր, որովհետեւ նրան հաղորդելու բան ունի»:
17 Պօղոս ալ հարիւրապետներէն մէկը իրեն կանչելով՝ ըսաւ. «Այս պատանին հազարապետին տար, վասն զի անոր իմացնելիք բան մը ունի»։
Եւ կոչեցեալ Պաւղոսի առ իւր զմի ի հարիւրապետաց անտի` ասէ. Զպատանիս զայս տար առ հազարապետն, զի ունի ինչ պատմել նմա:

23:17: Եւ կոչեցեալ Պաւղոսի առ իւր զմի ՚ի հարիւրապետաց անտի՝ ասէ. Զպատանիս զայս տա՛ր առ հազարապետն, զի ունի՛ ինչ պատմել նմա[2732]։
[2732] Յոմանս պակասի. Պաւղոսի առ իւր։ Օրինակ մի. Ունի ինչ ասել նմա։
17. Եւ Պօղոսը, իր մօտ կանչելով հարիւրապետներից մէկին, ասաց. «Այս պատանուն հազարապետի մօտ տա՛ր, որովհետեւ նրան հաղորդելու բան ունի»:
17 Պօղոս ալ հարիւրապետներէն մէկը իրեն կանչելով՝ ըսաւ. «Այս պատանին հազարապետին տար, վասն զի անոր իմացնելիք բան մը ունի»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:1717: Павел же, призвав одного из сотников, сказал: отведи этого юношу к тысяченачальнику, ибо он имеет нечто сказать ему.
23:17  προσκαλεσάμενος δὲ ὁ παῦλος ἕνα τῶν ἑκατονταρχῶν ἔφη, τὸν νεανίαν τοῦτον ἀπάγαγε πρὸς τὸν χιλίαρχον, ἔχει γὰρ ἀπαγγεῖλαί τι αὐτῶ.
23:17. προσκαλεσάμενος ( Having-called-toward-unto ) δὲ (moreover,"ὁ (the-one) Παῦλος (a-Paulos,"ἕνα (to-one) τῶν (of-the-ones) ἑκατονταρχῶν (of-firsters-of-hundred,"ἔφη (it-was-declaring,"Τὸν (To-the-one) νεανίαν (to-a-youth) τοῦτον (to-the-one-this) ἄπαγε (thou-should-lead-off) πρὸς (toward) τὸν (to-the-one) χιλίαρχον, (to-a-first-of-thousand,"ἔχει (it-holdeth) γὰρ (therefore) ἀπαγγεῖλαί (to-have-messaged-off) τι (to-a-one) αὐτῷ. (unto-it)
23:17. vocans autem Paulus ad se unum ex centurionibus ait adulescentem hunc perduc ad tribunum habet enim aliquid indicare illiAnd Paul, calling to him one of the centurions, said: Bring this young man to the tribune: for he hath some thing to tell him.
17. And Paul called unto him one of the centurions, and said, Bring this young man unto the chief captain: for he hath something to tell him.
Then Paul called one of the centurions unto [him], and said, Bring this young man unto the chief captain: for he hath a certain thing to tell him:

17: Павел же, призвав одного из сотников, сказал: отведи этого юношу к тысяченачальнику, ибо он имеет нечто сказать ему.
23:17  προσκαλεσάμενος δὲ ὁ παῦλος ἕνα τῶν ἑκατονταρχῶν ἔφη, τὸν νεανίαν τοῦτον ἀπάγαγε πρὸς τὸν χιλίαρχον, ἔχει γὰρ ἀπαγγεῖλαί τι αὐτῶ.
23:17. vocans autem Paulus ad se unum ex centurionibus ait adulescentem hunc perduc ad tribunum habet enim aliquid indicare illi
And Paul, calling to him one of the centurions, said: Bring this young man to the tribune: for he hath some thing to tell him.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
17: Чтобы не разглашать дела, требовавшего возможной тайны, апостол не говорит о нем сотнику, а просит отвести племянника своего прямо к тысяченачальнику, так что знали о замысле на жизнь Павла только трое - сам Павел, племянник его и тысяченачальник (ст. 22). "Достойно удивления, говорит Златоуст, как Павел не смутился и не сказал: что же это значит? Справедливо ли сказанное мне Христом? (ст. 11) Нет, он не думал и не чувствовал ничего такого, а только веровал. Впрочем, веруя, он не дремал, и не преминул сделать то, что можно было при помощи человеческой мудрости".
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
23:17: Bring this young man unto the chief captain - Though St. Paul had the most positive assurance from Divine authority that he should be preserved, yet he knew that the Divine providence acts by reasonable and prudent means; and that, if he neglected to use the means in his power, he could not expect God's providence to work in his behalf. He who will not help himself, according to the means and power he possesses, has neither reason nor revelation to assure him that he shall receive any assistance from God.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:17: Called one of the centurions - Who might at that time have had special charge of the castle, or been on guard. Paul had the most positive divine assurance that his life would be spared, and that he would yet see Rome; but he always understood the divine promises and purposes as being consistent with his own efforts, and with all proper measures of prudence and diligence in securing his own safety. He did not rest merely on the divine promises without any effort of his own, but he took encouragement from those promises to put forth his own exertions for security and for salvation.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:17: one: Act 23:23, Act 22:26; Pro 22:3; Mat 8:8, Mat 8:9, Mat 10:16
Geneva 1599
23:17 (11) Then Paul called one of the centurions unto [him], and said, Bring this young man unto the chief captain: for he hath a certain thing to tell him.
(11) The wisdom of the Spirit must be joined with simplicity.
John Gill
23:17 Then Paul called one of the centurions unto him,.... For under this chief captain there must have been ten of them, if the company of which he was captain consisted of a thousand men, as his title chief captain or chiliarch imports; for a centurion was over an hundred men, as his title signifies; perhaps this might be the same, as in Acts 22:25
and said, bring this young man to the chief captain: which was a very prudential step, not to let the centurion into the secret, but to desire him to introduce the young man to the chief captain; for had he trusted the centurion with it, he might not have acquainted his officer with it, but have informed the liers in wait of it: now though the apostle was assured by Christ that he should not die at Jerusalem, but should bear witness of him at Rome, and though he did not distrust the truth of Christ's words, but most firmly believed them; yet he thought it his duty to make use of the means, which providence had put in his way, for his preservation and safety; the Ethiopic version reads, "bring this young man by night to the chief captain"; that so he might not be seen, and observed to have carried any intelligence to him:
for he hath a certain thing to tell him; which was of some moment and importance, and proper for him to know.
John Wesley
23:17 And Paul - Though he had an express promise of it from Christ, was not to neglect any proper means of safety.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:17 Then Paul called one of the centurions--Though divinely assured of safety, he never allows this to interfere with the duty he owed to his own life and the work he had yet to do. (See on Acts 27:22-25; Acts 27:31).
23:1823:18: Եւ նորա առեալ զնա տարա՛ւ առ հազարապետն՝ եւ ասէ. Կապեալն Պաւղոս կոչեաց զիս, եւ աղաչեաց զպատանիս զայս ածե՛լ առ քեզ, ունի ինչ խօսե՛լ ընդ քեզ[2733]։ [2733] Ոսկան. Որ ունի ինչ խօսիլ։
18. Եւ նա նրան առաւ եւ տարաւ հազարապետի մօտ ու ասաց. «Կալանաւորուած Պօղոսն ինձ կանչեց եւ խնդրեց այս պատանուն քեզ մօտ բերել. քեզ ասելու բան ունի»:
18 Ան ալ առաւ զանիկա եւ տարաւ հազարապետին ու ըսաւ. «Բանտարկեալ Պօղոսը զիս կանչեց եւ աղաչեց որ այս պատանին քեզի բերեմ, քանզի քեզի խօսելիք ունի»։
Եւ նորա առեալ զնա տարաւ առ հազարապետն եւ ասէ. Կապեալն Պաւղոս կոչեաց զիս, եւ աղաչեաց զպատանիս զայս ածել առ քեզ. ունի ինչ խօսել ընդ քեզ:

23:18: Եւ նորա առեալ զնա տարա՛ւ առ հազարապետն՝ եւ ասէ. Կապեալն Պաւղոս կոչեաց զիս, եւ աղաչեաց զպատանիս զայս ածե՛լ առ քեզ, ունի ինչ խօսե՛լ ընդ քեզ[2733]։
[2733] Ոսկան. Որ ունի ինչ խօսիլ։
18. Եւ նա նրան առաւ եւ տարաւ հազարապետի մօտ ու ասաց. «Կալանաւորուած Պօղոսն ինձ կանչեց եւ խնդրեց այս պատանուն քեզ մօտ բերել. քեզ ասելու բան ունի»:
18 Ան ալ առաւ զանիկա եւ տարաւ հազարապետին ու ըսաւ. «Բանտարկեալ Պօղոսը զիս կանչեց եւ աղաչեց որ այս պատանին քեզի բերեմ, քանզի քեզի խօսելիք ունի»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:1818: Тот, взяв его, привел к тысяченачальнику и сказал: узник Павел, призвав меня, просил отвести к тебе этого юношу, который имеет нечто сказать тебе.
23:18  ὁ μὲν οὗν παραλαβὼν αὐτὸν ἤγαγεν πρὸς τὸν χιλίαρχον καὶ φησίν, ὁ δέσμιος παῦλος προσκαλεσάμενός με ἠρώτησεν τοῦτον τὸν νεανίσκον ἀγαγεῖν πρὸς σέ, ἔχοντά τι λαλῆσαί σοι.
23:18. ὁ (The-one) μὲν (indeed) οὖν (accordingly) παραλαβὼν (having-had-taken-beside) αὐτὸν (to-it) ἤγαγεν (it-had-led) πρὸς (toward) τὸν (to-the-one) χιλίαρχον (to-first-of-thousand) καί (and) φησιν (it-declareth,"Ὁ (The-one) δέσμιος (tied-belonged) Παῦλος (a-Paulos) προσκαλεσάμενός ( having-called-toward-unto ) με (to-me) ἠρώτησεν (it-entreated-unto) τοῦτον (to-the-one-this) τὸν (to-the-one) νεανίαν (to-a-youth) ἀγαγεῖν (to-have-had-led) πρὸς (toward) σέ, (to-THEE,"ἔχοντά (to-holding) τι (to-a-one) λαλῆσαί (to-have-spoken-unto) σοι. (unto-thee)
23:18. et ille quidem adsumens eum duxit ad tribunum et ait vinctus Paulus vocans rogavit me hunc adulescentem perducere ad te habentem aliquid loqui tibiAnd he, taking him, brought him to the tribune and said: Paul, the prisoner, desired me to bring this young man unto thee, who hath some thing to say to thee.
18. So he took him, and brought him to the chief captain, and saith, Paul the prisoner called me unto him, and asked me to bring this young man unto thee, who hath something to say to thee.
So he took him, and brought [him] to the chief captain, and said, Paul the prisoner called me unto [him], and prayed me to bring this young man unto thee, who hath something to say unto thee:

18: Тот, взяв его, привел к тысяченачальнику и сказал: узник Павел, призвав меня, просил отвести к тебе этого юношу, который имеет нечто сказать тебе.
23:18  ὁ μὲν οὗν παραλαβὼν αὐτὸν ἤγαγεν πρὸς τὸν χιλίαρχον καὶ φησίν, ὁ δέσμιος παῦλος προσκαλεσάμενός με ἠρώτησεν τοῦτον τὸν νεανίσκον ἀγαγεῖν πρὸς σέ, ἔχοντά τι λαλῆσαί σοι.
23:18. et ille quidem adsumens eum duxit ad tribunum et ait vinctus Paulus vocans rogavit me hunc adulescentem perducere ad te habentem aliquid loqui tibi
And he, taking him, brought him to the tribune and said: Paul, the prisoner, desired me to bring this young man unto thee, who hath some thing to say to thee.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
18: "Узник Павел..." - при сравнительной легкости заключения Павел все же остается узником ввиду неопределенности важности и степени его виновности.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:18: And prayed me - And asked me.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:18: Paul: Act 16:25, Act 27:1, Act 28:17; Gen 40:14, Gen 40:15; Eph 3:1, Eph 4:1; Plm 1:9
something: Luk 7:40
John Gill
23:18 So he took him, and brought him to the chief captain,.... Immediately, without any more to do, without curiously inquiring into the thing, or examining the young man about it; which showed him to be a man of a good disposition, and ready to do a kind office, even to a prisoner:
and said, Paul the prisoner called me to him; either vocally or by some gesture, beckoned him to him:
and prayed me to bring this young man unto thee, who hath something to say unto thee; in which may be observed the apostle's manner of address to the centurion, on this occasion; it was by way of entreaty; he asked it as a favour of him, to introduce his nephew to the chief captain; and the honour and modesty of the centurion, he did not seek by any methods to get the secret out, either of Paul or the young man; but readily undertakes the affair, honourably performs it, acquaints the captain with the circumstances of it, tells him the young man had something to say to him, he could not tell what, and then departs.
23:1923:19: Առեալ զձեռանէ նորա հազարապետին՝ գնա՛ց մեկուսի, հարցանէր՝ թէ զի՞նչ ունիս խօսել ընդ իս[2734]։ [2734] Ոմանք. Հազարապետն գնաց... հարցանէր եթէ զինչ։
19. Հազարապետը նրա ձեռքից բռնելով՝ մի կողմ գնաց եւ հարցրեց. «Ինձ հաղորդելու ի՞նչ ունես»:
19 Հազարապետը անոր ձեռքէն բռնելով՝ մէկդի գնաց ու հարցուց. «Ի՞նչ ունիս ինծի իմացնելիք»։
Առեալ զձեռանէ նորա հազարապետին` գնաց մեկուսի, հարցանէր թէ` Զի՞նչ ունիս խօսել ընդ իս:

23:19: Առեալ զձեռանէ նորա հազարապետին՝ գնա՛ց մեկուսի, հարցանէր՝ թէ զի՞նչ ունիս խօսել ընդ իս[2734]։
[2734] Ոմանք. Հազարապետն գնաց... հարցանէր եթէ զինչ։
19. Հազարապետը նրա ձեռքից բռնելով՝ մի կողմ գնաց եւ հարցրեց. «Ինձ հաղորդելու ի՞նչ ունես»:
19 Հազարապետը անոր ձեռքէն բռնելով՝ մէկդի գնաց ու հարցուց. «Ի՞նչ ունիս ինծի իմացնելիք»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:1919: Тысяченачальник, взяв его за руку и отойдя с ним в сторону, спрашивал: что такое имеешь ты сказать мне?
23:19  ἐπιλαβόμενος δὲ τῆς χειρὸς αὐτοῦ ὁ χιλίαρχος καὶ ἀναχωρήσας κατ᾽ ἰδίαν ἐπυνθάνετο, τί ἐστιν ὃ ἔχεις ἀπαγγεῖλαί μοι;
23:19. ἐπιλαβόμενος ( Having-had-taken-upon ) δὲ (moreover) τῆς (of-the-one) χειρὸς (of-a-hand) αὐτοῦ (of-it,"ὁ (the-one) χιλίαρχος (a-first-of-thousand,"καὶ (and) ἀναχωρήσας (having-spaced-up-unto) κατ' (down) ἰδίαν (to-private-belonged) ἐπυνθάνετο ( it-was-ascertaining ,"Τί (What-one) ἐστιν (it-be) ὃ (to-which) ἔχεις (thou-hold) ἀπαγγεῖλαί (to-have-messaged-off) μοι; (unto-me?"
23:19. adprehendens autem tribunus manum illius secessit cum eo seorsum et interrogavit illum quid est quod habes indicare mihiAnd the tribune, taking him by the hand, went aside with him privately and asked him: What is it that thou hast to tell me?
19. And the chief captain took him by the hand, and going aside asked him privately, What is that thou hast to tell me?
Then the chief captain took him by the hand, and went [with him] aside privately, and asked [him], What is that thou hast to tell me:

19: Тысяченачальник, взяв его за руку и отойдя с ним в сторону, спрашивал: что такое имеешь ты сказать мне?
23:19  ἐπιλαβόμενος δὲ τῆς χειρὸς αὐτοῦ ὁ χιλίαρχος καὶ ἀναχωρήσας κατ᾽ ἰδίαν ἐπυνθάνετο, τί ἐστιν ὃ ἔχεις ἀπαγγεῖλαί μοι;
23:19. adprehendens autem tribunus manum illius secessit cum eo seorsum et interrogavit illum quid est quod habes indicare mihi
And the tribune, taking him by the hand, went aside with him privately and asked him: What is it that thou hast to tell me?
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
19: "Взяв за руку..." - выражение дружелюбия, одобрения и готовности внимательно отнестись к заявлению.

"Отшедши с ним в сторону..." - для лучшего сохранения тайны.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:19: Took him by the hand - As an expression of kindness and civility. He did it to draw him aside from the multitude, that he might communicate his message privately.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:19: took: Jer 31:32; Mar 8:23, Mar 9:27
What: Neh 2:4; Est 5:3, Est 7:2, Est 9:12; Mar 10:51
John Gill
23:19 Then the chief captain took him by the hand,.... Some have thought that the reason of this was, that he expected that the young man had brought him a present in his hand, from Paul; but this is to represent him as a sordid mercenary man, which ought not to be said, without sufficient proof; rather this should be considered as an instance of civility and humanity, and what showed him to be a man of breeding and good manners; and might be done partly out of respect to Paul, and partly to encourage the young man to use freedom in the account he was about to give him:
and went with him aside privately; concluding by his coming from Paul, and perceiving by the account of the centurion, that he had a secret to communicate to him; wherefore it was acting a wise and prudent part to take him into a private room, and hear what he had to say:
and asked him, what is that thou hast to tell me? thereby giving the young man an opportunity, and encouraging him to relate the secret to him.
John Wesley
23:19 And the tribune taking him by the hand - In a mild, condescending way. Lysias seems to have conducted this whole affair with great integrity, humanity, and prudence.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:19 took him by the hand--This shows that he must have been quite in his boyhood, and throws a pleasing light on the kind-hearted impartiality of this officer.
23:2023:20: Եւ նա ասէ. Հրեայք միաբանեցին աղաչե՛լ զքեզ, զի վաղիւ զՊաւղոս իջուսցե՛ս յատեան, իբրեւ թէ կամիցին ինչ ճշմա՛րտագո՛յնս հարցանել վասն նորա[2735]. [2735] Ոմանք. Միաբանեցան աղա՛՛... զի ՚ի վաղիւ... իբր թէ։ Ուր Ոսկան. զի ՚ի վաղուեան զՊօղոս։ Յօրինակին. Աղաչել զձեզ զի... կամիցին ճշմարտա՛՛։
20. Նա ասաց. «Հրեաները միաբանուեցին խնդրելու քեզ, որ վաղը Պօղոսին ատեան իջեցնես, իբր թէ ուզում են նրա վերաբերեալ աւելի ճշգրիտ հարցաքննութիւն անել:
20 Անիկա ըսաւ. «Հրեաները միաբանեցան քեզի աղաչելու որ վաղը Պօղոսը ատեանը իջեցնես, որպէս թէ կ’ուզեն աւելի ճիշդ քննութիւն մը ընել անոր մասին։
Եւ նա ասէ. Հրեայք միաբանեցին աղաչել զքեզ, զի ի վաղիւ զՊաւղոս իջուսցես յատեան, իբրեւ թէ կամիցին ինչ ճշմարտագոյնս հարցանել վասն նորա:

23:20: Եւ նա ասէ. Հրեայք միաբանեցին աղաչե՛լ զքեզ, զի վաղիւ զՊաւղոս իջուսցե՛ս յատեան, իբրեւ թէ կամիցին ինչ ճշմա՛րտագո՛յնս հարցանել վասն նորա[2735].
[2735] Ոմանք. Միաբանեցան աղա՛՛... զի ՚ի վաղիւ... իբր թէ։ Ուր Ոսկան. զի ՚ի վաղուեան զՊօղոս։ Յօրինակին. Աղաչել զձեզ զի... կամիցին ճշմարտա՛՛։
20. Նա ասաց. «Հրեաները միաբանուեցին խնդրելու քեզ, որ վաղը Պօղոսին ատեան իջեցնես, իբր թէ ուզում են նրա վերաբերեալ աւելի ճշգրիտ հարցաքննութիւն անել:
20 Անիկա ըսաւ. «Հրեաները միաբանեցան քեզի աղաչելու որ վաղը Պօղոսը ատեանը իջեցնես, որպէս թէ կ’ուզեն աւելի ճիշդ քննութիւն մը ընել անոր մասին։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:2020: Он отвечал, что Иудеи согласились просить тебя, чтобы ты завтра вывел Павла пред синедрион, как будто они хотят точнее исследовать дело о нем.
23:20  εἶπεν δὲ ὅτι οἱ ἰουδαῖοι συνέθεντο τοῦ ἐρωτῆσαί σε ὅπως αὔριον τὸν παῦλον καταγάγῃς εἰς τὸ συνέδριον ὡς μέλλον τι ἀκριβέστερον πυνθάνεσθαι περὶ αὐτοῦ.
23:20. εἶπεν (It-had-said) δὲ (moreover) ὅτι (to-which-a-one,"Οἱ (The-ones) Ἰουδαῖοι ( Iouda-belonged ) συνέθεντο ( they-had-placed-together ) τοῦ (of-the-one) ἐρωτῆσαί (to-have-entreated-unto) σε (to-thee) ὅπως (unto-which-whither) αὔριον (to-morrow) τὸν (to-the-one) Παῦλον (to-a-Paulos) καταγάγῃς (thou-might-have-had-led-down) εἰς (into) τὸ (to-the-one) συνέδριον (to-a-seatlet-together) ὡς (as) μέλλων (impending) τι (to-a-one) ἀκριβέστερον (to-more-exacted) πυνθάνεσθαι ( to-ascertain ) περὶ (about) αὐτοῦ: (of-it)
23:20. ille autem dixit Iudaeis convenit rogare te ut crastina die Paulum producas in concilium quasi aliquid certius inquisituri sint de illoAnd he said: The Jews have agreed to desire thee that thou wouldst bring forth Paul to-morrow into the council, as if they meant to inquire some thing more certain touching him.
20. And he said, The Jews have agreed to ask thee to bring down Paul tomorrow unto the council, as though thou wouldest inquire somewhat more exactly concerning him.
And he said, The Jews have agreed to desire thee that thou wouldest bring down Paul to morrow into the council, as though they would enquire somewhat of him more perfectly:

20: Он отвечал, что Иудеи согласились просить тебя, чтобы ты завтра вывел Павла пред синедрион, как будто они хотят точнее исследовать дело о нем.
23:20  εἶπεν δὲ ὅτι οἱ ἰουδαῖοι συνέθεντο τοῦ ἐρωτῆσαί σε ὅπως αὔριον τὸν παῦλον καταγάγῃς εἰς τὸ συνέδριον ὡς μέλλον τι ἀκριβέστερον πυνθάνεσθαι περὶ αὐτοῦ.
23:20. ille autem dixit Iudaeis convenit rogare te ut crastina die Paulum producas in concilium quasi aliquid certius inquisituri sint de illo
And he said: The Jews have agreed to desire thee that thou wouldst bring forth Paul to-morrow into the council, as if they meant to inquire some thing more certain touching him.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ all ▾
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:20: And he said ... - In what way this young man had received intelligence of this, we can only conjecture. It is not improbable that he was a student under some one of the Jewish teachers, and that he might have learned it of him. It is not at all probable that the purpose of the 40 men would be very closely kept. Indeed, it is evident that they were not themselves very anxious about concealing their oath, as they mentioned it freely to the chief priests and elders, Act 23:14.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:20: The Jews: Act 23:12
as: Act 23:15; Psa 12:2; Dan 6:5-12
John Gill
23:20 And he said, the Jews have agreed to desire thee,.... By the Jews are meant, the Jewish sanhedrim, for the young man had not only intelligence of the conspiracy, and lying in wait of the forty men or more; but also of the agreement which the sanhedrim at the motion of these men were come into, to make the following request to the chief captain; which seems to confirm the above conjecture, that this young man might be a student under the president of the council, or one of the doctors, whereby he came at the knowledge of these things:
that thou wouldst bring down Paul tomorrow into the council, &c. See Gill on Acts 23:15.
23:2123:21: արդ՝ դու մի՛ անսայցես նոցա. քանզի դարա՛ն գործեա՛լ է նմա ՚ի նոցանէ արանց աւելի՛ քան զքառասուն, որք նզովեցին զանձինս՝ ո՛չ ուտել եւ ո՛չ ըմպել՝ մինչեւ սպանցեն զնա. արդ՝ պատրա՛ստ են, եւ սպասե՛ն քում հրամանի[2736]։ [2736] Ոմանք. Մի՛ անսասցես նոցա. զի դարան... որ նզովե՛՛։
21. Արդ, դու նրանց չլսես, քանի որ նրանցից աւելի քան քառասուն մարդ դարան են մտել եւ նզովել են իրենք իրենց, որ ո՛չ ուտեն եւ ո՛չ էլ խմեն, մինչեւ որ նրան չսպանեն: Այժմ պատրաստ են եւ քո հրամանին են սպասում»:
21 Բայց դուն անոնց մտիկ մի՛ ըներ, վասն զի անոնցմէ քառասունէ աւելի մարդիկ դարանամուտ եղած են անոր համար, որոնք ինքզինքնին անէծքի տակ դրին, որ չուտեն ու չխմեն, մինչեւ զանիկա սպաննեն ու հիմա պատրաստ են եւ քու հրամանիդ կը սպասեն»։
արդ դու մի՛ անսայցես նոցա, քանզի դարան գործեալ է նմա ի նոցանէ արանց աւելի քան զքառասուն, որ նզովեցին զանձինս ոչ ուտել եւ ոչ ըմպել` մինչեւ սպանցեն զնա. արդ պատրաստ են եւ սպասեն քում հրամանի:

23:21: արդ՝ դու մի՛ անսայցես նոցա. քանզի դարա՛ն գործեա՛լ է նմա ՚ի նոցանէ արանց աւելի՛ քան զքառասուն, որք նզովեցին զանձինս՝ ո՛չ ուտել եւ ո՛չ ըմպել՝ մինչեւ սպանցեն զնա. արդ՝ պատրա՛ստ են, եւ սպասե՛ն քում հրամանի[2736]։
[2736] Ոմանք. Մի՛ անսասցես նոցա. զի դարան... որ նզովե՛՛։
21. Արդ, դու նրանց չլսես, քանի որ նրանցից աւելի քան քառասուն մարդ դարան են մտել եւ նզովել են իրենք իրենց, որ ո՛չ ուտեն եւ ո՛չ էլ խմեն, մինչեւ որ նրան չսպանեն: Այժմ պատրաստ են եւ քո հրամանին են սպասում»:
21 Բայց դուն անոնց մտիկ մի՛ ըներ, վասն զի անոնցմէ քառասունէ աւելի մարդիկ դարանամուտ եղած են անոր համար, որոնք ինքզինքնին անէծքի տակ դրին, որ չուտեն ու չխմեն, մինչեւ զանիկա սպաննեն ու հիմա պատրաստ են եւ քու հրամանիդ կը սպասեն»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:2121: Но ты не слушай их; ибо его подстерегают более сорока человек из них, которые заклялись не есть и не пить, доколе не убьют его; и они теперь готовы, ожидая твоего распоряжения.
23:21  σὺ οὗν μὴ πεισθῇς αὐτοῖς· ἐνεδρεύουσιν γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐξ αὐτῶν ἄνδρες πλείους τεσσεράκοντα, οἵτινες ἀνεθεμάτισαν ἑαυτοὺς μήτε φαγεῖν μήτε πιεῖν ἕως οὖ ἀνέλωσιν αὐτόν, καὶ νῦν εἰσιν ἕτοιμοι προσδεχόμενοι τὴν ἀπὸ σοῦ ἐπαγγελίαν.
23:21. σὺ (thou) οὖν (accordingly) μὴ (lest) πεισθῇς (thou-might-have-been-conduced) αὐτοῖς, (unto-them) ἐνεδρεύουσιν (they-seat-in-of) γὰρ (therefore) αὐτὸν (to-it) ἐξ (out) αὐτῶν (of-them,"ἄνδρες (men) πλείους ( beyond ) τεσσεράκοντα, (of-forty,"οἵτινες (which-ones) ἀνεθεμάτισαν (they-placed-up-to) ἑαυτοὺς (to-selves) μήτε (lest-also) φαγεῖν (to-have-had-devoured) μήτε (lest-also) πεῖν (to-have-had-drank) ἕως (unto-if-which) οὗ (of-which) ἀνέλωσιν (they-might-have-sectioned-up) αὐτόν, (to-it,"καὶ (and) νῦν (now) εἰσὶν (they-be) ἕτοιμοι ( readied-of ) προσδεχόμενοι ( receiving-toward ) τὴν (to-the-one) ἀπὸ (off) σοῦ (of-THEE) ἐπαγγελίαν. (to-a-messaging-upon-unto)
23:21. tu vero ne credideris illis insidiantur enim ei ex eis viri amplius quadraginta qui se devoverunt non manducare neque bibere donec interficiant eum et nunc parati sunt expectantes promissum tuumBut do not thou give credit to them: for there lie in wait for him more than forty men of them, who have bound themselves by oath neither to eat nor to drink, till they have killed him. And they are now ready, looking for a promise from thee.
21. Do not thou therefore yield unto them: for there lie in wait for him of them more than forty men, which have bound themselves under a curse, neither to eat nor to drink till they have slain him: and now are they ready, looking for the promise from thee.
But do not thou yield unto them: for there lie in wait for him of them more than forty men, which have bound themselves with an oath, that they will neither eat nor drink till they have killed him: and now are they ready, looking for a promise from thee:

21: Но ты не слушай их; ибо его подстерегают более сорока человек из них, которые заклялись не есть и не пить, доколе не убьют его; и они теперь готовы, ожидая твоего распоряжения.
23:21  σὺ οὗν μὴ πεισθῇς αὐτοῖς· ἐνεδρεύουσιν γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐξ αὐτῶν ἄνδρες πλείους τεσσεράκοντα, οἵτινες ἀνεθεμάτισαν ἑαυτοὺς μήτε φαγεῖν μήτε πιεῖν ἕως οὖ ἀνέλωσιν αὐτόν, καὶ νῦν εἰσιν ἕτοιμοι προσδεχόμενοι τὴν ἀπὸ σοῦ ἐπαγγελίαν.
23:21. tu vero ne credideris illis insidiantur enim ei ex eis viri amplius quadraginta qui se devoverunt non manducare neque bibere donec interficiant eum et nunc parati sunt expectantes promissum tuum
But do not thou give credit to them: for there lie in wait for him more than forty men of them, who have bound themselves by oath neither to eat nor to drink, till they have killed him. And they are now ready, looking for a promise from thee.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ all ▾
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:21: Looking for a promise from thee - Waiting for your consent to bring him down to them.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:21: do not: Exo 23:2
for: Act 23:12-14, Act 9:23, Act 9:24, Act 14:5, Act 14:6, Act 20:19, Act 25:3; Co2 11:26, Co2 11:32, Co2 11:33
an oath: Act 23:14; Rom 9:3
John Gill
23:21 But do not thou yield unto them,.... Or be persuaded by them, to bring Paul down from the castle to the sanhedrim; this must not be imputed to the young man's pride and vanity, in taking upon him to give advice to the chief captain; but to his great affection for his uncle, which moved him to entreat, rather than to direct him, for which he gives a good reason:
for there lie in wait for him more than forty men, which have bound themselves with an oath, that they will neither eat nor drink till they have killed him; See Gill on Acts 23:12. See Gill on Acts 23:13.
and now are they ready; to execute their designs, being met together, and lying in ambush in some place, between the castle and the place where the sanhedrim met:
looking for a promise from thee; that when the sanhedrim should apply to him, he would promise them to bring Paul down according to their request; and for the making and performing of this promise, these men were waiting.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:21 and now are they ready, looking for a promise from thee--Thus, as is so often the case with God's people, not till the last moment, when the plot was all prepared, did deliverance come.
23:2223:22: Ապա հազարապետն արձակեա՛ց զպատանին, պատուիրեալ մի՛ ումեք ասել՝ թէ զայս զգացուցեր ինձ[2737]։ [2737] Ոմանք. Պատուիրեաց մի՛ ու՛՛։
22. Ապա հազարապետը արձակեց պատանուն՝ նրան պատուիրելով. «Ոչ ոքի մի՛ ասա, թէ այս բաներն ինձ տեղեկացրիր»:
22 Այն ատեն հազարապետը պատանին ճամբեց եւ պատուիրեց. «Մարդու մի՛ ըսեր, որ այս բանը ինծի իմացուցիր»։
Ապա հազարապետն արձակեաց զպատանին` պատուիրեալ մի՛ ումեք ասել թէ զայս զգացուցեր ինձ:

23:22: Ապա հազարապետն արձակեա՛ց զպատանին, պատուիրեալ մի՛ ումեք ասել՝ թէ զայս զգացուցեր ինձ[2737]։
[2737] Ոմանք. Պատուիրեաց մի՛ ու՛՛։
22. Ապա հազարապետը արձակեց պատանուն՝ նրան պատուիրելով. «Ոչ ոքի մի՛ ասա, թէ այս բաներն ինձ տեղեկացրիր»:
22 Այն ատեն հազարապետը պատանին ճամբեց եւ պատուիրեց. «Մարդու մի՛ ըսեր, որ այս բանը ինծի իմացուցիր»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:2222: Тогда тысяченачальник отпустил юношу, сказав: никому не говори, что ты объявил мне это.
23:22  ὁ μὲν οὗν χιλίαρχος ἀπέλυσε τὸν νεανίσκον παραγγείλας μηδενὶ ἐκλαλῆσαι ὅτι ταῦτα ἐνεφάνισας πρός με.
23:22. ὁ (The-one) μὲν (indeed) οὖν (accordingly) χιλίαρχος (a-first-of-thousand) ἀπέλυσε (it-loosed-off) τὸν (to-the-one) νεανίσκον (to-youthed-of) παραγγείλας (having-messaged-beside) μηδενὶ (unto-lest-moreover-one) ἐκλαλῆσαι (to-have-spoken-out-unto) ὅτι (to-which-a-one) ταῦτα (to-the-ones-these) ἐνεφάνισας (thou-manifested-in-to) πρὸς (toward) ἐμέ. (to-ME)
23:22. tribunus igitur dimisit adulescentem praecipiens ne cui loqueretur quoniam haec nota sibi fecissetThe tribune therefore dismissed the young man, charging him that he should tell no man that he had made known these things unto him.
22. So the chief captain let the young man go, charging him, Tell no man that thou hast signified these things to me.
So the chief captain [then] let the young man depart, and charged [him, See thou] tell no man that thou hast shewed these things to me:

22: Тогда тысяченачальник отпустил юношу, сказав: никому не говори, что ты объявил мне это.
23:22  ὁ μὲν οὗν χιλίαρχος ἀπέλυσε τὸν νεανίσκον παραγγείλας μηδενὶ ἐκλαλῆσαι ὅτι ταῦτα ἐνεφάνισας πρός με.
23:22. tribunus igitur dimisit adulescentem praecipiens ne cui loqueretur quoniam haec nota sibi fecisset
The tribune therefore dismissed the young man, charging him that he should tell no man that he had made known these things unto him.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ all ▾
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:22: Jos 2:14; Mar 1:44
Geneva 1599
23:22 (12) So the chief captain [then] let the young man depart, and charged [him, See thou] tell no man that thou hast shewed these things to me.
(12) There is no counsel against the Lord and his servants.
John Gill
23:22 So the chief captain then let the young man depart,.... After he had had the account from him, and was master of the whole affair:
and charged him, see thou tell no man that thou hast showed these things to me; which was prudently said; it was a right and wise thing to conceal this matter, that the men might go on with their designs, and an opportunity be taken to convey Paul away, before the time came fixed by them to execute them; for otherwise, should it have been known that their plot was discovered, they would have entered upon new measures.
23:2323:23: Եւ կոչեա՛ց երկուս ՚ի հարիւրապետացն՝ եւ ասէ. Պատրաստեցէ՛ք զօրականս երկերիւր, որպէս զի երթիցեն մինչեւ ՚ի Կեսարիա. եւ հեծեալս իւթանասուն՝ եւ տիգաւո՛րս երկերիւր, յերից ժամու գիշերւոյն[2738]. [2738] Ոմանք. Եւթանասուն... ՚ի յերից ժամուց գիշերոյն։
23. Եւ հարիւրապետներից երկուսին կանչեց ու ասաց. «Պատրաստեցէ՛ք երկու հարիւր զինուորներ, գիշերուայ ժամը երեքից, որպէսզի գնան մինչեւ Կեսարիա. նաեւ՝ եօթանասուն հեծեալներ եւ երկու հարիւր նիզակաւորներ,
23 Հարիւրապետներէն երկուքը կանչեց ու ըսաւ. «Երկու հարիւր զինուոր պատրաստեցէք ու եօթանասուն ձիաւոր եւ երկու հարիւր գեղարդաւոր, որպէս զի մինչեւ Կեսարիա երթան գիշերուան ժամը երեքին
Եւ կոչեաց երկուս ի հարիւրապետացն եւ ասէ. Պատրաստեցէք զօրականս երկերիւր, որպէս զի երթիցեն մինչեւ ի Կեսարիա, եւ հեծեալս եւթանասուն եւ տիգաւորս երկերիւր, յերից ժամուց գիշերոյն:

23:23: Եւ կոչեա՛ց երկուս ՚ի հարիւրապետացն՝ եւ ասէ. Պատրաստեցէ՛ք զօրականս երկերիւր, որպէս զի երթիցեն մինչեւ ՚ի Կեսարիա. եւ հեծեալս իւթանասուն՝ եւ տիգաւո՛րս երկերիւր, յերից ժամու գիշերւոյն[2738].
[2738] Ոմանք. Եւթանասուն... ՚ի յերից ժամուց գիշերոյն։
23. Եւ հարիւրապետներից երկուսին կանչեց ու ասաց. «Պատրաստեցէ՛ք երկու հարիւր զինուորներ, գիշերուայ ժամը երեքից, որպէսզի գնան մինչեւ Կեսարիա. նաեւ՝ եօթանասուն հեծեալներ եւ երկու հարիւր նիզակաւորներ,
23 Հարիւրապետներէն երկուքը կանչեց ու ըսաւ. «Երկու հարիւր զինուոր պատրաստեցէք ու եօթանասուն ձիաւոր եւ երկու հարիւր գեղարդաւոր, որպէս զի մինչեւ Կեսարիա երթան գիշերուան ժամը երեքին
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:2323: И, призвав двух сотников, сказал: приготовьте мне воинов [пеших] двести, конных семьдесят и стрелков двести, чтобы с третьего часа ночи шли в Кесарию.
23:23  καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος δύο [τινὰς] τῶν ἑκατονταρχῶν εἶπεν, ἑτοιμάσατε στρατιώτας διακοσίους ὅπως πορευθῶσιν ἕως καισαρείας, καὶ ἱππεῖς ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ δεξιολάβους διακοσίους, ἀπὸ τρίτης ὥρας τῆς νυκτός,
23:23. Καὶ (And) προσκαλεσάμενός ( having-called-toward-unto ) τινας (to-ones) δύο (to-two) τῶν (of-the-ones) ἑκατονταρχῶν (of-firsters-of-hundred) εἶπεν (it-had-said,"Ἑτοιμάσατε (Ye-should-have-readied-to) στρατιώτας (to-amass-belongers) διακοσίους ( to-two-hundred ) ὅπως (unto-which-whither) πορευθῶσιν (they-might-have-been-traversed-of) ἕως (unto-if-which) Καισαρίας, (of-a-Kaisaria,"καὶ (and) ἱππεῖς (to-horsers-of) ἑβδομήκοντα (to-seventy) καὶ (and) δεξιολάβους (to-right-belonged-takers) διακοσίους , ( to-two-hundred ,"ἀπὸ (off) τρίτης (of-third) ὥρας (of-an-hour) τῆς (of-the-one) νυκτός, (of-a-night,"
23:23. et vocatis duobus centurionibus dixit illis parate milites ducentos ut eant usque Caesaream et equites septuaginta et lancearios ducentos a tertia hora noctisThen having called two centurions, he said to them: Make ready two hundred soldiers to go as far as Caesarea: and seventy horsemen and two hundred spearmen, for the third hour of the night.
23. And he called unto him two of the centurions, and said, Make ready two hundred soldiers to go as far as Caesarea, and horsemen threescore and ten, and spearmen two hundred, at the third hour of the night:
And he called unto [him] two centurions, saying, Make ready two hundred soldiers to go to Caesarea, and horsemen threescore and ten, and spearmen two hundred, at the third hour of the night:

23: И, призвав двух сотников, сказал: приготовьте мне воинов [пеших] двести, конных семьдесят и стрелков двести, чтобы с третьего часа ночи шли в Кесарию.
23:23  καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος δύο [τινὰς] τῶν ἑκατονταρχῶν εἶπεν, ἑτοιμάσατε στρατιώτας διακοσίους ὅπως πορευθῶσιν ἕως καισαρείας, καὶ ἱππεῖς ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ δεξιολάβους διακοσίους, ἀπὸ τρίτης ὥρας τῆς νυκτός,
23:23. et vocatis duobus centurionibus dixit illis parate milites ducentos ut eant usque Caesaream et equites septuaginta et lancearios ducentos a tertia hora noctis
Then having called two centurions, he said to them: Make ready two hundred soldiers to go as far as Caesarea: and seventy horsemen and two hundred spearmen, for the third hour of the night.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
23: "Воинов двести..." - разумеется - пеших, с полным вооружением, в отличие от конных воинов и легковооруженных стрелков. Конвой апостола, таким образом, состоял из 400: пехоты и 70: человек всадников. Неизлишняя предосторожность, вызванная разве немного менее угрожающим количеством озлобленных врагов Павла.

"С третьего часа ночи" - по-нашему - с 9-го часа вечера. Такое распоряжение дается отчасти потому, что в тех жарких странах удобнее путешествовать ночью, отчасти же и для большей безопасности от иудеев, для чего требовалась также и спешность (ст. 31, 32).
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
23:23: Two hundred soldiers - Στρατιωτας, Infantry or foot soldiers.
Horsemen threescore and ten - There was always a certain number of horse, or cavalry, attached to the foot.
Spearmen - Δεξιολαβους, Persons who held a spear or javelin in their hand; from εν τῃ δεξιᾳ λαβειν taking or holding a thing in the right hand. But the Codex Alexandrinus reads δεξιοβολους, from δεξια, the right hand, and βαλλειν, to cast or dart, persons who threw javelins. But both words seem to mean nearly the same thing.
The third hour of the night - About nine o'clock p.m., for the greater secrecy, and to elude the cunning, active malice of the Jews.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:23: And he called unto him two centurions ... - Each centurion had under him 100 men. The chief captain resolved to place Paul beyond the power of the Jews, and to protect him as became a Roman citizen.
Two hundred soldiers - These foot soldiers were designed only to guard Paul until he was safely out of Jerusalem. The horsemen only were intended to accompany him to Caesarea. See Act 23:32.
And horsemen - These were commonly attached to foot soldiers. In this case, however, they were designed to attend Paul to Caesarea.
And spearmen - δεξιολάβους dexiolabous." This word is found nowhere else in the New Testament, and occurs in no Classical writer. It properly means those who take, or apprehend by the right hand; and might be applied to those who apprehend prisoners, or to those who hold a spear or dart in the right hand for the purpose of throwing it. Some have conjectured that it should be read δεξιοβόλους dexiobolous - those who cast or throw (a spear) with the right hand. So the Vulgate, the Syriac, and the Arabic understand it. They were probably those who were armed with spears or darts, and who attended on the tribune as a guard.
At the third hour of the night - At nine o'clock. This was in order that it might be done with secrecy, and to elude the band of desperadoes that had resolved to murder Paul. If it should seem that this guard was very numerous for one man, it should be remembered:
(1) That the number of those who had conspired against him was also large; and,
(2) That they were men accustomed to scenes of blood; men of desperate characters who had solemnly sworn that they would take his life.
In order, therefore, to deter them effectually from attacking the guard, it was made very numerous and strong. Nearly 500 men were appointed to guard Paul as he left Jerusalem.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:23: two centurions: Act 23:17
at: About nine o'clock in the evening, for the greater secrecy, and to elude the cunning, active malice of the Jews. Mat 14:25; Luk 12:38
John Gill
23:23 And he called to him two centurions,.... Who had each of them an hundred soldiers under them:
saying, make ready two hundred soldiers to go to Caesarea; which was formerly called Strato's tower, a sea port town, where Felix the Roman governor now was; it was six hundred furlongs, or seventy five miles (f) from Jerusalem: these two hundred soldiers were foot soldiers, as appears by their being distinguished from horsemen in the next clause, and were just the number that the two centurions had the command of; the making of them ready, was their seeing to it, that they were properly clothed, and accoutred with arms and ammunition, and with sufficient provision for their journey:
and horsemen threescore and ten; the Ethiopic version reads, "a hundred"; but without support from any copy: "and spearmen two hundred"; who carried spears in their right hand; the word used signifies such who receive, lay hold on, or hold anything in their right hand: some think it designs such who were employed in the militia, to lay hold on guilty persons, and hold them; the Alexandrian copy reads, "those that cast with the right hand"; and so reads the Syriac version, to which the Arabic agrees, which renders it "darters"; such as carried darts in their hands, and did not shoot out of a bow, but cast darts with their hands: now these being got ready, were ordered to march,
at the third hour of the night; at nine o'clock at night, that they might go out unobserved, and before the petition from the sanhedrim was presented to him.
(f) Joseph. de Bello Jud. l. 1. c. 3. sect. 5. Egesip de Excid. urb. l. 1. c. 7.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:23 two hundred soldiers--a formidable guard for such an occasion; but Roman officials felt their honor concerned in the preservation of the public peace, and the danger of an attempted rescue would seem to require it. The force at Jerusalem was large enough to spare this convoy.
the third hour of the night--nine o'clock.
23:2423:24: եւ գրաստս պատրաստական, որպէս զի իջուցեալ զՊաւղոս ապրեցուսցե՛ն. եւ առ Փելիքս դատաւոր[2739] [2739] Ոմանք միահետ գրեն զբանս առանց կետադրութեան այսպէս. Ապրեցուսցեն առ Փելիքս դա՛՛։ Ոսկան՝ առեալ ՚ի Լատինականէն՝ յաւելու. Ապրեցուսցեն. երկեաւ մի՝ գուցէ յափշտակեսցեն զնա Հրէայքն, եւ սպանցեն. եւ ինքն յետոյ զզրպարտութիւն կրեսցէ. իբրու թէ առնլոց իցէ զգանձս. եւ առ Փելիքս։ Որ չիք ուրեք ՚ի գրչագիրս մեր, որպէս եւ ոչ ՚ի Յունական սկզբնագիրն։
24. ինչպէս եւ պատրաստի գրաստներ, որ Պօղոսին իջեցնեն եւ ապահով հասցնեն Ֆելիքս կուսակալի մօտ»:
24 Եւ գրաստներ պատրաստեցէք, որպէս զի Պօղոսը հեծցնեն ու ապահովութեամբ Փելիքս կուսակալին տանին»։
եւ գրաստս պատրաստական` որպէս զի իջուցեալ զՊաւղոս ապրեցուսցեն առ Փելիքս դատաւոր:

23:24: եւ գրաստս պատրաստական, որպէս զի իջուցեալ զՊաւղոս ապրեցուսցե՛ն. եւ առ Փելիքս դատաւոր[2739]
[2739] Ոմանք միահետ գրեն զբանս առանց կետադրութեան այսպէս. Ապրեցուսցեն առ Փելիքս դա՛՛։ Ոսկան՝ առեալ ՚ի Լատինականէն՝ յաւելու. Ապրեցուսցեն. երկեաւ մի՝ գուցէ յափշտակեսցեն զնա Հրէայքն, եւ սպանցեն. եւ ինքն յետոյ զզրպարտութիւն կրեսցէ. իբրու թէ առնլոց իցէ զգանձս. եւ առ Փելիքս։ Որ չիք ուրեք ՚ի գրչագիրս մեր, որպէս եւ ոչ ՚ի Յունական սկզբնագիրն։
24. ինչպէս եւ պատրաստի գրաստներ, որ Պօղոսին իջեցնեն եւ ապահով հասցնեն Ֆելիքս կուսակալի մօտ»:
24 Եւ գրաստներ պատրաստեցէք, որպէս զի Պօղոսը հեծցնեն ու ապահովութեամբ Փելիքս կուսակալին տանին»։
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23:2424: Приготовьте также ослов, чтобы, посадив Павла, препроводить его к правителю Феликсу.
23:24  κτήνη τε παραστῆσαι ἵνα ἐπιβιβάσαντες τὸν παῦλον διασώσωσι πρὸς φήλικα τὸν ἡγεμόνα,
23:24. κτήνη (to-animals) τε (also) παραστῆσαι (to-have-stood-beside) ἵνα (so) ἐπιβιβάσαντες ( having-upon-effected-to ) τὸν (to-the-one) Παῦλον (to-a-Paulos) διασώσωσι (they-might-have-saved-through) πρὸς (toward) Φήλικα (to-a-Felix) τὸν (to-the-one) ἡγεμόνα, (to-a-leader,"
23:24. et iumenta praeparate ut inponentes Paulum salvum perducerent ad Felicem praesidemAnd provide beasts, that they may set Paul on and bring him safe to Felix the governor.
24. and provide beasts, that they might set Paul thereon, and bring him safe unto Felix the governor.
And provide [them] beasts, that they may set Paul on, and bring [him] safe unto Felix the governor:

24: Приготовьте также ослов, чтобы, посадив Павла, препроводить его к правителю Феликсу.
23:24  κτήνη τε παραστῆσαι ἵνα ἐπιβιβάσαντες τὸν παῦλον διασώσωσι πρὸς φήλικα τὸν ἡγεμόνα,
23:24. et iumenta praeparate ut inponentes Paulum salvum perducerent ad Felicem praesidem
And provide beasts, that they may set Paul on and bring him safe to Felix the governor.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
24: В распоряжении Лисия вести Павла на ослах нельзя не видеть его заботы об удобствах и облегчении пути для апостола, а отсюда и его расположения к нему.

Правитель Феликс - тогдашний римский прокуратор Иудеи, вольноотпущенник императора Клавдия, брат любимца Неронова - Палласа, зять Ирода Агриппы I (см. к XII:1). Получил прокуратуру от Клавдия, после смены Кумана, около 53: года по Р. Х., исправляя "должность царскую в рабском духе", по выражению Тацита (Ист V:9). Не было преступления, на которое бы он не был способен. Его обвиняли даже в личном участии при разбоях, в союзе с зилотами и завзятыми разбойниками.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
23:24: Provide them beasts - One for Paul, and some others for his immediate keepers.
Felix the governor - This Felix was a freed man of the Emperor Claudius, and brother of Pallas, chief favourite of the emperor. Tacitus calls him Antonius Felix; and gives us to understand that he governed with all the authority of a king, and the baseness and insolence of a quondam slave. E libertis Antonius Felix per omnem saevitiam ac libidinem jus regium servili ingenio exercuit. Hist. v. 9. He had, according to Suetonius, in his life of Claudius, chap. 28, three queens to his wives; that is, he was married thrice, and each time to the daughter or niece of a king. Drusilla, the sister of Agrippa, was his wife at this time; see Act 24:24. He was an unrighteous governor; a base, mercenary, and bad man: see Act 24:2.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:24: And provide them beasts - One for Paul, and one for each of his attendants. The word translated "beasts" κτήνη ktē nē is of a general character, and may be applied either to horses, camels, or donkeys. The latter were most commonly employed in Judea.
Unto Felix the governor - The governor of Judea. His place of residence was Caesarea, about 60 miles from Jerusalem. See the notes on Act 8:40. His name was Antonius Felix. He was a freedman of Antonia, the mother of the Emperor Claudius. He was high in the favor of Claudius, and was made by him governor of Judea. Josephus calls him Claudius Felix. He had married three wives in succession that were of royal families, one of whom was Drusilla, afterward mentioned in Act 24:24, who was sister to King Agrippa. Tacitus (History, v. 9) says that he governed with all the authority of a king, and the baseness and insolence of a slave. "He was an unrighteous governor, a base, mercenary, and bad man" (Clarke). See his character further described in the notes on Act 24:25.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:24: beasts: Neh 2:12; Est 8:12; Luk 10:34
Felix: Act 23:26, Act 23:33-35, Act 24:3, Act 24:10, Act 24:22-27, Act 25:14
the governor: Mat 27:2; Luk 3:1
John Gill
23:24 And provide them beasts,.... Horses or mules; the Syriac version reads in the singular number, "a beast": and one being sufficient for Paul, here may be a change of number; the Arabic and Ethiopic versions leave out these words, but the following clause makes them necessary:
that they may set Paul on; on the beast, or on one of the beasts provided; if more than one were provided, they might be for his companions, to go along with him:
and bring him safe unto Felix the governor; this man, of a servant, was made a freed man by Claudius Caesar (g), and by him appointed in the room of Cumanus governor of Judea (h); he was the brother of Pallas, who had the chief management of affairs under the emperor; and this Felix married three persons successively, that were of royal families; hence Suetonius (i) calls him the husband of three queens; one of these was Drusilla, afterwards mentioned in Acts 24:24 who was sister to King Agrippa. Tacitus calls him Antonius Felix (k) which name he had from Antonia the mother of Claudius', whose servant he was; Josephus (l) calls him Claudius Felix, which name he took from the Emperor Claudius, who from so low and mean condition raised him to such honour and dignity; his name Felix signifies "happy": according to Tacitus (m), when Felix was first sent into Judea, the government was divided between him and Cumanus; Felix had Samaria, and Cumanus the other part, which was called the nation of the Galilaeans; but Josephus takes no notice of any such division, he says (n), that Cumanus was banished; and after that Felix was sent by Caesar, governor of Judea, of Galilee, Samaria, and Peraea; and so he seems to be governor of the whole country at this time; he was now at Caesarea, and it is plain that Judea was under his government, since Paul, a prisoner at Jerusalem, is sent down unto him; and in this his government he continued during the life of Claudius; and when Nero became emperor, and added four cities to the kingdom of Agrippa, he constituted Felix governor of the rest of Judea (o); which character he bore till he thought fit to remove him, and put Festus in his room, of whom mention is made hereafter: after these words the following ones are added, in the Vulgate Latin version, "for he was afraid lest perhaps the Jews should take him by force and kill him, and afterwards he should bear the reproach, as if he had took money"; but they are not to be found in any Greek copies.
(g) Aurel. Victor. Epitome Imper. Rom. p. 324. Sueton. Vita Claudii, sect. 29. (h) Joseph. de Bello Jud. l. 2. c. 12. sect. 8. (i) Ut supra. ((g)) (k) Hist. 1. 5. (l) Antiqu. l. 20. c. 6. sect. 1. (m) Hist. l. 12. & 21. (n) Antiqu. l. 20. c. 5. sect. 3. & c. 6. sect. 1. De Bello Jud. l. 2. c. 12. sect. 7, 8. (o) De Bello Jud. l. 2. c. 13. sect. 2.
John Wesley
23:24 Provide beasts - If a change should be necessary, to set Paul on - So we read of his riding once; but not by choice.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:24 beasts . . . set Paul on--as relays, and to carry baggage.
unto Felix, the governor--the procurator. See on Acts 24:24-25.
23:2523:25: գրեալ թուղթ, որ ունէր օրինակ զա՛յս[2740]։ [2740] Ոմանք. Գրեաց թուղթ։ Ոսկան. Զօրինակ զայս։
25. Եւ գրեց մի նամակ, որի բովանդակութիւնը հետեւեալն է.
25 Թուղթ մը գրեց այս օրինակին պէս.
գրեալ թուղթ որ ունէր օրինակ զայս:

23:25: գրեալ թուղթ, որ ունէր օրինակ զա՛յս[2740]։
[2740] Ոմանք. Գրեաց թուղթ։ Ոսկան. Զօրինակ զայս։
25. Եւ գրեց մի նամակ, որի բովանդակութիւնը հետեւեալն է.
25 Թուղթ մը գրեց այս օրինակին պէս.
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23:2525: Написал и письмо следующего содержания:
23:25  γράψας ἐπιστολὴν ἔχουσαν τὸν τύπον τοῦτον·
23:25. γράψας (having-scribed) ἐπιστολὴν (to-a-setting-upon) ἔχουσαν (to-holding) τὸν (to-the-one) τύπον (to-an-impression) τοῦτον (to-the-one-this,"
23:25. [OMITTED TEXT](For he feared lest perhaps the Jews might take him away by force and kill him: and he should afterwards be slandered, as if he was to take money.) And he wrote a letter after this manner:
25. And he wrote a letter after this form:
And he wrote a letter after this manner:

25: Написал и письмо следующего содержания:
23:25  γράψας ἐπιστολὴν ἔχουσαν τὸν τύπον τοῦτον·
23:25. [OMITTED TEXT]
(For he feared lest perhaps the Jews might take him away by force and kill him: and he should afterwards be slandered, as if he was to take money.) And he wrote a letter after this manner:
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jg▾ ac▾ all ▾
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
23:25: He wrote a letter after this manner - It appears that this was not only the substance of the letter, but the letter itself: the whole of it is so perfectly formal as to prove this; and in this simple manner are all the letters of the ancients formed. In this also we have an additional proof of St. Luke's accuracy.
John Gill
23:25 And he wrote a letter after this manner. The chief captain wrote a letter to Felix the governor, the form and sum of which were as follow; this letter he sent by one of the centurions to him.
23:2623:26: Կղաւդիոս Լիւսիաս, առ քա՛ջ դատաւոր Փելիքս, ողջո՛յն։
26. «Կլօդիոս Լիւսիաս՝ գերազանց Ֆելիքս կուսակալին ողջո՜յն.
26 «Կղօդիոս Լիւսիաս, պատուական Փելիքս կուսակալիդ՝ ողջո՛յն։
Կղաւդիոս Լիւսիաս, առ քաջ դատաւորդ Փելիքս, ողջոյն:

23:26: Կղաւդիոս Լիւսիաս, առ քա՛ջ դատաւոր Փելիքս, ողջո՛յն։
26. «Կլօդիոս Լիւսիաս՝ գերազանց Ֆելիքս կուսակալին ողջո՜յն.
26 «Կղօդիոս Լիւսիաս, պատուական Փելիքս կուսակալիդ՝ ողջո՛յն։
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23:2626: "Клавдий Лисий достопочтенному правителю Феликсу--радоваться.
23:26  κλαύδιος λυσίας τῶ κρατίστῳ ἡγεμόνι φήλικι χαίρειν.
23:26. Κλαύδιος (A-Klaudios) Λυσίας (a-Lusias) τῷ (unto-the-one) κρατίστῳ (unto-most-secured) ἡγεμόνι (unto-a-leader) Φήλικι (unto-a-Felix) χαίρειν. (to-joy)
23:26. scribens epistulam continentem haec Claudius Lysias optimo praesidi Felici salutemClaudius Lysias to the most excellent governor, Felix, greeting:
26. Claudius Lysias unto the most excellent governor Felix, greeting.
Claudius Lysias unto the most excellent governor Felix [sendeth] greeting:

26: "Клавдий Лисий достопочтенному правителю Феликсу--радоваться.
23:26  κλαύδιος λυσίας τῶ κρατίστῳ ἡγεμόνι φήλικι χαίρειν.
23:26. scribens epistulam continentem haec Claudius Lysias optimo praesidi Felici salutem
Claudius Lysias to the most excellent governor, Felix, greeting:
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ all ▾
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:26: Unto the most excellent governor Felix - The most honored, etc. This was a mere title of office.
Greeting - A term of salutation in an epistle wishing health, joy, and prosperity.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:26: the most: Act 24:3, Act 26:25 *Gr: Luk 1:3
greeting: Act 15:23; Jam 1:1; Jo3 1:14
Geneva 1599
23:26 (13) Claudius Lysias unto the most excellent governor Felix [sendeth] greeting.
(13) Lysias is suddenly made by the Lord to be Paul's protector.
John Gill
23:26 Claudius Lysias, unto the most excellent Governor Felix,.... This is the inscription of the letter, and by it we learn the name of the chief captain, so often spoken of in this and the two preceding chapters, which was Claudius Lysias; the first of these names is a Roman one, and which he might take from the Emperor Claudius, for he was not a Roman born; and the latter seems to be a Greek name, and was his proper name, and, he himself very likely was a Greek, since he purchased his freedom with money; one of this name was Archon of Athens (p); and another is reckoned by Cicero (q), among the famous orators of Greece, and is often cited by Harpocratian (r); one of Antiochus's noblemen, and who was of the blood royal, and acted as a general against the Jews, was of this name (s).
"So he left Lysias, a nobleman, and one of the blood royal, to oversee the affairs of the king from the river Euphrates unto the borders of Egypt:'' (1 Maccabees 3:32)
The chief captain calls Felix the governor
the most excellent, which was a title of honour that belonged to him as a governor; the same is given to Theophilus, Lk 1:3 sendeth greeting; or wishes all health and prosperity.
(p) Fabrieii Bibliograph. Antiqu. p. 213. (q) De Claris Orator. vel Brutus, c. 32. (r) Lex Decem Orator. (s) 1 Maccab. iii. 32.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:26 Claudius--the Roman name he would take on purchasing his citizenship.
Lysias--his Greek family name.
the most excellent governor--an honorary title of office.
23:2723:27: Զայրս զայս կապեալ ՚ի Հրէից՝ եւ մերձ ՚ի սպանանել ՚ի նոցանէ, հասեալ ՚ի վերայ զօրականաւ ապրեցուցի՛. իմացեալ թէ Հռոմայեցի՛ է[2741]։ [2741] Ոմանք. Կալեալ ՚ի Հրէից, եւ մերձ սպանանել ՚ի նոցանէն... զօրականաւս ապ՛՛... եթէ Հռով՛՛։ Ուր Ոսկան. զօրականօք ապ՛՛։
27. այս մարդուն հրեաները բռնել էին, եւ նրանց կողմից սպանուելու մօտ էր նա. իմանալով, որ հռոմէացի է, ես զինուորներով վրայ հասայ եւ նրան ազատեցի:
27 Այս մարդը Հրեաներէն բռնուեր էր եւ անոնցմէ պիտի սպաննուէր, իսկ ես զինուորներով վրայ հասայ եւ ազատեցի զանիկա, իմանալով որ Հռովմայեցի է։
Զայրս զայս կապեալ ի Հրէից եւ մերձ ի սպանանել ի նոցանէ, հասեալ ի վերայ զօրականաւ ապրեցուցի, իմացեալ թէ Հռովմայեցի է:

23:27: Զայրս զայս կապեալ ՚ի Հրէից՝ եւ մերձ ՚ի սպանանել ՚ի նոցանէ, հասեալ ՚ի վերայ զօրականաւ ապրեցուցի՛. իմացեալ թէ Հռոմայեցի՛ է[2741]։
[2741] Ոմանք. Կալեալ ՚ի Հրէից, եւ մերձ սպանանել ՚ի նոցանէն... զօրականաւս ապ՛՛... եթէ Հռով՛՛։ Ուր Ոսկան. զօրականօք ապ՛՛։
27. այս մարդուն հրեաները բռնել էին, եւ նրանց կողմից սպանուելու մօտ էր նա. իմանալով, որ հռոմէացի է, ես զինուորներով վրայ հասայ եւ նրան ազատեցի:
27 Այս մարդը Հրեաներէն բռնուեր էր եւ անոնցմէ պիտի սպաննուէր, իսկ ես զինուորներով վրայ հասայ եւ ազատեցի զանիկա, իմանալով որ Հռովմայեցի է։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:2727: Сего человека Иудеи схватили и готовы были убить; я, придя с воинами, отнял его, узнав, что он Римский гражданин.
23:27  τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον συλλημφθέντα ὑπὸ τῶν ἰουδαίων καὶ μέλλοντα ἀναιρεῖσθαι ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐπιστὰς σὺν τῶ στρατεύματι ἐξειλάμην, μαθὼν ὅτι ῥωμαῖός ἐστιν·
23:27. Τὸν (To-the-one) ἄνδρα (to-a-man) τοῦτον (to-the-one-this) συλλημφθέντα (to-having-been-taken-together) ὑπὸ (under) τῶν (of-the-ones) Ἰουδαίων ( of-Iouda-belonged ) καὶ (and) μέλλοντα (to-impending) ἀναιρεῖσθαι (to-be-lifted-up) ὑπ' (under) αὐτῶν (of-them) ἐπιστὰς (having-had-stood-upon) σὺν (together) τῷ (unto-the-one) στρατεύματι (unto-an-amassing-to) ἐξειλάμην , ( I-had-sectioned-out ,"μαθὼν (having-had-learned) ὅτι (to-which-a-one) Ῥωμαῖός (Rhome-belonged) ἐστιν, (it-be,"
23:27. virum hunc conprehensum a Iudaeis et incipientem interfici ab eis superveniens cum exercitu eripui cognito quia Romanus estThis man, being taken by the Jews and ready to be killed by them, I rescued, coming in with an army, understanding that he is a Roman.
27. This man was seized by the Jews, and was about to be slain of them, when I came upon them with the soldiers, and rescued him, having learned that he was a Roman.
This man was taken of the Jews, and should have been killed of them: then came I with an army, and rescued him, having understood that he was a Roman:

27: Сего человека Иудеи схватили и готовы были убить; я, придя с воинами, отнял его, узнав, что он Римский гражданин.
23:27  τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον συλλημφθέντα ὑπὸ τῶν ἰουδαίων καὶ μέλλοντα ἀναιρεῖσθαι ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐπιστὰς σὺν τῶ στρατεύματι ἐξειλάμην, μαθὼν ὅτι ῥωμαῖός ἐστιν·
23:27. virum hunc conprehensum a Iudaeis et incipientem interfici ab eis superveniens cum exercitu eripui cognito quia Romanus est
This man, being taken by the Jews and ready to be killed by them, I rescued, coming in with an army, understanding that he is a Roman.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
27: "Отнял его, узнав, что он римский гражданин..." Младший чиновник здесь допускает намеренную письменную ложь, чтобы выслужиться и закрыть свой опрометчивый поступок с апостолом, о гражданских правах которого он узнал уже после приведения в крепость, когда хотел бичевать апостола (XXII:24-29). Эта маленькая, характерная черта письма, несомненно, свидетельствует о его подлинности.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:27: Should have been killed of them - Was about to be killed by them. The life of Paul had been twice endangered in this manner, Act 21:30; Act 23:10.
With an army - With a band of soldiers, Act 23:10.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:27: was taken: Act 23:10, Act 21:31-33, Act 24:7
having: Act 22:25-29
John Gill
23:27 This man was taken by the Jews,.... Meaning Paul, who was presented by the centurions to the governor, and was in his presence when the letter was opened and read, and who was taken by the Jews in the temple, and from thence dragged out and beaten by them:
and should have been killed of them; and would have been killed, had it not been for the chief captain; he was very near being killed by them, he was nigh unto death:
then came I with an army and rescued him; he came with the Roman band, which he had the command of, perhaps a thousand soldiers; for such a number he should have under him by his title; with these he came upon the Jews on a sudden, as they were beating Paul, and took him out of their hands, and saved him:
having understood that he was a Roman; but this he did not know till afterwards, after he had bound him with two chains, and after he had ordered him to be bound with thongs, and examined by scourging; all which he covers and hides from the governor, and suggests that it was his great concern for the Roman name, and for a Roman citizen, which put him upon this enterprise.
John Wesley
23:27 Having learned that he was a Roman - True; but not before he rescued him. Here he uses art.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:27 came I with an army--rather, "with the military."
23:2823:28: Կամեցայ գիտել զվնասն՝ վասն որոյ ամբաստանէին զդմանէ, իջուցի՛ զդա յատեան նոցա[2742]։ [2742] Ոսկան. Ամբաստանէինն զնմանէ։
28. Կամենալով գիտենալ այն յանցանքը, որի համար նրան ամբաստանում էին, նրան իջեցրի նրանց ատեանը:
28 Եւ ուզելով պատճառը գիտնալ, որու համար ատոր վրայ ամբաստանութիւն կ’ընէին, զինք տարի անոնց ատեանը։
Կամեցայ գիտել զվնասն վասն որոյ ամբաստանէին զդմանէ, իջուցի զդա յատեան նոցա:

23:28: Կամեցայ գիտել զվնասն՝ վասն որոյ ամբաստանէին զդմանէ, իջուցի՛ զդա յատեան նոցա[2742]։
[2742] Ոսկան. Ամբաստանէինն զնմանէ։
28. Կամենալով գիտենալ այն յանցանքը, որի համար նրան ամբաստանում էին, նրան իջեցրի նրանց ատեանը:
28 Եւ ուզելով պատճառը գիտնալ, որու համար ատոր վրայ ամբաստանութիւն կ’ընէին, զինք տարի անոնց ատեանը։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:2828: Потом, желая узнать, в чем обвиняли его, привел его в синедрион их
23:28  βουλόμενός τε ἐπιγνῶναι τὴν αἰτίαν δι᾽ ἣν ἐνεκάλουν αὐτῶ κατήγαγον εἰς τὸ συνέδριον αὐτῶν·
23:28. βουλόμενός ( purposing ) τε (also) ἐπιγνῶναι (to-have-had-acquainted-upon) τὴν (to-the-one) αἰτίαν (to-an-appealing-unto) δι' (through) ἣν (to-which) ἐνεκάλουν (they-were-calling-in-unto) αὐτῷ (unto-it) [κατήγαγον "[I-had-led-down) εἰς (into) τὸ (to-the-one) συνέδριον (to-a-seatlet-together) αὐτῶν]: (of-them];"
23:28. volensque scire causam quam obiciebant illi deduxi eum in concilium eorumAnd meaning to know the cause which they objected unto him, I brought him forth into their council.
28. And desiring to know the cause wherefore they accused him, I brought him down unto their council:
And when I would have known the cause wherefore they accused him, I brought him forth into their council:

28: Потом, желая узнать, в чем обвиняли его, привел его в синедрион их
23:28  βουλόμενός τε ἐπιγνῶναι τὴν αἰτίαν δι᾽ ἣν ἐνεκάλουν αὐτῶ κατήγαγον εἰς τὸ συνέδριον αὐτῶν·
23:28. volensque scire causam quam obiciebant illi deduxi eum in concilium eorum
And meaning to know the cause which they objected unto him, I brought him forth into their council.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jg▾ tr▾ all ▾
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:28: Act 22:30
John Gill
23:28 And when I would have known the cause,.... Or crime, he was guilty of:
wherefore they accused him: which they charged him with, and for which they beat him almost to death:
I brought him forth into their council; their court of judicature, the great sanhedrim.
23:2923:29: Զոր գտի ամբաստանեալ վասն խնդրո՛յ իրիք իւրեանց օրինաց. եւ ո՛չի՛նչ արժանի մահու կամ կապանաց ունէր վնաս[2743]։ [2743] Ոմանք. Ամբաստանել վասն խնդրոց իրիք։
29. Գտայ, որ նա իրենց օրէնքին վերաբերող մի խնդրի համար էր ամբաստանուած ու մահուան կամ կալանքի արժանի որեւէ յանցանք չունէր:
29 Գտայ թէ ամբաստանուած է իրենց օրէնքին վերաբերեալ խնդիրներու համար, բայց մեռնելու կամ պատժուելու յանցանք մը չունէր։
Զոր գտի ամբաստանեալ վասն խնդրոյ իրիք իւրեանց օրինաց. եւ ոչ ինչ արժանի մահու կամ կապանաց ունէր վնաս:

23:29: Զոր գտի ամբաստանեալ վասն խնդրո՛յ իրիք իւրեանց օրինաց. եւ ո՛չի՛նչ արժանի մահու կամ կապանաց ունէր վնաս[2743]։
[2743] Ոմանք. Ամբաստանել վասն խնդրոց իրիք։
29. Գտայ, որ նա իրենց օրէնքին վերաբերող մի խնդրի համար էր ամբաստանուած ու մահուան կամ կալանքի արժանի որեւէ յանցանք չունէր:
29 Գտայ թէ ամբաստանուած է իրենց օրէնքին վերաբերեալ խնդիրներու համար, բայց մեռնելու կամ պատժուելու յանցանք մը չունէր։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:2929: и нашел, что его обвиняют в спорных мнениях, касающихся закона их, но что нет в нем никакой вины, достойной смерти или оков.
23:29  ὃν εὖρον ἐγκαλούμενον περὶ ζητημάτων τοῦ νόμου αὐτῶν, μηδὲν δὲ ἄξιον θανάτου ἢ δεσμῶν ἔχοντα ἔγκλημα.
23:29. ὃν (to-which) εὗρον (I-had-found) ἐγκαλούμενον (to-being-called-in-unto) περὶ (about) ζητημάτων (of-seekings-to) τοῦ (of-the-one) νόμου (of-a-parcelee) αὐτῶν, (of-them,"μηδὲν (to-lest-moreover-one) δὲ (moreover) ἄξιον (to-deem-belonged) θανάτου (of-a-death) ἢ (or) δεσμῶν (of-ties) ἔχοντα (to-holding) ἔγκλημα. (to-a-calling-in-to)
23:29. quem inveni accusari de quaestionibus legis ipsorum nihil vero dignum morte aut vinculis habentem crimenWhom I found to be accused concerning questions of their law; but having nothing laid to his charge worthy of death or of bands.
29. whom I found to be accused about questions of their law, but to have nothing laid to his charge worthy of death or of bonds.
Whom I perceived to be accused of questions of their law, but to have nothing laid to his charge worthy of death or of bonds:

29: и нашел, что его обвиняют в спорных мнениях, касающихся закона их, но что нет в нем никакой вины, достойной смерти или оков.
23:29  ὃν εὖρον ἐγκαλούμενον περὶ ζητημάτων τοῦ νόμου αὐτῶν, μηδὲν δὲ ἄξιον θανάτου ἢ δεσμῶν ἔχοντα ἔγκλημα.
23:29. quem inveni accusari de quaestionibus legis ipsorum nihil vero dignum morte aut vinculis habentem crimen
Whom I found to be accused concerning questions of their law; but having nothing laid to his charge worthy of death or of bands.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
29: "В спорных мнениях..." - ст. 6-9.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:29: Questions of their law - So he understood the whole controversy to be.
Worthy of death - By the Roman law. He had been guilty of no crime against the Roman people.
Or of bonds - Of chains, or of confinement.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:29: questions: Act 23:6-9, Act 18:15, Act 24:5, Act 24:6, Act 24:10-21, Act 25:19, Act 25:20
but: Act 25:7, Act 25:8, Act 25:11, Act 25:25, Act 26:31
John Gill
23:29 Whom I perceived to be accused of questions of their law,.... As about the resurrection of the dead, and a future state, which some in the council denied, and some asserted, which with this heathen man were idle and foolish questions; or about the defiling of the temple, and speaking contemptibly of the law of Moses, the people of the Jews, and the holy place, which was the cry of the populace against him, and were things the captain knew little of:
but to have nothing laid to his charge worthy of death, or of bonds: by the laws of the Romans; and yet he himself had bound him with two chains at the first taking of him, and afterwards ordered him to be bound with thongs, and scourged, of which he says nothing, being convinced of his error, and willing to hide it; however, he bears a full testimony to the innocence of the apostle.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:29 perceived to be accused of questions of their law, &c.--Amidst all his difficulty in getting at the charges laid against Paul, enough, no doubt, come out to satisfy him that the whole was a question of religion, and that there was no case for a civil tribunal.
23:3023:30: Իբրեւ ազդ եղեւ ինձ նենգութեան՝ յայրդ լինելոյ ՚ի նոցանէ՝ յղեցի՛ առ քեզ. հրաման տուեալ եւ չարախօսացն խօսե՛լ զդմանէ առաջի քոյ. ո՛ղջ լեր[2744]։ [2744] Ոսկան. Ազդ եղեւ ինձ սակս նենգութեան։ Ոմանք. Նենգութիւն յայրդ։
30. Երբ այս մարդու հանդէպ նրանց կողմից նիւթուած դաւն ինձ տեղեկացուեց, նրան ուղարկեցի քեզ մօտ եւ հրամայեցի, որ ամբաստանողներն էլ խօսեն նրա մասին քո առաջ. ո՛ղջ եղիր»:
30 Երբ լուր առի թէ Հրեաները այդ մարդուն համար որոգայթ լարած են, իսկոյն քեզի ղրկեցի, հրաման ընելով ամբաստանողներուն ալ՝ որ քու առջեւդ խօսին անոր մասին։ Ո՛ղջ եղիր»։
Իբրեւ ազդ եղեւ ինձ նենգութեան յայրդ լինելոյ [98]ի նոցանէ` յղեցի`` առ քեզ. հրաման տուեալ եւ չարախօսացն խօսել զդմանէ առաջի քոյ. ողջ լեր:

23:30: Իբրեւ ազդ եղեւ ինձ նենգութեան՝ յայրդ լինելոյ ՚ի նոցանէ՝ յղեցի՛ առ քեզ. հրաման տուեալ եւ չարախօսացն խօսե՛լ զդմանէ առաջի քոյ. ո՛ղջ լեր[2744]։
[2744] Ոսկան. Ազդ եղեւ ինձ սակս նենգութեան։ Ոմանք. Նենգութիւն յայրդ։
30. Երբ այս մարդու հանդէպ նրանց կողմից նիւթուած դաւն ինձ տեղեկացուեց, նրան ուղարկեցի քեզ մօտ եւ հրամայեցի, որ ամբաստանողներն էլ խօսեն նրա մասին քո առաջ. ո՛ղջ եղիր»:
30 Երբ լուր առի թէ Հրեաները այդ մարդուն համար որոգայթ լարած են, իսկոյն քեզի ղրկեցի, հրաման ընելով ամբաստանողներուն ալ՝ որ քու առջեւդ խօսին անոր մասին։ Ո՛ղջ եղիր»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:3030: А как до меня дошло, что Иудеи злоумышляют на этого человека, то я немедленно послал его к тебе, приказав и обвинителям говорить на него перед тобою. Будь здоров".
23:30  μηνυθείσης δέ μοι ἐπιβουλῆς εἰς τὸν ἄνδρα ἔσεσθαι, ἐξαυτῆς ἔπεμψα πρὸς σέ, παραγγείλας καὶ τοῖς κατηγόροις λέγειν [τὰ] πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπὶ σοῦ.
23:30. μηνυθείσης (Of-having-been-divulged) δέ (moreover) μοι (unto-me) ἐπιβουλῆς (of-a-purposing-upon) εἰς (into) τὸν (to-the-one) ἄνδρα (to-a-man) ἔσεσθαι ( to-shall-have-been ) ἐξαυτῆς (out-of-it) ἔπεμψα (I-dispatched) πρὸς (toward) σέ, (to-THEE,"παραγγείλας (having-messaged-beside) καὶ (and) τοῖς (unto-the-ones) κατηγόροις (unto-gatherers-down) λέγειν (to-forth) πρὸς (toward) αὐτὸν (to-it) ἐπὶ (upon) σοῦ. (of-THEE)
23:30. et cum mihi perlatum esset de insidiis quas paraverunt ei misi ad te denuntians et accusatoribus ut dicant apud teAnd when I was told of ambushes that they had prepared for him, I sent him to thee, signifying also to his accusers to plead before thee. Farewell.
30. And when it was shewn to me that there would be a plot against the man, I sent him to thee forthwith, charging his accusers also to speak against him before thee.
And when it was told me how that the Jews laid wait for the man, I sent straightway to thee, and gave commandment to his accusers also to say before thee what [they had] against him. Farewell:

30: А как до меня дошло, что Иудеи злоумышляют на этого человека, то я немедленно послал его к тебе, приказав и обвинителям говорить на него перед тобою. Будь здоров".
23:30  μηνυθείσης δέ μοι ἐπιβουλῆς εἰς τὸν ἄνδρα ἔσεσθαι, ἐξαυτῆς ἔπεμψα πρὸς σέ, παραγγείλας καὶ τοῖς κατηγόροις λέγειν [τὰ] πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπὶ σοῦ.
23:30. et cum mihi perlatum esset de insidiis quas paraverunt ei misi ad te denuntians et accusatoribus ut dicant apud te
And when I was told of ambushes that they had prepared for him, I sent him to thee, signifying also to his accusers to plead before thee. Farewell.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ tr▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
30: "Приказав и обвинителям говорить на него пред тобою..." Очевидно, в исполнение этого приказания, доселе не упомянутого, и являются вскоре к прокуратору обвинители Павла (XXIV:1: и д. ).
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
23:30: I sent straightway to thee - As the proper person before whom this business should ultimately come, and by whom it should be decided.
Farewell - Ερῥωσο, Be in good health.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:30: it was: Act 23:16-24
and gave: Act 24:7, Act 24:8, Act 25:5, Act 25:6
Farewell: Act 15:29; Co2 13:11
John Gill
23:30 And when it was told me,.... As it was by Paul's sister's son,
how that the Jews laid wait for the man; had formed a conspiracy to take away his life, and laid a scheme in order to it, and at least intended, if they were not actually in ambush, to seize him as he should be brought from the castle to the sanhedrim:
I sent straightway to thee; the prisoner Paul, under a guard of soldiers; this he did directly, as soon as ever he heard of the design of the Jews; and he sent him to Felix, as being governor, to whom the judgment of this affair properly belonged, and who was best qualified for it, at least in the chief captain's account; and who doubtless consulted his own honour and safety, lest he should incur blame and disgrace, should a Roman have been slain through any neglect or want of care in him:
and gave commandment to his accusers also, to say before thee what they had against him; it is reasonable to conclude, that he said nothing of this to them, though he might have determined he would, till after Paul was sent away; otherwise the affair would have been discovered, which he desired might be concealed:
farewell; which is the conclusion of the epistle, and is a wish of health and happiness.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:30 gave commandment to his accusers . . . to say before thee--This was not done when he wrote, but would be before the letter reached its destination.
23:3123:31: Եւ զօրականացն ըստ հրամանի նորա՝ առեալ զՊաւղոս ածին ՚ի գիշերեայն յԱնտիպատրիս[2745]։ [2745] Ոմանք. Ըստ հրամանին իւրեանց ածին գիշերայն յԱնթիպատրիս։ Բազումք. Ածին գիշերեայն։ Ուր Ոսկան. Տարան ՚ի գիշերի առ Անտիպատրոսն։
31. Եւ հետեւակ զինուորները, հրամանի համաձայն, Պօղոսին առնելով՝ գիշերով տարան Անտիպատրիս:
31 Զինուորներն ալ իրենց հրամայուածին համեմատ առին Պօղոսը ու գիշերով Անտիպատրոս տարին։
Եւ զօրականացն ըստ հրամանի նորա առեալ զՊաւղոս` ածին գիշերայն յԱնտիպատրիս:

23:31: Եւ զօրականացն ըստ հրամանի նորա՝ առեալ զՊաւղոս ածին ՚ի գիշերեայն յԱնտիպատրիս[2745]։
[2745] Ոմանք. Ըստ հրամանին իւրեանց ածին գիշերայն յԱնթիպատրիս։ Բազումք. Ածին գիշերեայն։ Ուր Ոսկան. Տարան ՚ի գիշերի առ Անտիպատրոսն։
31. Եւ հետեւակ զինուորները, հրամանի համաձայն, Պօղոսին առնելով՝ գիշերով տարան Անտիպատրիս:
31 Զինուորներն ալ իրենց հրամայուածին համեմատ առին Պօղոսը ու գիշերով Անտիպատրոս տարին։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:3131: Итак воины, по [данному] им приказанию, взяв Павла, повели ночью в Антипатриду.
23:31  οἱ μὲν οὗν στρατιῶται κατὰ τὸ διατεταγμένον αὐτοῖς ἀναλαβόντες τὸν παῦλον ἤγαγον διὰ νυκτὸς εἰς τὴν ἀντιπατρίδα·
23:31. Οἱ (The-ones) μὲν (moreover) οὖν (indeed) στρατιῶται (amass-belongers) κατὰ (down) τὸ (to-the-one) διατεταγμένον (to-having-had-come-to-be-arranged-through) αὐτοῖς (unto-them) ἀναλαβόντες ( having-had-taken-up ) τὸν (to-the-one) Παῦλον (to-a-Paulos) ἤγαγον (they-had-led) διὰ (through) νυκτὸς (of-a-night) εἰς (into) τὴν (to-the-one) Ἀντιπατρίδα: (to-an-Antipatris)
23:31. milites ergo secundum praeceptum sibi adsumentes Paulum duxerunt per noctem in AntipatridemThen the soldiers, according as it was commanded them, taking Paul, brought him by night to Antipatris.
31. So the soldiers, as it was commanded them, took Paul, and brought him by night to Antipatris.
Then the soldiers, as it was commanded them, took Paul, and brought [him] by night to Antipatris:

31: Итак воины, по [данному] им приказанию, взяв Павла, повели ночью в Антипатриду.
23:31  οἱ μὲν οὗν στρατιῶται κατὰ τὸ διατεταγμένον αὐτοῖς ἀναλαβόντες τὸν παῦλον ἤγαγον διὰ νυκτὸς εἰς τὴν ἀντιπατρίδα·
23:31. milites ergo secundum praeceptum sibi adsumentes Paulum duxerunt per noctem in Antipatridem
Then the soldiers, according as it was commanded them, taking Paul, brought him by night to Antipatris.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
31: "Антипатрида..." - построена Иродом I в честь отца его, Антипатра, на пути из Иерусалима в Кесарию, верстах в 60: от Иерусалима и 35: от Кесарии.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
23:31: Antipatris - This place, according to Josephus, Antiq. lib. xiii. cap. 23, was anciently called Capharsaba, and is supposed to be the same which, in 1 Maccabees 7:31, is called Capharsalama, or Carphasalama. It was rebuilt by Herod the Great, and denominated Antipatris, in honor of his father Antipater. It was situated between Joppa and Caesarea, on the road from Jerusalem to this latter city. Josephus says it was fifty stadia from Joppa. The distance between Jerusalem and Caesarea was about seventy miles.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:31: To Antipatris - This town was anciently called Cafar-Saba. Josephus says (Antiq., Act 13:23) that it was about 17 miles from Joppa. It was about 26 miles from Caesarea, and, of course, about 35 miles from Jerusalem. Herod the Great changed its name to Antipatris, in honor of his father Antipater. It was situated in a fine plain, and watered with many springs and fountains. Eli Smith, late missionary to Palestine, who took a journey from Jerusalem to Joppa for the purpose of ascertaining Paul's route, supposes that the site of Antipatris is the present Kefr Saba. Of this village he gives the following description in the Bibliotheca Sacra for 1843: "It is a Muslim village of considerable size, and wholly like the most common villages of the plain, being built entirely of mud. We saw but one stone building, which was apparently a mosque, but without a minaret. No old ruins, nor the least relic of antiquity, did we anywhere discover. A well by which we stopped, a few rods east of the houses, exhibits more signs of careful workmanship than anything else. It is walled with hewn stone, and is 57 feet deep to the water. The village stands upon a slight circular eminence near the western hills, from which it is actually separated, however, by a branch of the plain."
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:31: as: Act 23:23, Act 23:24; Luk 7:8; Ti2 2:3, Ti2 2:4
John Gill
23:31 Then the soldiers, as it was commanded them, took Paul,.... Out of the castle, and put him upon a beast, as the chief captain had ordered the centurions, and they had directed the soldiers to do:
and brought him by night to Antipatris: they set out from Jerusalem at the third hour, or about nine o'clock at night, and travelled all night, and by break of day came to Antipatris; a city which lay in the road from Jerusalem to Caesarea: it was built by Herod the great, in the best soil of his kingdom, enriched with rivers and woods (t); and was so called by him, in memory of his father Antipater; it before went by the name of Chabar Zaba (u), or Capharsaba; the Jewish writers place it in the utmost borders of the land of Judea (w); hence that phrase so often used by them, from Gebath to Antipatris (x), in like sense as from Dan to Beersheba, these two places being the utmost borders of the land; here it was that Simon the just, with some of the principal inhabitants of Jerusalem, met Alexander the great, who travelled all night, as these soldiers with Paul did, and came to Antipatris at sun rising (y). It was forty two miles from Jerusalem. It was in the road from Judea to Galilee, as appears from the following canon of the Jews, concerning divorces (z);
"if a husband says to his wife, lo, this is thy divorce, if I do not come thirty days hence, and he goes from Judea to Galilee, and comes to Antipatris and returns, it becomes void:''
the way from Jerusalem to Caesarea lay through Nicopolis, Lydda, Antipatris, and Betthar; from Jerusalem to Nicopolis, according to the old Jerusalem Itinerary (a), were twenty two miles; from thence to Lydda, ten miles; and from Lydda to Antipatris ten more (which make forty two miles, as before observed); and from Antipatris to Betthar ten miles, and from thence to Caesarea, sixteen more: so that when the apostle was at Antipatris, he had twenty six miles more to go to Caesarea; and hence it appears, that the length of the journey from Jerusalem to Caesarea was sixty eight miles; though Josephus (b) makes the distance to be six hundred furlongs, or seventy five miles: and that the way from the one to the other lay through the places before mentioned, may be illustrated from what the same writer says, of some persons travelling from Caesarea to Jerusalem; so he relates (c), concerning Quadratus governor of Syria, that from Tyre he came to Caesarea, from Caesarea to Lydda, and from Lydda to Jerusalem; and of Cestius the Roman general, he says (d), that from Caesarea he came to Antipatris, and from Antipatris to Lydda, and from Lydda to Jerusalem, which clearly seems to be the same road the apostle went; and so Jerom (e), in the account he gives of the journey of Paula, says, that she came to Caesarea, where she saw the house of Cornelius, the cottage of Philip, and the beds of the four virgin prophetesses; and from thence to Antipatris, a little town half pulled down, which Herod called after his father's name; and from thence to Lydda, now Diospolis, famous for the resurrection of Dorcas, and the healing of Aeneas. Antipatris is, by Ptolomy (f), placed at the west of Jordan, and is mentioned along with Gaza, Lydda, and Emmaus; some take it to be the same with Capharsalama, mentioned in:
"Nicanor also, when he saw that his counsel was discovered, went out to fight against Judas beside Capharsalama:'' (1 Maccabees 7:31)
and others say, it is the same that is since called Assur or Arsuf, a town on the sea coast, which is not likely, since it does not appear that Antipatris was a maritime city. The apostle could not now stay to preach the Gospel in this place, nor do we elsewhere read or hear of a Gospel church state in it, until the "fifth" century; when it appears (g) there was a church here, and Polychronius was bishop of it, who was present at the council of Chalcedon, held in the year 451; and in the "eighth" century there were many Christians dwelt here, for in the year 744 there were many of them killed by the Arabians.
(t) Josephus De Bello Jud. l. 1. c. 21. sect 9. (u) Ib. Antiqu. l. 13. c. 15. sect. 1. & l. 16. c. 5. sect. 2. (w) Bartenora in Misn. Gittin, c. 7. sect. 7. (x) T. Hieros. Taanioth, fol. 69. 2. & Megilia, fol. 70. 1. & T. Bab. Yebamot, fol. 62. 2. & Sanhedrin, fol. 94. 2. Shirhashirim Rabba, fol. 18. 2. & Juchasin, fol. 108. 1. & Jarchi in Eccl. xi. 6. (y) T. Bab. Yoma, fol. 69. 1. (z) Misn. Gittin, c. 7. sect. 7. (a) Apud Reland. Palestina Illustrata, l. 2. c. 4. p. 417. (b) De Bello Jud. l. 1. c. 3. sect. 5. (c) Ib. l. 2. c. 12. sect. 5, 6. (d) Ib. c. 19. sect. 1. (e) Epitaph. Paulae, fol. 59. A. (f) Geograph. l. 5. c. 16. (g) Vid. Reland. Palestina Ilustrata, l. 3. p. 569, 570.
John Wesley
23:31 The soldiers brought him by night to Antipatris - But not the same night they set out. For Antipatris was about thirty - eight of our miles northwest of Jerusalem. Herod the Great rebuilt it, and gave it this name in honour of his father Antipater: Cesarea was near seventy miles from Jerusalem, and about thirty from Antipatris.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:31 brought him . . . to Antipatris--nearly forty miles from Jerusalem, on the way to CÃ&brvbr;sarea; so named by Herod in honor of his father, Antipater.
23:3223:32: Եւ ՚ի վաղիւ անդր արձակեալ զհեծեալսն զընդ նմա երթեալ, դարձա՛ն ՚ի բանակն[2746]։ [2746] Ոմանք. Արձակեաց զհեծեալս ընդ նմա երթալ։
32. Եւ յաջորդ օրը, թողնելով հեծեալներին, որ նրա հետ գնան, զօրանոց վերադարձան:
32 Եւ հետեւեալ օրը թողուցին ձիաւորները անոր հետ երթալու ու իրենք բերդը դարձան։
Եւ ի վաղիւ անդր արձակեալ զհեծեալսն ընդ նմա երթալ` դարձան ի բանակն:

23:32: Եւ ՚ի վաղիւ անդր արձակեալ զհեծեալսն զընդ նմա երթեալ, դարձա՛ն ՚ի բանակն[2746]։
[2746] Ոմանք. Արձակեաց զհեծեալս ընդ նմա երթալ։
32. Եւ յաջորդ օրը, թողնելով հեծեալներին, որ նրա հետ գնան, զօրանոց վերադարձան:
32 Եւ հետեւեալ օրը թողուցին ձիաւորները անոր հետ երթալու ու իրենք բերդը դարձան։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:3232: А на другой день, предоставив конным идти с ним, возвратились в крепость.
23:32  τῇ δὲ ἐπαύριον ἐάσαντες τοὺς ἱππεῖς ἀπέρχεσθαι σὺν αὐτῶ ὑπέστρεψαν εἰς τὴν παρεμβολήν·
23:32. τῇ (unto-the-one) δὲ (moreover) ἐπαύριον (upon-to-morrow) ἐάσαντες ( having-let-unto ) τοὺς (to-the-ones) ἱππεῖς (to-horsers-of) ἀπέρχεσθαι ( to-come-off ) σὺν (together) αὐτῷ (unto-it) ὑπέστρεψαν (they-beturned-under) εἰς (into) τὴν (to-the-one) παρεμβολήν: (to-a-casting-in-beside)
23:32. et postera die dimissis equitibus ut irent cum eo reversi sunt ad castraAnd the next day, leaving the horsemen to go with him, they returned to the castle.
32. But on the morrow they left the horsemen to go with him, and returned to the castle:
On the morrow they left the horsemen to go with him, and returned to the castle:

32: А на другой день, предоставив конным идти с ним, возвратились в крепость.
23:32  τῇ δὲ ἐπαύριον ἐάσαντες τοὺς ἱππεῖς ἀπέρχεσθαι σὺν αὐτῶ ὑπέστρεψαν εἰς τὴν παρεμβολήν·
23:32. et postera die dimissis equitibus ut irent cum eo reversi sunt ad castra
And the next day, leaving the horsemen to go with him, they returned to the castle.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
32: "На другой день..." - как видно, переход совершен с возможною поспешностью, ради безопасности узника.

"Предоставив конным идти..." Далее Антипатриды, вблизи Кесарии, резиденции прокуратора, безопасность Павла могла считаться обеспеченною, почему излишняя часть войска и возвращается обратно в Иерусалимскую крепость.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
23:32: On the morrow they left the horsemen - Being now so far from Jerusalem, they considered Paul in a state of safety from the Jews, and that the seventy horse would be a sufficient guard; the four hundred foot, therefore, returned to Jerusalem, and the horse went on to Caesarea with Paul. We need not suppose that all this troop did reach Antipatris on the same night in which they left Jerusalem; therefore, instead of, they brought him by night to Antipatris, we may understand the text thus - Then the soldiers took Paul by night, and brought him to Antipatris. And the thirty-second verse need not to be understood as if the foot reached the castle of Antonia the next day, (though all this was possible), but that, having reached Antipatris, and refreshed themselves, they set out the same day, on their march to Jerusalem; on the morrow they returned, that is, they began their march back again to the castle. See on Act 24:1 (note).
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:32: They left the horsemen - As they were then beyond the danger of the conspirators, the soldiers who had guarded them thus far returned to Jerusalem.
John Gill
23:32 On the morrow they left the horsemen to go with him,.... That is, the two hundred soldiers, and the two hundred spearmen, who were all on foot, left the seventy horsemen to conduct Paul to Caesarea; for being come to Antipatris, all danger from the Jews was over:
and returned to the castle; the castle Antonia in Jerusalem, from whence they set out.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:32 On the morrow they--the infantry.
left the horsemen--themselves no longer needed as a guard. The remaining distance was about twenty-five or twenty-six miles.
23:3323:33: Նոքա մտին ՚ի Կեսարի՛ա. եւ տուեալ ցդատաւորն զթուղթն, առաջի կացուցին նորա եւ զՊաւղոս։
33. Նրանք մտան Կեսարիա եւ նամակը կուսակալին տալով՝ Պօղոսին էլ կանգնեցրին նրա առաջ:
33 Անոնք ալ Կեսարիա տարին ու թուղթը կուսակալին տուին եւ Պօղոսը անոր առջեւ կայնեցուցին։
Նոքա մտին ի Կեսարիա, եւ տուեալ ցդատաւորն զթուղթն` առաջի կացուցին նորա եւ զՊաւղոս:

23:33: Նոքա մտին ՚ի Կեսարի՛ա. եւ տուեալ ցդատաւորն զթուղթն, առաջի կացուցին նորա եւ զՊաւղոս։
33. Նրանք մտան Կեսարիա եւ նամակը կուսակալին տալով՝ Պօղոսին էլ կանգնեցրին նրա առաջ:
33 Անոնք ալ Կեսարիա տարին ու թուղթը կուսակալին տուին եւ Պօղոսը անոր առջեւ կայնեցուցին։
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23:3333: А те, придя в Кесарию и отдав письмо правителю, представили ему и Павла.
23:33  οἵτινες εἰσελθόντες εἰς τὴν καισάρειαν καὶ ἀναδόντες τὴν ἐπιστολὴν τῶ ἡγεμόνι παρέστησαν καὶ τὸν παῦλον αὐτῶ.
23:33. οἵτινες (which-ones) εἰσελθόντες ( having-had-came-into ) εἰς (into) τὴν (to-the-one) Καισαρίαν (to-a-Kaisaria) καὶ (and) ἀναδόντες ( having-had-given-up ) τὴν (to-the-one) ἐπιστολὴν (to-a-setting-upon) τῷ (unto-the-one) ἡγεμόνι (unto-a-leader) παρέστησαν (they-stood-beside) καὶ (and) τὸν (to-the-one) Παῦλον (to-a-Paulos) αὐτῷ. (unto-it)
23:33. qui cum venissent Caesaream et tradidissent epistulam praesidi statuerunt ante illum et PaulumWho, when they were come to Caesarea and had delivered the letter to the governor, did also present Paul before him.
33. and they, when they came to Caesarea, and delivered the letter to the governor, presented Paul also before him.
Who, when they came to Caesarea, and delivered the epistle to the governor, presented Paul also before him:

33: А те, придя в Кесарию и отдав письмо правителю, представили ему и Павла.
23:33  οἵτινες εἰσελθόντες εἰς τὴν καισάρειαν καὶ ἀναδόντες τὴν ἐπιστολὴν τῶ ἡγεμόνι παρέστησαν καὶ τὸν παῦλον αὐτῶ.
23:33. qui cum venissent Caesaream et tradidissent epistulam praesidi statuerunt ante illum et Paulum
Who, when they were come to Caesarea and had delivered the letter to the governor, did also present Paul before him.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jg▾ tr▾ ac▾ all ▾
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
23:33: Who - That is, the seventy horsemen mentioned above.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:33: delivered: Act 23:25-30
presented: Act 28:16
John Gill
23:33 Who, when they came to Caesarea,.... The seventy horsemen:
and delivered the epistle to the governor; to Felix, governor of Judea, who was now at Caesarea; namely, the letter which Claudius Lysias, the chief captain, sent to him; the form and contents of which are before given:
these presented Paul also before him; concerning whom, and whose affairs, the letter was.
23:3423:34: Իբրեւ ընթերցաւ, եհարց թէ յորմէ՞ նահանգէ իցէ. եւ ստուգեալ եթէ ՚ի Կիլիկեա՛յ է[2747]. [2747] Ոմանք. Հարցանէր եթէ յորմէ... թէ ՚ի Կիւլիկեայէ է. եւ ոմանք՝ լոկ. թէ ՚ի Կիլիկեա՛յ։
34. Նա երբ կարդաց, հարցրեց, թէ ո՛ր նահանգից է. եւ ստուգելով, որ Կիլիկիայից է, ասաց.
34 Երբ կարդաց*, հարցուց թէ ո՞ր գաւառէն է եւ իմանալով որ Կիլիկիայէն է,
Իբրեւ ընթերցաւ, եհարց թէ յորմէ՞ նահանգէ իցէ. եւ ստուգեալ եթէ ի Կիլիկեայ է:

23:34: Իբրեւ ընթերցաւ, եհարց թէ յորմէ՞ նահանգէ իցէ. եւ ստուգեալ եթէ ՚ի Կիլիկեա՛յ է[2747].
[2747] Ոմանք. Հարցանէր եթէ յորմէ... թէ ՚ի Կիւլիկեայէ է. եւ ոմանք՝ լոկ. թէ ՚ի Կիլիկեա՛յ։
34. Նա երբ կարդաց, հարցրեց, թէ ո՛ր նահանգից է. եւ ստուգելով, որ Կիլիկիայից է, ասաց.
34 Երբ կարդաց*, հարցուց թէ ո՞ր գաւառէն է եւ իմանալով որ Կիլիկիայէն է,
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
23:3434: Правитель, прочитав письмо, спросил, из какой он области, и, узнав, что из Киликии, сказал:
23:34  ἀναγνοὺς δὲ καὶ ἐπερωτήσας ἐκ ποίας ἐπαρχείας ἐστὶν καὶ πυθόμενος ὅτι ἀπὸ κιλικίας,
23:34. ἀναγνοὺς (Having-had-acquainted-up) δὲ (moreover) καὶ (and) ἐπερωτήσας (having-entreated-upon-unto) ἐκ (out) ποίας (of-whither-belonged) ἐπαρχείας (of-a-firsting-upon-of) ἐστὶν (it-be) καὶ (and) πυθόμενος ( having-had-ascertained ) ὅτι (to-which-a-one) ἀπὸ (off) Κιλικίας (of-a-Kilikia,"
23:34. cum legisset autem et interrogasset de qua provincia esset et cognoscens quia de CiliciaAnd when he had read it and had asked of what province he was and understood that he was of Cilicia:
34. And when he had read it, he asked of what province he was; and when he understood that he was of Cilicia,
And when the governor had read [the letter], he asked of what province he was. And when he understood that [he was] of Cilicia:

34: Правитель, прочитав письмо, спросил, из какой он области, и, узнав, что из Киликии, сказал:
23:34  ἀναγνοὺς δὲ καὶ ἐπερωτήσας ἐκ ποίας ἐπαρχείας ἐστὶν καὶ πυθόμενος ὅτι ἀπὸ κιλικίας,
23:34. cum legisset autem et interrogasset de qua provincia esset et cognoscens quia de Cilicia
And when he had read it and had asked of what province he was and understood that he was of Cilicia:
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
34: "Из какой он области?.. " - об этом действительно не упоминается в донесении Лисия.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:34: Of what province he was - Greek: of what heparchy ἐπαρχίας eparchias he was. He knew from the letter of Lysias that he was a Roman, but he was not informed of what place or province he was. This he doubtless did in order to ascertain whether he properly belonged to his jurisdiction. Roman provinces were districts of country which were entrusted to the jurisdiction of procurators. How far the jurisdiction of Felix extended is not certainly known. It appears, however, that it included Cilicia.
Was of Cilicia - Tarsus, the birthplace of Paul, was in this province, Act 21:39.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:34: he asked: Act 25:1; Est 1:1, Est 8:9; Dan 2:49, Dan 6:1; Luk 23:6
Cilicia: Act 15:41, Act 21:39
John Gill
23:34 And when the governor, had read the letter,.... Which he doubtless opened and read as soon as he had received it, not knowing what important business might be contained in it, or of what dangerous consequence a neglect of reading it might be; this showed care and diligence in him:
he asked of what province he was; since he perceived by the letter he was a Roman, and that he might know whether he was under his jurisdiction, and whether the hearing of his case belonged to him; and it should seem that it rather belonged to the governor of Syria; but that the crimes he was charged with were committed in Judea, particularly that of profaning the temple.
And when he understood that he was of Cilicia; which was a Roman province, in which Tarsus was, where Paul was born free; Acts 21:39.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:34 asked of what province he was--the letter describing him as a Roman citizen.
23:3523:35: Լուա՛յց քեզ ասէ՝ յորժամ եւ չարախօսքն քո եկեսցեն։ Եւ հրամայեաց յապարանսն Հերովդի՛ պահել զնա։
35. «Քեզ կը լսեմ, երբ քեզ ամբաստանողներն էլ գան»: Եւ հրամայեց պահել նրան Հերովդէսի ապարանքում:
35 Ըսաւ. «Պիտի լսեմ քեզի՝ երբ քեզ ամբաստանողներն ալ գան» եւ հրաման ըրաւ, որ զանիկա Հերովդէսին պալատին մէջ պահեն։
Լուայց քեզ, ասէ, յորժամ եւ չարախօսքն քո եկեսցեն: Եւ հրամայեաց յապարանսն Հերովդի պահել զնա:

23:35: Լուա՛յց քեզ ասէ՝ յորժամ եւ չարախօսքն քո եկեսցեն։ Եւ հրամայեաց յապարանսն Հերովդի՛ պահել զնա։
35. «Քեզ կը լսեմ, երբ քեզ ամբաստանողներն էլ գան»: Եւ հրամայեց պահել նրան Հերովդէսի ապարանքում:
35 Ըսաւ. «Պիտի լսեմ քեզի՝ երբ քեզ ամբաստանողներն ալ գան» եւ հրաման ըրաւ, որ զանիկա Հերովդէսին պալատին մէջ պահեն։
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23:3535: я выслушаю тебя, когда явятся твои обвинители. И повелел ему быть под стражею в Иродовой претории.
23:35  διακούσομαί σου, ἔφη, ὅταν καὶ οἱ κατήγοροί σου παραγένωνται· κελεύσας ἐν τῶ πραιτωρίῳ τοῦ ἡρῴδου φυλάσσεσθαι αὐτόν.
23:35. Διακούσομαί ( I-shall-hear-through ) σου, (of-thee,"ἔφη, (it-was-declaring,"ὅταν (which-also-ever) καὶ (and) οἱ (the-ones) κατήγοροί (gatherers-down) σου (of-thee) παραγένωνται : ( they-might-have-had-became-beside ) κελεύσας (having-bade-of) ἐν (in) τῷ (unto-the-one) πραιτωρίῳ (unto-a-praitorion) τοῦ (of-the-one) Ἡρῴδου (of-a-Herodes) φυλάσσεσθαι ( to-guard ) αὐτόν. (to-it)
23:35. audiam te inquit cum et accusatores tui venerint iussitque in praetorio Herodis custodiri eumI will hear thee, said he, when thy accusers come. And he commanded him to be kept in Herod's judgment hall.
35. I will hear thy cause, said he, when thine accusers also are come: and he commanded him to be kept in Herod’s palace.
I will hear thee, said he, when thine accusers are also come. And he commanded him to be kept in Herod' s judgment hall:

35: я выслушаю тебя, когда явятся твои обвинители. И повелел ему быть под стражею в Иродовой претории.
23:35  διακούσομαί σου, ἔφη, ὅταν καὶ οἱ κατήγοροί σου παραγένωνται· κελεύσας ἐν τῶ πραιτωρίῳ τοῦ ἡρῴδου φυλάσσεσθαι αὐτόν.
23:35. audiam te inquit cum et accusatores tui venerint iussitque in praetorio Herodis custodiri eum
I will hear thee, said he, when thy accusers come. And he commanded him to be kept in Herod's judgment hall.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
35: "Я выслушаю тебя, когда явятся твои обвинители..." Здесь разумеется подробный судебный официальный допрос, в отличие от предварительного, краткого и частного, может быть, и ограничившегося упомянутым вопросом.

"В Иродовой претории..." Построенный Иродом I дворец, в котором жили прокураторы. Таким образом, здесь Павел не был заключен в темницу вместе с обыкновенными узниками, а содержался под стражею в том же доме, где жил и прокуратор. Вероятно, доброе слово об узнике в письме Лисия способствовало такому сравнительно мягкому к нему отношению. Дееписатель в дальнейшем прямо замечает, что после допроса Павла в присутствии его обвинителей прокуратор делает нарочитое распоряжение не стеснять узника (XXIV:23).
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
23:35: I will hear thee - Διακουσομαι σου; I will give thee a fair, full, and attentive hearing when thy accusers are come; in whose presence thou shalt be permitted to defend thyself.
In Herod's judgment - hall - Εν τῳ πραιτωριῳ, In Herod's praetorium, so called because it was built by Herod the Great. The praetorium was the place where the Roman praetor had his residence; and it is probable that, in or near this place, there was a sort of guard room, where state prisoners were kept. Paul was lodged here till his accusers should arrive.
On the preceeding chapter many useful observations may be made.
1. Paul, while acting contrary to the Gospel of Christ, pleaded conscience as his guide. Conscience is generally allowed to be the rule of human actions; but it cannot be a right rule, unless it be well informed. While it is unenlightened it may be a guide to the perdition of its professor, and the cause of the ruin of others. That conscience can alone be trusted in which the light of God's Spirit and God's truth dwells. An ill-informed conscience may burn even the saints for God's sake!
2. No circumstance in which a man can be placed can excuse him from showing respect and reverence to the authorities which God, in the course of his providence, has instituted for the benefit of civil or religious society. All such authorities come originally from God, and can never lose any of their rights on account of the persons who are invested with them. An evil can never be of use, and a good may be abused; but it loses not its character, essential qualities, or usefulness, because of this abuse.
3. Paul availed himself of the discordant sentiments of his judges, who had agreed to show him no justice, that he might rid himself out of their hands. To take advantage of the sentiments and dispositions of an audience, without deceiving it, and to raise dissension between the enemies of the truth, is an impotent artifice, when truth itself is not violated and when error is exposed thereby to public view.
4. The Pharisees and Sadducees strove together. God frequently raises up defenders of the principles of truth, even among those who, in practice, are its decided enemies. "Though," says one, "I do not like the truth, yet will I defend it." A man clothed with sovereign authority, vicious in his heart, and immoral in his life, fostered those principles of truth and righteousness by which error was banished from these lands, and pure and undefiled religion established among us for many generations.
5. The providence of God, and his management of the world, are in many respects great mysteries; but, as far as we are individually concerned, all is plain. Paul had the fullest assurance, from the mouth of Christ himself, that he should see Rome; and, consequently, that he should be extricated from all his present difficulties. Why then did he not quietly sit still, when his nephew informed him that forty men had conspired to murder him? Because he knew that God made use of the prudence with which he has endowed man as an agent in that very providence by which he is supported; and that to neglect the natural means of safety with which God provides us is to tempt and dishonor him, and induce him in judgment to use those means against us, which, in his mercy, he had designed for our comfort and salvation. Prudence is well associated even with an apostolical spirit. Every being that God has formed, he designs should accomplish those functions for which he has endowed it with the requisite powers.
6. Claudius Lysias sent Paul to Felix. "In the generality of human events," says one, "we do not often distinguish the designs of God from those of men. The design of Lysias, in preserving Paul from the rage of the Jews, was to render his own conduct free from exception: the design of God was, that he might bring Paul safely to Rome, that he might attack idolatry in its strongest fort, and there establish the Christian faith." God governs the world, and works by proper means; and counterworks evil or sinister devices, so as ultimately to accomplish the purposes of his will, and cause all things to work together for good to them that love Him.
7. Felix acted prudently when he would not even hear St. Paul till he had his accusers face to face. How many false judgments, evil surmises, and uncharitable censures would be avoided, did men always adopt this reasonable plan! Hear either side of a complaint separately, and the evil seems very great: hear both together, and the evil is generally lessened by one half. Audi et alteram partem - hear the other side, says a heathen: remember, if you have an ear for the first complainant, you have one also for the second.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
23:35: In Herod's judgment hall - Greek: in the praetorium of Herod. The word used here denoted formerly "the tent of the Roman praetor"; and since that was the place where justice was administered, it came to be applied to "halls (courts) of justice." This had been raised probably by Herod the Great as his palace, or as a place for administering justice. It is probable, also, that prisons, or places of security, would be attached to such places.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
23:35: when: Act 23:30, Act 24:1, Act 24:10, Act 24:22, Act 24:24-27, Act 25:16
in: Mat 2:1, Mat 2:3, Mat 2:16
judgment: Mat 27:27; Joh 18:28
John Gill
23:35 I will hear thee, said he,.... The Arabic and Ethiopic versions read, "we will hear", which is a grand courtly way of speaking:
when thine accusers are come; which Lysias, in his letter, informed him that he had ordered them to come; which shows the governor to have some sense of justice and integrity, being desirous to hear both sides before he judged of the affair, though there was so much said in the chief captain's letter in favour of Paul's innocence, and against his enemies.
And he commanded him to be kept in Herod's judgment hall; or palace: this was a place built by Herod the great at Caesarea, of whose magnificent buildings here Josephus gives a large account. For besides the famous haven or port which he made here, he adorned the place with splendid palaces, he built a theatre, and an amphitheatre, and a "forum" (h), which was either a market place, or a court of judicature; and if the latter, perhaps the same that is here meant, in a part of which, or in a place adjoining to it, the apostle was put. Here he was kept by a guard of soldiers, but not in close confinement; he had much liberty, and his friends and acquaintance had leave to come to him; see Acts 24:23. We read (i) of , which some interpret "the chamber of the judges of Caesarea"; or the place where they sat in judgment, and may be the same that is here meant; though others interpret it a prison; and so it seems was this judgment hall of Herod's.
(h) Joseph. de Bello Jud. l. 1. c. 21. sect. 5, 8. (i) Megillat Esther, fol. 85. 1.
John Wesley
23:35 In Herod's palace - This was a palace and a court built by Herod the Great. Probably some tower belonging to it might be used for a kind of state prison.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
23:35 I will hear thee--The word means, "give thee a full hearing."
to be kept in Herod's judgment hall--"prÃ&brvbr;torium," the palace built at CÃ&brvbr;sarea by Herod, and now occupied by the Roman procurators; in one of the buildings attached to which Paul was ordered to be kept.