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Matthew Henry: Concise Commentary on the Whole Bible - 1706
We left Paul a prisoner at Cæsarea, in Herod's judgment-hall, expecting his trial to come on quickly; for in the beginning of his imprisonment his affairs moved very quickly, but afterwards very slowly. In this chapter we have his arraignment and trial before Felix the governor at Cæsarea; here is, I. The appearing of the prosecutors against him, and the setting of the prisoner to the bar, ver. 1, 2. II. The opening of the indictment against him by Tertullus, who was of counsel for the prosecutors, and the aggravating of the charge, with abundance of compliments to the judge, and malice to the prisoner, ver. 2-8. III. The corroborating of the charge by the testimony of the witnesses, or rather the prosecutors themselves, ver. 9. IV. The prisoner's defence, in which, with all due deference to the governor (ver. 10), he denies the charge, and challenges them to prove it (ver. 11-13), owns the truth, and makes an unexceptionable profession of his faith, which he declares was it that they hated him for (ver. 14-16), and gives a more particular account of what had passed from their first seizing him, challenging them to specify any ill they had found in him, ver. 17-21. V. The adjourning of the cause, and the continuing of the prisoner in custody, ver. 22, 23. VI. The private conversation that was between the prisoner and the judge, by which the prisoner hoped to do good to the judge and the judge thought to get money by the prisoner, but both in vain, ver. 24-26. VII. The lengthening out of Paul's imprisonment for two years, till another governor came (ver. 27), where he seems as much neglected as there had been ado about him.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
After five days, Ananias the high priest, the elders, and one Tertullus, an orator, come to Caesarea to accuse Paul, Act 24:1. The oration of Tertullus, Act 24:2-9. Paul's defense, Act 24:10-21. Felix, having heard his defense, proposes to leave the final determination of it till Claudius Lysias should come down; and, in the mean time, orders Paul to be treated with humanity and respect, Act 24:22, Act 24:23. Felix, and Drusilla his wife, hear Paul concerning the faith of Christ; and Felix it greatly affected, Act 24:24, Act 24:25. On the expectation of obtaining money for his liberation, Felix keeps Paul in prison, Act 24:26, and being superseded in the government of Judea by Porcius Festus, in order to please the Jews, he leaves Paul bound, Act 24:27.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
Act 24:1, Paul being accused by Tertullus the orator, Act 24:10. answers for his life and doctrine; Act 24:24, He preaches Christ to the governor and his wife; Act 24:26, The governor hopes for a bribe, but in vain; Act 24:27, At last, going out of his office, he leaves Paul in prison.
24:124:1: Եւ յետ հինգ աւուր է՛ջ քահանայապետն Անանիայ հանդերձ ծերո՛վք ոմամբք, եւ ճարտարախօսաւ Տերտեղեաւ ոմամբ. որք եւ զգացուցի՛ն դատաւորին վասն Պաւղոսի[2748]։ [2748] Ոսկան. Հինգ աւուրց։ Ոմանք. Եւ ճարտարախօս Տերտիւղեաւ. կամ՝ Տերտիղաւ ոմամբք։
1. Եւ հինգ օր յետոյ Անանիա քահանայապետը մի քանի ծերերի եւ Տերտիւղոս անունով մի ճարտասան մարդու հետ իջաւ եկաւ: Սրանք Պօղոսի մասին կուսակալին ներկայացրին իրենց ամբաստանութիւնը:
24 Հինգ օր ետքը Անանիա քահանայապետը ծերերուն ու Տերտիւղոս անուն ճարտասանի մը հետ իջաւ։ Ասոնք կուսակալին իմացուցին իրենց ամբաստանութիւնը Պօղոսին դէմ։
Եւ յետ հինգ աւուր էջ քահանայապետն Անանիա հանդերձ ծերովք ոմամբք, եւ ճարտարախօսաւ Տերտիւղեաւ ոմամբ, որք եւ զգացուցին դատաւորին վասն Պաւղոսի:

24:1: Եւ յետ հինգ աւուր է՛ջ քահանայապետն Անանիայ հանդերձ ծերո՛վք ոմամբք, եւ ճարտարախօսաւ Տերտեղեաւ ոմամբ. որք եւ զգացուցի՛ն դատաւորին վասն Պաւղոսի[2748]։
[2748] Ոսկան. Հինգ աւուրց։ Ոմանք. Եւ ճարտարախօս Տերտիւղեաւ. կամ՝ Տերտիղաւ ոմամբք։
1. Եւ հինգ օր յետոյ Անանիա քահանայապետը մի քանի ծերերի եւ Տերտիւղոս անունով մի ճարտասան մարդու հետ իջաւ եկաւ: Սրանք Պօղոսի մասին կուսակալին ներկայացրին իրենց ամբաստանութիւնը:
24 Հինգ օր ետքը Անանիա քահանայապետը ծերերուն ու Տերտիւղոս անուն ճարտասանի մը հետ իջաւ։ Ասոնք կուսակալին իմացուցին իրենց ամբաստանութիւնը Պօղոսին դէմ։
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24:11: Через пять дней пришел первосвященник Анания со старейшинами и с некоторым ритором Тертуллом, которые жаловались правителю на Павла.
24:1  μετὰ δὲ πέντε ἡμέρας κατέβη ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἁνανίας μετὰ πρεσβυτέρων τινῶν καὶ ῥήτορος τερτύλλου τινός, οἵτινες ἐνεφάνισαν τῶ ἡγεμόνι κατὰ τοῦ παύλου.
24:1. Μετὰ (With) δὲ (moreover) πέντε (to-five) ἡμέρας (to-days) κατέβη (it-had-stepped-down,"ὁ (the-one) ἀρχιερεὺς (a-first-sacreder-of) Ἁνανίας (an-Ananias,"μετὰ (with) πρεσβυτέρων ( of-more-eldered ) τινῶν (of-ones) καὶ (and) ῥήτορος (of-an-utterer) Τερτύλλου (of-a-Tertullos) τινός, (of-a-one,"οἵτινες (which-ones) ἐνεφάνισαν (they-manifested-in-to) τῷ (unto-the-one) ἡγεμόνι (unto-a-leader) κατὰ (down) τοῦ (of-the-one) Παύλου. (of-a-Paulos)
24:1. post quinque autem dies descendit princeps sacerdotum Ananias cum senioribus quibusdam et Tertullo quodam oratore qui adierunt praesidem adversus PaulumAnd after five days, the high priest, Ananias, came down with some ancients and one Tertullus, an orator, who went to the governor against Paul.
1. And after five days the high priest Ananias came down with certain elders, and an orator, one Tertullus; and they informed the governor against Paul.
And after five days Ananias the high priest descended with the elders, and [with] a certain orator [named] Tertullus, who informed the governor against Paul:

1: Через пять дней пришел первосвященник Анания со старейшинами и с некоторым ритором Тертуллом, которые жаловались правителю на Павла.
24:1  μετὰ δὲ πέντε ἡμέρας κατέβη ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἁνανίας μετὰ πρεσβυτέρων τινῶν καὶ ῥήτορος τερτύλλου τινός, οἵτινες ἐνεφάνισαν τῶ ἡγεμόνι κατὰ τοῦ παύλου.
24:1. post quinque autem dies descendit princeps sacerdotum Ananias cum senioribus quibusdam et Tertullo quodam oratore qui adierunt praesidem adversus Paulum
And after five days, the high priest, Ananias, came down with some ancients and one Tertullus, an orator, who went to the governor against Paul.
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А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
1: "Чрез пять дней..." - по отправлении Павла в Кесарию из Иерусалима.

"Пришел первосвященник Анания со старейшинами...", т. е. членами Синедриона. Это сделано было, как дается понять выше, по приказанию Лисия (XXIII:30), но согласовалось, конечно, и с их собственными желаниями - добиться осуждения апостола.

Невероятно, чтобы целый Синедрион в полном его составе прибыл в Кесарию; гораздо вероятнее допустить, что это были особо избранные представители Синедриона, уполномоченные вести дело от его имени. Для большего успеха в своем деле они берут некоего ритора Тертулла (довольно обычное римское имя - уменьшительное от Тертий, а от Тертулла еще уменьшительное - Тертуллиан).

Кто был по происхождению своему этот Тертулл, язычник ли из римских провинций, или еврей из иудеев рассеяния, носивший такое имя, неизвестно. Последнее вероятнее (ср. ст. 6: и 8). Наименование Тертулла ритором указывает на его специальность - вести судебные процессы, говорить речи в пользу своих доверителей: то же, что делают нынешние адвокат или прокурор. Такого-то ритора и привели с собой представители Синедриона для обвинения Павла.

Речь Тертулла начинается обычными для ритора льстивыми комплиментами правителю, в расчете на его благоволение, от чего зависело и решение дела. С наглым бесстыдством оратор говорит, что Феликсу, по общему признанию, иудеи обязаны глубоким миром страны и благополучием, вызывающим всеобщую благодарность, и т. п. Насколько соответствовали истине эти похвалы, кроме приведенных отзывов современников о Феликсе, можно судить по тому, что вскоре же иудеи сами принесли на него горькие жалобы императору (Флав. Археол., XX:3, 9: и д. ).
Matthew Henry: Concise Commentary on the Whole Bible - 1706
The Speech of Tertullus.
1 And after five days Ananias the high priest descended with the elders, and with a certain orator named Tertullus, who informed the governor against Paul. 2 And when he was called forth, Tertullus began to accuse him, saying, Seeing that by thee we enjoy great quietness, and that very worthy deeds are done unto this nation by thy providence, 3 We accept it always, and in all places, most noble Felix, with all thankfulness. 4 Notwithstanding, that I be not further tedious unto thee, I pray thee that thou wouldest hear us of thy clemency a few words. 5 For we have found this man a pestilent fellow, and a mover of sedition among all the Jews throughout the world, and a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes: 6 Who also hath gone about to profane the temple: whom we took, and would have judged according to our law. 7 But the chief captain Lysias came upon us, and with great violence took him away out of our hands, 8 Commanding his accusers to come unto thee: by examining of whom thyself mayest take knowledge of all these things, whereof we accuse him. 9 And the Jews also assented, saying that these things were so.

We must suppose that Lysias, the chief captain, when he had sent away Paul to Cæsarea, gave notice to the chief priests, and others that had appeared against Paul, that if they had any thing to accuse him of they must follow him to Cæsarea, and there they would find him, and a judge ready to hear them-thinking, perhaps, they would not have given themselves so much trouble; but what will not malice do?

I. We have here the cause followed against Paul, and it is vigorously carried on. 1. Here is no time lost, for they are ready for a hearing after five days; all other business is laid aside immediately, to prosecute Paul; so intent are evil men to do evil! Some reckon these five days from Paul's being first seized, and with most probability, for he says here (v. 11) that it was but twelve days since he came up to Jerusalem, and he had spent seven in his purifying the temple, so that these five must be reckoned from the last of those. 2. Those who had been his judges do themselves appear here as his prosecutors. Ananias himself the high priest, who had sat to judge him, now stands to inform against him. One would wonder, (1.) That he should thus disparage himself, and forget the dignity of his place. She the high priest turn informer, and leave all his business in the temple at Jerusalem, to go to be called as a prosecutor in Herod's judgment-hall? Justly did God make the priests contemptible and base, when they made themselves so, Mal. ii. 9. (2.) That he should thus discover himself and his enmity against Paul!. If men of the first rank have a malice against any, they think it policy to employ others against them, and to play least in sight themselves, because of the odium that commonly attends it; but Ananias is not shamed to own himself a sworn enemy to Paul. The elders attended him, to signify their concurrence with him, and to invigorate the prosecution; for they could not find any attorneys or solicitors that would follow it with so much violence as they desired. The pains that evil men take in an evil matter, their contrivances, their condescensions, and their unwearied industry, should shame us out of our coldness and backwardness, and out indifference in that which is good.

II. We have here the cause pleaded against Paul. The prosecutors brought with them a certain orator named Tertullus, a Roman, skilled in the Roman law and language, and therefore fittest to be employed in a cause before the Roman governor, and most likely to gain favour. The high priest, and elders, though they had their own hearts spiteful enough, did not think their own tongues sharp enough, and therefore retained Tertullus, who probably was noted for a satirical wit, to be of counsel for them; and, no doubt, they gave him a good fee, probably out of the treasury of the temple, which they had the command of, it being a cause wherein the church was concerned and which therefore must not be starved. Paul is set to the bar before Felix the governor: He was called forth, v. 2. Tertullus's business is, on the behalf of the prosecutors, to open the information against him, and he is a man that will say any thing for his fee; mercenary tongues will do so. No cause so unjust but can find advocates to plead it; and yet we hope many advocates are so just as not knowingly to patronise an unrighteous cause, but Tertullus was none of these: his speech (or at least an abstract of it, for it appears, by Tully's orations, that the Roman lawyers, on such occasions, used to make long harangues) is here reported, and it is made up of flattery and falsehood; it calls evil good, and good evil.

1. One of the worst of men is here applauded as one of the best of benefactors, only because he was the judge. Felix is represented by the historians of his own nation, as well as by Josephus the Jew, as a very bad man, who, depending upon his interest in the court, allowed himself in all manner of wickedness, was a great oppressor, very cruel, and very covetous, patronising and protecting assassins.--Joseph. Antiq. 20. 162-165. And yet Tertullus here, in the name of the high priest and elders, and probably by particular directions from them and according to the instructions of his breviate, compliments him, and extols him to the sky, as if he were so good a magistrate as never was the like: and this comes the worse from the high priest and the elders, because he had given a late instance of his enmity to their order; for Jonathan the high priest, or one of the chief priests, having offended him by too free an invective against the tyranny of his government, he had him murdered by some villains whom he hired for that purpose who afterwards did the like for others, as they were hired: Cujus facinoris quia nemo ultor extitit, invitati hac licentia sicarii multos confodiebant, alios propter privatas inimicitias, alios conducti pecunia, etiam in ipso templo--No one being found to punish such enormous wickedness, the assassins, encouraged by this impunity, stabbed several persons, some from personal malice, some for hire, and that even in the temple itself. An yet, to engage him to gratify their malice against Paul, and to return them that kindness for their kindness in overlooking all this, they magnify him as the greatest blessing to their church and nation that ever came among them.

(1.) They are very ready to own it (v. 2): "By thee we, of the church, enjoy great quietness, and we look upon thee as our patron and protector, and very worthy deeds are done, from time to time, to the whole nation of the Jews, by thy providence--thy wisdom, and care, and vigilance." To give him his due, he had been instrumental to suppress the insurrection of that Egyptian of whom the chief captain spoke (ch. xxi. 38); but will the praise of that screen him from the just reproach of his tyranny and oppression afterwards? See here, [1.] The unhappiness of great men, and a great unhappiness it is, to have their services magnified beyond measure, and never to be faithfully told of their faults; and hereby they are hardened and encouraged in evil. [2.] The policy of bad men, by flattering princes in what they do amiss to draw them in to do worse. The bishops of Rome got themselves confirmed in their exorbitant church power, and have been assisted in persecuting the servants of Christ, by flattering and caressing usurpers and tyrants, and so making them the tools of their malice, as the high priest, by his compliments, designed to make Felix here.

(2.) They promise to retain a grateful sense of it (v. 3): "We accept it always, and in all places, every where and at all times we embrace it, we admire it, most noble Felix, with all thankfulness. We will be ready, upon any occasion, to witness for thee, that thou art a wise and good governor, and very serviceable to the country." And, if it had been true that he was such a governor, it had been just that they should thus accept his good offices with all thankfulness. The benefits which we enjoy by government, especially by the administration of wise and good governors, are what we ought to be thankful for, both to God and man. This is part of the honour due to magistrates, to acknowledge the quietness we enjoy under their protection, and the worthy deeds done by their prudence.

(3.) They therefore expect his favour in this cause, v. 4. They pretend a great care not to intrench upon his time: We will not be further tedious to thee; and yet to be very confident of his patience: I pray thee that thou wouldest hear us of thy clemency a few words. All this address is only ad captandam benefolentiam--to induce him to give countenance to their cause; and they were so conscious to themselves that it would soon appear to have more malice than matter in it that they found it necessary thus to insinuate themselves into his favour. Every body knew that the high priest and the elders were enemies to the Roman government, and were uneasy under all the marks of that yoke, and therefore, in their hearts, hated Felix; and yet, to gain their ends against Paul, they, by their counsel, show him all this respect, as they did to Pilate and Cæsar when they were persecuting our Saviour. Princes cannot always judge of the affections of their people by their applauses; flattery is one thing, and true loyalty is another.

2. One of the best of men is here accused as one of the worst of malefactors, only because he was the prisoner. After a flourish of flattery, in which you cannot see matter for words, he comes to his business, and it is to inform his excellency concerning the prisoner at the bar; and this part of his discourse is as nauseous for its raillery as the former part is for its flattery. I pity the man, and believe he has no malice against Paul, nor does he think as he speaks in calumniating him, any more than he did in courting Felix; but, a I cannot but be sorry that a man of wit and sense should have such a saleable tongue (as one calls it), so I cannot but be angry at those dignified men that had such malicious hearts as to put such words into his mouth. Two things Tertullus here complains of to Felix, in the name of the high priest and the elders:--

(1.) That the peace of the nation was disturbed by Paul. They could not have baited Christ's disciples if they had not first dressed them up in the skins of wild beasts, nor have given them as they did the vilest of treatment if they had not first represented them as the vilest of men, though the characters they gave of them were absolutely false and there was not the least colour nor foundation for them. Innocence, may excellence and usefulness, are no fence against calumny, no, nor against the impressions of calumny upon the minds both of magistrates and multitudes to excite their fury and jealousy; for, be the representation ever so unjust, when it is enforced, as here it was, with gravity and pretence of sanctity, and with assurance and noise, something will stick. The old charge against God's prophets was that they were the troublers of the land, and against God's Jerusalem that it was a rebellious city, hurtful to kings and provinces (Ezra iv. 15, 19), and against our Lord Jesus that he perverted the nation, and forbade to give tribute to Cæsar. It is the very same against Paul here; and, though utterly false, is averred with all the confidence imaginable. They do not say, "We suspect him to be a dangerous man, and have taken him up upon that suspicion;" but, as if the thing were past dispute, "We have found him to be so; we have often and long found him so;" as if he were a traitor and rebel already convicted. And yet, after all, there is not a word of truth in this representation; but, if Paul's just character be enquired into, it will be found directly the reverse of this.

[1.] Paul was a useful man, and a great blessing to his country, a man of exemplary candour and goodness, blessing to all, and provoking to none; and yet he is here called a pestilent fellow (v. 5): "We have found him, loimon--pestem--the plague of the nation, a walking pestilence, which supposes him to be a man of a turbulent spirit, malicious and ill-natured, and one that threw all things in disorder wherever he came." They would have it thought that he had dome a more mischief in his time than a plague could do,--that the mischief he did was spreading and infectious, and that he made others as mischievous as himself,--that it was of as fatal consequence as the plague is, killing and destroying, and laying all waste,--that it was as much to be dreaded and guarded against as a plague is. Many a good sermon he had preached, and many a good work he had done, and for these he is called a pestilent fellow.

[2.] Paul was a peace-maker, was a preacher of that gospel which has a direct tendency to slay all enmities, and to establish true and lasting peace; he lived peaceably and quietly himself, and taught others to do so too, and yet is here represented as a mover of sedition among all the Jews throughout all the world. The Jews were disaffected to the Roman government; those of them that were most bigoted were the most so. This Felix knew, and had therefore a watchful eye upon them. Now they would fain make him believe that this Paul was the man that made them so, whereas they themselves were the men that sowed the seeds of faction and sedition among them: and they knew it; and the reason why they hated Christ and his religion was because he did not go about to head them in a opposition to the Romans. The Jews were every where much set against Paul, and stirred up the people to clamour against him; they moved sedition in all places where he came, and then cast the blame unjustly upon him as if he had been the mover of the sedition; as Nero not long after set Rome on fire, and then said the Christians did it.

[3.] Paul was a man of catholic charity, who did not affect to be singular, but made himself the servant of all for their good; and yet he is here charged as being a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes, a standard-bearer of that sect, so the word signifies. When Cyprian was condemned to die for being a Christian, this was inserted in hi sentence, that he was auctor iniqui nominis et signifer--The author and standard-bearer of a wicked cause. Now it was true that Paul was an active leading man in propagating Christianity. But, First, It was utterly false that this was a sect; he did not draw people to a party or private opinion, nor did he make his own opinions their rule. True Christianity establishes that which is of common concern to all mankind, publishes good-will to men, and shows us God in Christ reconciling the world to himself, and therefore cannot be thought to take its rise from such narrow opinions and private interests as sects owe their origin to. True Christianity has a direct tendency to the uniting of the children of men, and the gathering of them together in one; and, as far as it obtains its just power and influence upon the minds of men, will make them meek and quiet, and peaceable and loving, and every way easy, acceptable, and profitable one to another, and therefore is far from being a sect, which is supposed to lead to division and to sow discord. True Christianity aims at no worldly benefit or advantage, and therefore must by no means be called a sect. Those that espouse a sect are governed in it by their secular interest, they aim at wealth and honour; but the professors of Christianity are so far from this that they expose themselves thereby to the loss and ruin of all that is dear to them in this world. Secondly, It is invidiously called the sect of the Nazarenes, by which Christ was represented as of Nazareth, whence no good thing was expected to arise; whereas he was of Bethlehem, where the Messiah was to be born. Yet he was pleased to call himself, Jesus of Nazareth, ch. xxii. 8. And the scripture has put an honour on the name, Matt. ii. 23. And therefore, though intended for a reproach, the Christians had not reason to be ashamed of sharing with their Master in it. Thirdly, It was false that Paul was the author of standard-bearer of this sect; for he did not draw people to himself, but to Christ-did not preach himself, but Christ Jesus.

[4.] Paul had a veneration for the temple, as it was the place which God had chosen to put his name there, and had lately himself with reverence attended the temple-service; and yet it is here charged upon him that he went about to profane the temple, and that he designedly put contempt upon it, and violated the laws of it, v. 6. Their proof of this failed; for that they alleged as matter of act was utterly false, and they knew it, ch. xxi. 29.

(2.) That the course of justice against Paul was obstructed by the chief captain. [1.] They pleaded that they took him, and would have judged him according to their law. This was false; they did not go about to judge him according to their law, but, contrary to all law and equity, went about to beat him to death or to pull him to pieces, without hearing what he had to say for himself-went about, under pretence of having him into their court, to throw him into the hands of ruffians that lay in wait to destroy him. Was this judging him according to their law? It is easy for men, when they know what they should have done, to say, this they would have done, when they meant nothing less. [2.] They reflected upon the chief captain as having done them an injury in rescuing Paul out of their hands; whereas he therein not only did him justice, but them the greatest kindness that could be, in preventing the guilt they were bringing upon themselves: The chief captain Lysias came upon us and with great violence (but really no more than was necessary) took him out of our hands, v. 7. See how persecutors are enraged at their disappointments, which they ought to e thankful for. When David in a heat of passion was going upon a bloody enterprise, he thanked Abigail for stopping him, and God for sending her to do it, so soon did he correct and recover himself. But these cruel men justify themselves, and reckon him their enemy who kept them (as David there speaks) from shedding blood with their own hands. [3.] They referred the matter to Felix and his judgment, yet seeming uneasy that they were under a necessity of doing so, the chief captain having obliged them to it (v. 8): "It was he that forced us to give your excellency this trouble, and ourselves too; for," First, "He commanded his accusers to come to thee, that though mightest hear the charge, when it might as well have been ended in the inferior court." Secondly, "He has left it to thee to examine him, and try what thou canst get out of him, and whether thou canst by his confession come to the knowledge of those things which we lay to his charge."

III. The assent of the Jews to this charge which Tertullus exhibited (v. 9): They confirmed it, saying that those things were so. 1. Some think this expresses the proof of their charge by witnesses upon oath, that were examined as to the particulars of it, and attested them. And no wonder if, when they had found an orator that would say it, they found witnesses that would swear it, for money. 2. It rather seems to intimate the approbation which the high priest and the elders gave to what Tertullus said. Felix asked them, "Is this your sense, and is it all that you have to say?" And they answered, "Yes it is;" and so they made themselves guilty of all the falsehood that was in his speech. Those that have not the wit and parts to do mischief with that some others have, that cannot make speeches and hold disputes against religion, yet make themselves guilty of the mischiefs others do, by assenting to that which others do, and saying, These things are so, repeating and standing by what is said, to pervert the right ways of the Lord. Many that have not learning enough to plead for Baal yet have wickedness enough to vote for Baal.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
24:1: After five days - These days are to be reckoned from the time in which Paul was apprehended at Jerusalem, and twelve days after he had arrived in that city; see Act 24:11. Calmet reckons the days thus: - St. Luke says that Paul was apprehended at Jerusalem when the seven days of his vow were nearly ended, Act 21:27; that is, at the end of the fifth day after his arrival. The next day, which was the sixth, he was presented before the Sanhedrin. The night following, he was taken to Antipatris. The next day, the seventh, he arrived at Caesarea. Five days afterwards, that is, the twelfth day after his arrival at Jerusalem, the high priest and the elders, with Tertullus, came down to accuse him before Felix. - But see the note on Act 23:32.
A certain orator named Tertullus - This was probably a Roman proselyte to Judaism; yet he speaks every where as a Jew. Roman orators, advocates; etc., were found in different provinces of the Roman empire; and they, in general, spoke both the Greek and Latin languages; and, being well acquainted with the Roman laws and customs, were no doubt very useful. Luitprandus supposed that this Tertullus was the same with him who was colleague with Pliny the younger, in the consulate, in the year of Rome, 852; who is mentioned by Pliny, Epist. v. 15. Of this there is no satisfactory proof.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:1: And after five days - This time was occupied, doubtless, in their receiving the command to go to Caesarea, and in making the necessary arrangements. This was the twelfth day after Paul's arrival at Jerusalem. See Act 24:11.
Ananias, the high priest - See the notes on Act 23:2.
Descended - Came down from Jerusalem. This was the usual language when a departure from Jerusalem was spoken of. See the notes on Act 15:1.
With a certain orator named Tertullus - Appointed to accuse Paul. This is a Roman name, and this man was doubtless a Roman. As the Jews were, to a great extent, ignorant of the Roman laws, and of their mode of administering justice, it is not improbable that they were in the habit of employing Roman lawyers to plead their causes.
Who informed the governor against Paul - Who acted as the accuser, or who managed their cause before the governor.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:1: five: Act 24:11, Act 21:27
Ananias: Act 23:2, Act 23:30, Act 23:35, Act 25:2
orator: Act 12:21; Isa 3:3; Co1 2:1, Co1 2:4
informed: Act 25:2, Act 25:15; Psa 11:2
Geneva 1599
24:1 And (1) after five days Ananias the high priest descended with the elders, and [with] a certain orator [named] Tertullus, who informed the governor against Paul.
(1) Hypocrites, when they can not do what they want to do by force and deceit, at length they go about to accomplish it by a show of law.
John Gill
24:1 And after five days Ananias the high priest descended with the elders,.... From Jerusalem to Caesarea: these five days are to be reckoned not from the seizing of Paul in the temple, but from his coming to Caesarea; the Alexandrian copy reads, "after some days", leaving it undetermined how many: the high priest, with the elders, the members of the sanhedrim, with "some" of them, as the same copy and the Vulgate Latin version read, came down hither; not merely as accusers, by the order of the chief captain, but willingly, and of their own accord, to vindicate themselves and their people, lest they should fall under the displeasure of the Roman governor, for encouraging tumults and riots: the high priest must be conscious to himself that he had acted in an illegal manner, in ordering Paul to be smitten on the mouth, in the midst of the council, in the presence of the chief captain; and if it had not been for the soldiers, Paul had been pulled to pieces in the council: and the elders knew what a hand they had in the conspiracy against his life; and they were sensible that this plot was discovered, and Paul was secretly conveyed away; and what the captain had wrote to the governor, they could not tell, and therefore made the more haste down to him, to set themselves right, and get Paul condemned:
and with a certain orator named Tertullus: this man, by his name, seems to have been a Roman; and because he might know the Roman, or the Greek language, or both, which the Jews did not so well understand, and was very well acquainted with all the forms in the Roman courts of judicature, as well as was an eloquent orator; therefore they pitched upon him, and took him down with them to open and plead their cause. The name Tertullus is a diminutive from Tertius, as Marullus from Marius, Lucullus from Lucius, and Catullus from Catius. The father of the wife of Titus, before he was emperor, was of this name (k); and some say her name was Tertulla; and the grandmother of Vespasian, by his father's side, was of this name, under whom he was brought up (l). This man's title, in the Greek text, is "Rhetor", a rhetorician; but though with the Latins an "orator" and a "rhetorician" are distinguished, an orator being one that pleads causes in courts, and a rhetorician a professor of rhetoric; yet, with the Greeks, the "Rhetor" is an orator; so Demosthenes was called; and so Cicero calls himself (m).
Who informed the governor against Paul; brought in a bill of information against him, setting forth his crimes, and declaring themselves his accusers; they appeared in open court against him, and accused him; for this is not to be restrained to Tertullus, but is said of the high priest, and elders with him; for, the word is in the plural number, though the Syriac version reads in the singular, and seems to refer it to the high priest.
(k) Sueton. in Vita Titi, l. 11. c. 4. (l) Ib. Vita Vespasian. c. 2. (m) De Oratore, l. 3. p. 225.
John Wesley
24:1 Ananias - Who would spare no trouble on the occasion, with several of the elders, members of the sanhedrim.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
24:1 PAUL, ACCUSED BY A PROFESSIONAL PLEADER BEFORE FELIX, MAKES HIS DEFENSE, AND IS REMANDED FOR A FURTHER HEARING. AT A PRIVATE INTERVIEW FELIX TREMBLES UNDER PAUL'S PREACHING, BUT KEEPS HIM PRISONER FOR TWO YEARS, WHEN HE WAS SUCCEEDED BY FESTUS. (Acts 24:1-27)
after five days--or, on the fifth day from their departure from Jerusalem.
Ananias . . . with the elders--a deputation of the Sanhedrim.
a certain orator--one of those Roman advocates who trained themselves for the higher practice of the metropolis by practicing in the provinces, where the Latin language, employed in the courts, was but imperfectly understood and Roman forms were not familiar.
informed . . . against Paul--"laid information," that is, put in the charges.
24:224:2: Եւ ՚ի կոչելն զնա, սկսաւ Տերտիղոսն ամբաստա՛ն լինել եւ ասել. Բազո՛ւմ խաղաղութիւն գտեալ ՚ի քէն, եւ իրաց ուղղութիւն ազգիս այսորիկ քով խնամով[2749]. [2749] Ոսկան. Եւ ՚ի կոչելն զնոսա... զբազում խաղա՛՛։ Ոմանք. Տերտեղոսն. կամ՝ Տերտւղոսն... գտեալ է ՚ի քէն... քոյով խնամով։
2. Եւ երբ նրան կանչեցին, Տերտիւղոսն սկսեց ամբաստանել ու ասել. «Այս ազգը բազում խաղաղութիւն է գտել քո շնորհիւ եւ գործերի կարգաւորութիւն՝ քո խնամքի պատճառով:
2 Երբ կանչեցին զանիկա, Տերտիւղոս սկսաւ ամբաստանել ու ըսել. «Որովհետեւ քու ձեռքովդ լման խաղաղութիւն ու քու խնամքովդ այս ազգին գործերուն մէջ աղէկ կարգադրութիւն կը վայելենք,
Եւ ի կոչելն զնա` սկսաւ Տերտիւղոսն ամբաստան լինել եւ ասել. Բազում խաղաղութիւն գտեալ է ի քէն եւ իրաց ուղղութիւն ազգիս այսորիկ քով խնամով:

24:2: Եւ ՚ի կոչելն զնա, սկսաւ Տերտիղոսն ամբաստա՛ն լինել եւ ասել. Բազո՛ւմ խաղաղութիւն գտեալ ՚ի քէն, եւ իրաց ուղղութիւն ազգիս այսորիկ քով խնամով[2749].
[2749] Ոսկան. Եւ ՚ի կոչելն զնոսա... զբազում խաղա՛՛։ Ոմանք. Տերտեղոսն. կամ՝ Տերտւղոսն... գտեալ է ՚ի քէն... քոյով խնամով։
2. Եւ երբ նրան կանչեցին, Տերտիւղոսն սկսեց ամբաստանել ու ասել. «Այս ազգը բազում խաղաղութիւն է գտել քո շնորհիւ եւ գործերի կարգաւորութիւն՝ քո խնամքի պատճառով:
2 Երբ կանչեցին զանիկա, Տերտիւղոս սկսաւ ամբաստանել ու ըսել. «Որովհետեւ քու ձեռքովդ լման խաղաղութիւն ու քու խնամքովդ այս ազգին գործերուն մէջ աղէկ կարգադրութիւն կը վայելենք,
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24:22: Когда же он был призван, то Тертулл начал обвинять его, говоря:
24:2  κληθέντος δὲ αὐτοῦ ἤρξατο κατηγορεῖν ὁ τέρτυλλος λέγων, πολλῆς εἰρήνης τυγχάνοντες διὰ σοῦ καὶ διορθωμάτων γινομένων τῶ ἔθνει τούτῳ διὰ τῆς σῆς προνοίας,
24:2. κληθέντος (Of-having-been-called-unto) δὲ (moreover) [αὐτοῦ] "[of-it]" ἤρξατο ( it-firsted ) κατηγορεῖν (to-gather-down-unto,"ὁ (the-one) Τέρτυλλος (a-Tertullos,"λέγων (forthing,"Πολλῆς (Of-much) εἰρήνης (of-a-peace) τυγχάνοντες ( actuating ) διὰ (through) σοῦ (of-THEE) καὶ (and) διορθωμάτων (of-en-straightened-juttings-through-to) γινομένων ( of-becoming ) τῷ (unto-the-one) ἔθνει (unto-a-nation) τούτῳ (unto-the-one-this) διὰ (through) τῆς (of-the-one) σῆς (of-thine) προνοίας (of-a-considering-before-unto,"
24:2. et citato Paulo coepit accusare Tertullus dicens cum in multa pace agamus per te et multa corrigantur per tuam providentiamAnd Paul being called for, Tertullus began to accuse him, saying: Whereas, through thee we live in much peace and many things are rectified by thy providence,
2. And when he was called, Tertullus began to accuse him, saying, Seeing that by thee we enjoy much peace, and that by thy providence evils are corrected for this nation,
And when he was called forth, Tertullus began to accuse [him], saying, Seeing that by thee we enjoy great quietness, and that very worthy deeds are done unto this nation by thy providence:

2: Когда же он был призван, то Тертулл начал обвинять его, говоря:
24:2  κληθέντος δὲ αὐτοῦ ἤρξατο κατηγορεῖν ὁ τέρτυλλος λέγων, πολλῆς εἰρήνης τυγχάνοντες διὰ σοῦ καὶ διορθωμάτων γινομένων τῶ ἔθνει τούτῳ διὰ τῆς σῆς προνοίας,
24:2. et citato Paulo coepit accusare Tertullus dicens cum in multa pace agamus per te et multa corrigantur per tuam providentiam
And Paul being called for, Tertullus began to accuse him, saying: Whereas, through thee we live in much peace and many things are rectified by thy providence,
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Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
24:2: Tertullus began to accuse him - There are three parts in this oration of Tertullus: -
1. The exordium.
2. The proposition.
3. The conclusion.
The exordium contains the praise of Felix and his administration, merely for the purpose of conciliating his esteem, Act 24:2-4; The proposition is contained in Act 24:5. The narration and conclusion, in Act 24:6-8.
By thee we enjoy great quietness - As bad a governor as Felix most certainly was, he rendered some services to Judea. The country had long been infested with robbers; and a very formidable banditti of this kind, under one Eliezar, he entirely suppressed. Joseph. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 6; Bell. lib. ii, cap. 22. He also suppressed the sedition raised by an Egyptian impostor, who had seduced 30,000 men; see on Act 21:38 (note). He had also quelled a very afflictive disturbance which took place between the Syrians and the Jews of Caesarea. On this ground Tertullus said, By thee we enjoy great quietness; and illustrious deeds are done to this nation by thy prudent administration. This was all true; but, notwithstanding this, he is well known from his own historians, and from Josephus, to have been not only a very bad man, but also a very bad governor. He was mercenary, oppressive, and cruel; and of all these the Jews brought proofs to Nero, before whom they accused him; and, had it not been for the interest and influence of his brother Pallas; he had been certainly ruined.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:2: And when he was called forth - When Paul was called forth from prison. See Act 23:35.
We enjoy great quietness - This was said in the customary style of flatterers and orators, to conciliate the favor of the judge, and is strikingly in contrast with the more honest and straight forward introduction in reply of Paul, Act 24:10. Though it was said for flattery, and though Felix was in many respects an unprincipled man, yet it was true that his administration had been the means of producing much peace and order in Judea, and that he had done many things that tended to promote the welfare of the nation. In particular, he had arrested a band of robbers, with Eleazar at their head, whom he had sent to Rome to be punished (Josephus, Antiq., book 20, chapter 8); he had arrested the Egyptian false prophet who had led out 4, 000 men into the wilderness, and who threatened the peace of Judea (see the note on Act 21:38); and he had repressed a sedition which arose between the inhabitants of Caesarea and of Syria (Josephus, Jewish Wars, book 2, chapter 13, section 2).
Very worthy deeds - Acts that tended much to promote the peace and security of the people. He referred to those which have just been mentioned as having been accomplished by Felix, particularly his success in suppressing riots and seditions; and as, in the view of the Jews, the case of Paul was another instance of a similar kind, he appealed to him with the more confidence that he would suppress that also.
By thy providence - By thy foresight," skill, vigilance, prudence.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:2: Seeing: Felix, bad as he was, had certainly rendered some services to Judaea. He had entirely subdued a very formidable banditti which had infested the country, and sent their captain, Eliezar, to Rome; had suppressed the sedition raised by the Egyptian impostor (Act 21:38); and had quelled a very afflictive disturbance which took place between the Syrians and Jews of Cesarea. But, though Tertullus might truly say, "by thee we enjoy great quietness," yet it is evident that he was guilty of the grossest flattery, as we have seen both from his own historians and Josephus, that he was both a bad man and a bad governor. Act 24:26, Act 24:27; Psa 10:3, Psa 12:2, Psa 12:3; Pro 26:28, Pro 29:5; Jde 1:16
Geneva 1599
24:2 And when he was called forth, Tertullus began to accuse [him], saying, Seeing that (a) by thee we enjoy great quietness, and that very (b) worthy deeds are done unto this nation by thy providence,
(a) Felix ruled that province with great cruelty and covetousness, and yet Josephus records that he did many worthy things, such as taking Eleazar the captain of certain cutthroats, and put that deceiving wretch the Egyptian to flight, who caused great troubles in Judea.
(b) He uses a word which the Stoics defined as a perfect duty and perfect behaviour.
John Gill
24:2 And when he was called forth,.... Not Tertullus the orator; for this is not to be understood of him, and of his being admitted to speak, as is thought by some, but the Apostle Paul; which is put out of doubt by the Vulgate Latin version, which reads, "and Paul being cited"; he was ordered to be brought out of custody into the court, to hear his indictment, and answer for himself:
Tertullus began to accuse him; to set forth his crimes, which he introduced with a flattering preface to Felix:
saying, seeing that by thee we enjoy great quietness, and that very worthy deeds are done unto this nation by thy providence; very likely he might refer to his purging the country of robbers; he took Eleazar, the chief of them, who had infested the country for twenty years, and many others with him, whom he sent bound to Rome, and others of them he crucified; and whereas there arose up another set of men, under a pretence of religion, who led people into the wilderness, signifying, that God would show them some signs of liberty; these seemed, to Felix, to sow the seeds, and lay the foundation of division and defection, which showed his sagacity, and which Tertullus here calls "providence"; wherefore, foreseeing what would be the consequence of these things, if not timely prevented, he sent armed men, horse and foot, and destroyed great numbers of them; and particularly he put to flight the Egyptian false prophet, who had collected thirty thousand men together, and dispersed them (n); and yet his government was attended with cruelty and avarice; witness the murder of Jonathan the high priest, by a sort of cut throats, who were connived at by him; particularly by the means of Dora his friend, whom he corrupted; and the pillaging of many of the inhabitants of Caesarea (o): so that this was a piece of flattery, used by Tertullus, to catch his ear, and gain attention, and insinuate himself into his affections.
(n) Joseph. Antiqu. l. 20. c. 7. (o) De Bello, l. 2. c. 13. sect. 7.
John Wesley
24:2 Tertullus began - A speech how different from St. Paul's; which is true, modest, solid, and without paint. Felix was a man of the most infamous character, and a plague to all the provinces over which he presided.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
24:2 Seeing that by thee we enjoy great quietness, &c.--In this fulsome flattery there was a semblance of truth: nothing more. Felix acted with a degree of vigor and success in suppressing lawless violence [JOSEPHUS, Antiquities, 20.8.4; confirmed by TACITUS, Annals, 12.54].
by thy providence--a phrase applied to the administration of the emperors.
24:324:3: ամենայնիւ, եւ ամենայն ուրեք շնորհակա՛լ եմք՝ քա՛ջդ Փիլիքս՝ ամենայն գոհութեամբ[2750]։ [2750] Ոմանք. Եւ շնորհա՛՛. քաջդ Փեղ՚իքս։
3. Ամէն բանի համար եւ ամենուրեք քեզնից շնորհակալ ենք, ո՛վ գերազանցդ Ֆելիքս, եւ մեծապես գոհ:
3 Ամէն կերպով ու ամէն տեղ բոլորովին գոհ ըլլալով, շնորհակալ ենք, ո՛վ պատուական Փելիքս։
ամենայնիւ եւ ամենայն ուրեք շնորհակալ եմք, քաջդ Փելիքս, ամենայն գոհութեամբ:

24:3: ամենայնիւ, եւ ամենայն ուրեք շնորհակա՛լ եմք՝ քա՛ջդ Փիլիքս՝ ամենայն գոհութեամբ[2750]։
[2750] Ոմանք. Եւ շնորհա՛՛. քաջդ Փեղ՚իքս։
3. Ամէն բանի համար եւ ամենուրեք քեզնից շնորհակալ ենք, ո՛վ գերազանցդ Ֆելիքս, եւ մեծապես գոհ:
3 Ամէն կերպով ու ամէն տեղ բոլորովին գոհ ըլլալով, շնորհակալ ենք, ո՛վ պատուական Փելիքս։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
24:33: всегда и везде со всякою благодарностью признаём мы, что тебе, достопочтенный Феликс, обязаны мы многим миром, и твоему попечению благоустроением сего народа.
24:3  πάντῃ τε καὶ πανταχοῦ ἀποδεχόμεθα, κράτιστε φῆλιξ, μετὰ πάσης εὐχαριστίας.
24:3. πάντῃ (unto-all-the-one) τε (also) καὶ (and) πανταχοῦ (of-all-areas) ἀποδεχόμεθα , ( we-receive-off ,"κράτιστε (Most-secured) Φῆλιξ, (Felix,"μετὰ (with) πάσης (of-all) εὐχαριστίας. (of-a-goodly-granting-unto)
24:3. semper et ubique suscipimus optime Felix cum omni gratiarum actioneWe accept it always and in all places, most excellent Felix, with all thanksgiving.
3. we accept it in all ways and in all places, most excellent Felix, with all thankfulness.
We accept [it] always, and in all places, most noble Felix, with all thankfulness:

3: всегда и везде со всякою благодарностью признаём мы, что тебе, достопочтенный Феликс, обязаны мы многим миром, и твоему попечению благоустроением сего народа.
24:3  πάντῃ τε καὶ πανταχοῦ ἀποδεχόμεθα, κράτιστε φῆλιξ, μετὰ πάσης εὐχαριστίας.
24:3. semper et ubique suscipimus optime Felix cum omni gratiarum actione
We accept it always and in all places, most excellent Felix, with all thanksgiving.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ all ▾
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
24:3: We accept it always, and in all places - We have at all times a grateful sense of thy beneficent administration, and we talk of it in all places, not only before thy face, but behind thy back.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:3: We accept it always - We admit that it is owing to your vigilance, and we accept your interposition to promote peace with gratitude.
Always, and in all places - Not merely in your presence, but we always acknowledge that it is owing to your vigilance that the land is secure. "What we now do in your presence, we do also in your absence; we do not commend you merely when you are present" (Wetstein).
Most noble Felix - This was the title of office.
With all thankfulness - In this there was probably sincerity, for there was no doubt that the peace of Judea was owing to Felix. But at the same time that he was an energetic and vigilant governor, it was also true that he was proud, avaricious, and cruel. Josephus charges him with injustice and cruelty in the case of Jonathan, the high priest (Antiq., book 20, chapter 8, section 5), and Tacitus (History, book 5, chapter 9) and Suetonius (Life of Claudius, chapter 28) concur in the charge.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:3: most: Act 23:26 *Gr: Act 26:25; Luk 1:3 *Gr.
John Gill
24:3 We accept it always, and in all places,.... The sense is, that the Jews observed with pleasure the provident care the governor took of their nation, and at all times spoke well of him; and wherever they came commended his conduct, and owned the favours they received from him, and the blessings they enjoyed under his government: and then giving him his title of honour,
most noble Felix; Tertullus adds, that this the Jews did
with all thankfulness; as sensible of the obligations they were under to him; but this was all a farce, mere artifice, and wretched flattery.
24:424:4: Բայց զի մի՛ եւս աւելի աշխատ արարից զքեզ, աղաչեմ լսել մեզ կարճ ՚ի կարճո՛յ քոյին հեզութեամբդ[2751]։ [2751] Բազումք. Մի՛ աւելի եւս։
4. Բայց որպէսզի աւելորդ յոգնութիւն չպատճառեմ քեզ, աղաչում եմ, որ քո ներողամտութեամբ մեզ կարճիկարճոյ լսես:
4 Բայց չըլլայ որ ա՛լ աւելի ձանձրութիւն տամ քեզի, կ’աղաչեմ քու քաղցրութիւնովդ մեզի ականջ դիր, որ համառօտաբար պիտի խօսինք։
Բայց զի մի՛ աւելի եւս աշխատ արարից զքեզ, աղաչեմ լսել մեզ կարճ ի կարճոյ քոյին հեզութեամբդ:

24:4: Բայց զի մի՛ եւս աւելի աշխատ արարից զքեզ, աղաչեմ լսել մեզ կարճ ՚ի կարճո՛յ քոյին հեզութեամբդ[2751]։
[2751] Բազումք. Մի՛ աւելի եւս։
4. Բայց որպէսզի աւելորդ յոգնութիւն չպատճառեմ քեզ, աղաչում եմ, որ քո ներողամտութեամբ մեզ կարճիկարճոյ լսես:
4 Բայց չըլլայ որ ա՛լ աւելի ձանձրութիւն տամ քեզի, կ’աղաչեմ քու քաղցրութիւնովդ մեզի ականջ դիր, որ համառօտաբար պիտի խօսինք։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
24:44: Но, чтобы много не утруждать тебя, прошу тебя выслушать нас кратко, со свойственным тебе снисхождением.
24:4  ἵνα δὲ μὴ ἐπὶ πλεῖόν σε ἐγκόπτω, παρακαλῶ ἀκοῦσαί σε ἡμῶν συντόμως τῇ σῇ ἐπιεικείᾳ.
24:4. ἵνα (So) δὲ (moreover) μὴ (lest) ἐπὶ (upon) πλεῖόν (to-more-beyond) σε (to-thee) ἐνκόπτω, (I-might-fell-in,"παρακαλῶ (I-call-beside-unto) ἀκοῦσαί (to-have-heard) σε (to-thee) ἡμῶν (of-us) συντόμως (unto-sharpened-together) τῇ (unto-the-one) σῇ (unto-thine) ἐπιεικίᾳ. (unto-a-resembling-upon-unto)
24:4. ne diutius autem te protraham oro breviter audias nos pro tua clementiaBut that I be no further tedious to thee, I desire thee of thy clemency to hear us in a few words.
4. But, that I be not further tedious unto thee, I entreat thee to hear us of thy clemency a few words.
Notwithstanding, that I be not further tedious unto thee, I pray thee that thou wouldest hear us of thy clemency a few words:

4: Но, чтобы много не утруждать тебя, прошу тебя выслушать нас кратко, со свойственным тебе снисхождением.
24:4  ἵνα δὲ μὴ ἐπὶ πλεῖόν σε ἐγκόπτω, παρακαλῶ ἀκοῦσαί σε ἡμῶν συντόμως τῇ σῇ ἐπιεικείᾳ.
24:4. ne diutius autem te protraham oro breviter audias nos pro tua clementia
But that I be no further tedious to thee, I desire thee of thy clemency to hear us in a few words.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jw▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ all ▾
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
24:4: That I be not farther tedious unto thee - That I may neither trespass on thy time, by dwelling longer on this subject, nor on thy modesty, by thus enumerating thy beneficent deeds.
Hear us of thy clemency - Give us this farther proof of thy kindness, by hearkening to our present complaint. The whole of this exordium was artful enough, though it was lame. The orator had certainly a very bad cause, of which he endeavored to make the best. Felix was a bad man and bad governor; and yet he must praise him, to conciliate his esteem. Paul was a very good man, and nothing amiss could be proved against him; and yet he must endeavor to blacken him as much as possible, in order to please his unprincipled and wicked employers. His oration has been blamed as weak, lame, and imperfect; and yet, perhaps, few, with so bad a cause, could have made better of it.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:4: Be not further tedious unto thee - By taking up your time with an introduction and with commendation.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:4: that: Heb 11:32
John Gill
24:4 Notwithstanding, that I be not further tedious unto thee,.... Suggesting, that he could say a great deal more under this head, but, for brevity sake, should omit it; and because he would not tire his patience, and hinder business going forward:
I pray thee, that thou wouldst hear us of thy clemency a few words; he praises him for his humanity and good nature, and for his patience in hearing causes, and promises him great conciseness in the account he should give him; and entreats that, according to his wonted goodness, he would condescend to hear what he had to lay before him; all which was artfully said to engage attention to him.
John Wesley
24:4 But that I may not trouble thee any farther - By trespassing either on thy patience or modesty. The eloquence of Tertullus was as bad as his cause: a lame introduction, a lame transition, and a lame conclusion. Did not God confound the orator's language?
24:524:5: Քանզի գտաք զայրս զայս ապականի՛չ եւ խռովի՛չ ամենայն Հրէից՝ որք են ընդ տիեզերս, եւ առաջնո՛րդ Նազովրացւոց հերձուածոյն[2752]։ [2752] Ոմանք. Որ ընդ Տիեղերս։
5. Մենք գտանք, որ այս մարդը ամբողջ աշխարհում գտնուող բոլոր հրեաների ապականողն ու խռովեցնողն է եւ նազովրեցիների հերձուածի առաջնորդը:
5 Վասն զի մենք այս մարդը գտանք ապականիչ եւ խռովարար բոլոր Հրեաներուն, որոնք աշխարհի մէջ են եւ Նազովրեցիներու աղանդին առաջնորդ.
Քանզի գտաք զայրս զայս ապականիչ եւ խռովիչ ամենայն Հրէից որք են ընդ տիեզերս, եւ առաջնորդ Նազովրացւոց հերձուածոյն:

24:5: Քանզի գտաք զայրս զայս ապականի՛չ եւ խռովի՛չ ամենայն Հրէից՝ որք են ընդ տիեզերս, եւ առաջնո՛րդ Նազովրացւոց հերձուածոյն[2752]։
[2752] Ոմանք. Որ ընդ Տիեղերս։
5. Մենք գտանք, որ այս մարդը ամբողջ աշխարհում գտնուող բոլոր հրեաների ապականողն ու խռովեցնողն է եւ նազովրեցիների հերձուածի առաջնորդը:
5 Վասն զի մենք այս մարդը գտանք ապականիչ եւ խռովարար բոլոր Հրեաներուն, որոնք աշխարհի մէջ են եւ Նազովրեցիներու աղանդին առաջնորդ.
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
24:55: Найдя сего человека язвою [общества], возбудителем мятежа между иудеями, живущими по вселенной, и представителем Назорейской ереси,
24:5  εὑρόντες γὰρ τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον λοιμὸν καὶ κινοῦντα στάσεις πᾶσιν τοῖς ἰουδαίοις τοῖς κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην πρωτοστάτην τε τῆς τῶν ναζωραίων αἱρέσεως,
24:5. εὑρόντες ( Having-had-found ) γὰρ (therefore) τὸν (to-the-one) ἄνδρα (to-a-man) τοῦτον (to-the-one-this) λοιμὸν (to-a-plague) καὶ (and) κινοῦντα (to-moving-unto) στάσεις (to-standings) πᾶσι ( unto-all ) τοῖς (unto-the-ones) Ἰουδαίοις ( unto-Iouda-belonged ) τοῖς (unto-the-ones) κατὰ (down) τὴν (to-the-one) οἰκουμένην (to-being-housed-unto,"πρωτοστάτην (to-a-most-before-stander) τε (also) τῆς (of-the-one) τῶν (of-the-ones) Ναζωραίων ( of-Nazora-belonged ) αἱρέσεως, (of-a-lifting,"
24:5. invenimus hunc hominem pestiferum et concitantem seditiones omnibus Iudaeis in universo orbe et auctorem seditionis sectae NazarenorumWe have found this to be a pestilent man and raising seditions among all the Jews throughout the world: and author of the sedition of the sect of the Nazarenes.
5. For we have found this man a pestilent fellow, and a mover of insurrections among all the Jews throughout the world, and a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes:
For we have found this man [a] pestilent [fellow], and a mover of sedition among all the Jews throughout the world, and a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes:

5: Найдя сего человека язвою [общества], возбудителем мятежа между иудеями, живущими по вселенной, и представителем Назорейской ереси,
24:5  εὑρόντες γὰρ τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον λοιμὸν καὶ κινοῦντα στάσεις πᾶσιν τοῖς ἰουδαίοις τοῖς κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην πρωτοστάτην τε τῆς τῶν ναζωραίων αἱρέσεως,
24:5. invenimus hunc hominem pestiferum et concitantem seditiones omnibus Iudaeis in universo orbe et auctorem seditionis sectae Nazarenorum
We have found this to be a pestilent man and raising seditions among all the Jews throughout the world: and author of the sedition of the sect of the Nazarenes.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
5: "Нашедши сего человека язвою общества..." Здесь предполагается прежде всего доказанность преступности Павла, будто бы достаточно исследованной его обвинителями. Общее обвинение выражается наименованием Павла язвою общества, т. е. человеком, вносящим пагубную для общества духовную заразу, под которой разумеется христианское учение, быстро распространяющееся и охватывающее своим влиянием окружающую среду. Более частные обвинения: 1) возбуждение мятежа между иудеями империи (= вселенной, ср. Лк XXIII:2, 5; Деян XVII:6), - обвинение преувеличенное, извращающее действительность со стороны особенно характера деятельности Павла (ср. подобное же обвинение иудеями Господа, Лк XXIII:2, 5; Деян XVII:6); 2) представительство Назарейской ереси, т. е. общества последователей Иисуса Назарянина (ср. Мф II:23) - недостаточно мотивированное и выясненное обвинение, собственно указывающее лишь на предубежденную ненависть к христианству со стороны иудеев; 3) более определенное обвинение в попытке к осквернению храма, - впрочем, тоже недостаточно доказанное (ср. XXI:28: и далее; ср. XXIV:13).
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
24:5: For we have found this man, etc. - Here the proposition of the orator commences. He accuses Paul, ant his accusation includes four particulars: -
1. He is a pest, λοιμος; an exceedingly bad and wicked man.
2. He excites disturbances and seditions against the Jews.
3. He is the chief of the sect of the Nazarenes, who are a very bad people, and should not be tolerated.
4. He has endeavored to pollute and profane the temple, and we took him in the fact.
A pestilent fellow - The word λοιμος, pestis - the plague or pestilence, is used by both Greek and Roman authors to signify a very bad and profligate man; we have weakened the force of the word by translating the substantive adjectively. Tertullus did not say that Paul was a pestilent fellow, but he said that he was the very pestilence itself. As in that of Martial, xi. 92: -
Non vitiosus homo es, Zoile, sed vitium.
"Thou art not a vicious man, O Zoilus, but thou art vice itself."
The words λοιμος, and pestis, are thus frequently used. - See Wetstein, Bp. Pearce, and Kypke.
A mover of sedition - Instead of Ϛασιν, sedition, ABE, several others, with the Coptic, Vulgate, Chrysostom, Theophylact, and Oecumenius, read Ϛασεις, commotions, which is probably the true reading.
Among all the Jews - Bp. Pearce contends that the words should be understood thus - one that stirreth up tumults Against all the Jews; for, if they be understood otherwise, Tertullus may be considered as accusing his countrymen, as if they, at Paul's instigation, were forward to make insurrections every where. On the contrary, he wishes to represent them as a persecuted and distressed people, by means of Paul and his Nazarenes.
A ringleader - Πρωτοστατην. This is a military phrase, and signifies the officer who stands on the right of the first rank; the captain of the front rank of the sect of the Nazarenes; της των ναζωραιων αἱρεσεως, of the heresy of the Nazarenes. This word is used six times by St. Luke; viz. in this verse, and in Act 24:14, and in Act 5:17; Act 15:5; Act 26:5; Act 28:22; but in none of them does it appear necessarily to include that bad sense which we generally assign to the word heresy. - See the note on Act 5:17, where the subject is largely considered; and see farther on Act 24:14 (note).
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:5: We have found this man a pestilent fellow - λοιμὸν loimon This word is commonly applied to a plague or pestilence, and then to a man who corrupts the morals of others, or who is turbulent, and an exciter of sedition. Our translation somewhat weakens the force of the original expression. Tertullus did not say that he was a pestilent fellow, but that he was the very pestilence itself. In this he referred to their belief that he had been the cause of extensive disturbances everywhere among the Jews.
And a mover of sedition - An exciter of tumult. This they pretended he did by preaching doctrines contrary to the laws and customs of Moses, and exciting the Jews to tumult and disorder.
Throughout the world - Throughout the Roman empire, and thus leading the Jews to violate the laws, and to produce tumults, riots, and disorder.
And a ringleader - πρωτοστάτην prō tostatē n. This word occurs nowhere else in the New Testament. It is properly a military word, and denotes "one who stands first in an army, a standard-bearer, a leader, a commander." The meaning is, that Paul had been so active, and so prominent in preaching the gospel, that he had been a leader, or the principal person in extending the sect of the Nazarenes.
Of the sect - The original word here αἱρέσεως haireseō s is the word from which we have derived the term "heresy." It is, however, properly translated "sect, or party," and should have been so translated in Act 24:14. See the notes on Act 5:17.
Of the Nazarenes - This was the name usually given to Christians by way of contempt. They were so called because Jesus was of Nazareth.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:5: we have: Act 6:13, Act 16:20, Act 16:21, Act 17:6, Act 17:7, Act 21:28, Act 22:22, Act 28:22; Kg1 18:17, Kg1 18:18; Jer 38:4; Amo 7:10; Mat 5:11, Mat 5:12, Mat 10:25; Co1 4:13
and a mover: Sa1 22:7-9; Ezr 4:12-19; Neh 6:5-8; Est 3:8; Luk 23:2, Luk 23:5, Luk 23:19, Luk 23:25; Pe1 2:12-15, Pe1 2:19
the sect: Act 24:14 *Gr: Act 5:17, Act 15:5, Act 26:5, Act 28:22; Co1 11:19 *Gr.
Nazarenes: Mat 2:23
Geneva 1599
24:5 For we have found this man [a] (c) pestilent [fellow], and a mover of sedition among all the Jews throughout the world, and a (d) ringleader of the sect of the (e) Nazarenes:
(c) Literally, "a plague".
(d) As one would say, a ringleader, or a flag bearer.
(e) So they scoffingly called the Christians, taking the name from the towns where they thought that Christ was born, whereupon it happened that Julian the apostate called Christ a Galilean.
John Gill
24:5 For we have found this man a pestilent fellow,.... Pointing to Paul, the prisoner at the bar; the word here used signifies the "pest" or "plague" itself; and it was usual with orators among the Romans, when they would represent a man as a very wicked man, as dangerous to the state, and unworthy to live in it, to call him the pest of the city, or of the country, or of the empire, as may be observed in several places in Cicero's Orations.
And a mover of sedition among all the Jews throughout the world: sedition was severely punished by the Romans, being what they carefully watched and guarded against, and was what the Jews were supposed to be very prone unto; and Tertullus would suggest, that the several riots, and tumults, and seditions, fomented by the Jews, in the several parts of the Roman empire, here called the world, were occasioned by the apostle: the crime charged upon him is greatly aggravated, as that not only he was guilty of sedition, but that he was the mover of it, and that he stirred up all the Jews to it, and that in every part of the world, or empire, than which nothing was more false; the Jews often raised up a mob against him, but he never rioted them, and much less moved them against the Roman government: and to this charge he adds,
and a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes; not Nazarites, as Calvin seems to understand the passage; for these were men of great repute among the Jews, and for Paul to be at the head of them would never be brought against him as a charge: but Nazarenes, that is, Christians, so called by way of contempt and reproach, from Jesus of Nazareth; which name and sect being contemptible among the Romans, as well as Jews, are here mentioned to make the apostle more odious.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
24:5 a pestilent fellow--a plague, or pest.
and a mover of sedition among all the Jews--by exciting disturbances among them.
throughout the world--(See on Lk 2:1). This was the first charge; and true only in the sense explained on Acts 16:20.
a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes--the second charge; and true enough.
24:624:6: Որ եւ զտաճա՛րն իսկ կամեցաւ պղծել. զոր եւ կալաք, եւ ըստ մերոց օրինացն դատե՛լ կամեցաք[2753]։ [2753] Ոսկան. Եւ զտաճարն եւս կա՛՛։
6. Սա տաճարն իսկ փորձեց պղծել. նրան բռնեցինք եւ ըստ մեր օրէնքի ուզեցինք դատել:
6 Որ տաճարն ալ ուզեց պղծել. որ բռնեցինք ու մեր օրէնքին համեմատ ուզեցինք դատաստանը ընել.
Որ եւ զտաճարն իսկ կամեցաւ պղծել. զոր եւ կալաք, [99]եւ ըստ մերոց օրինաց դատել կամեցաք:

24:6: Որ եւ զտաճա՛րն իսկ կամեցաւ պղծել. զոր եւ կալաք, եւ ըստ մերոց օրինացն դատե՛լ կամեցաք[2753]։
[2753] Ոսկան. Եւ զտաճարն եւս կա՛՛։
6. Սա տաճարն իսկ փորձեց պղծել. նրան բռնեցինք եւ ըստ մեր օրէնքի ուզեցինք դատել:
6 Որ տաճարն ալ ուզեց պղծել. որ բռնեցինք ու մեր օրէնքին համեմատ ուզեցինք դատաստանը ընել.
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
24:66: который отважился даже осквернить храм, мы взяли его и хотели судить его по нашему закону.
24:6  ὃς καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐπείρασεν βεβηλῶσαι, ὃν καὶ ἐκρατήσαμεν,
24:6. ὃς (which) καὶ (and) τὸ (to-the-one) ἱερὸν (to-sacred) ἐπείρασεν (it-pierced-to) βεβηλῶσαι, (to-have-en-mantle-stepped,"ὃν (to-which) καὶ (and) ἐκρατήσαμεν, (we-secured-unto,"
24:6. qui etiam templum violare conatus est quem et adprehendimusWho also hath gone about to profane the temple: whom, we having apprehended, would also have judged according to our law.
6. who moreover assayed to profane the temple: on whom also we laid hold:
Who also hath gone about to profane the temple: whom we took, and would have judged according to our law:

6: который отважился даже осквернить храм, мы взяли его и хотели судить его по нашему закону.
24:6  ὃς καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐπείρασεν βεβηλῶσαι, ὃν καὶ ἐκρατήσαμεν,
24:6. qui etiam templum violare conatus est quem et adprehendimus
Who also hath gone about to profane the temple: whom, we having apprehended, would also have judged according to our law.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
6: "Мы взяли его и хотели судить..." Новая ложь ритора: они не судить его взяли, а схватив - били его и хотели убить (XXI:31-32).
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
24:6: Hath gone about to profane the temple - This was a heavy charge, if it could have been substantiated, because the Jews were permitted by the Romans to put any person to death who profaned their temple. This charge was founded on the gross calumny mentioned, Act 21:28, Act 21:29; for, as they had seen Trophimus, an Ephesian, with Paul in the city, they pretended that he had brought him into the temple.
Would have judged according to our law - He pretended that they would have tried the case fairly, had not the chief captain taken him violently out of their hands; whereas, had not Lysias interfered, they would have murdered him on the spot.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:6: Who also hath gone about - Who has endeavored.
To profane the temple - This was a serious, but unfounded charge. It arose from the gross calumny of the Jews, when they pretended that he had introduced Greeks into that sacred place, Act 21:28. To this charge he replies in Act 24:18.
And would have judged - That is, would have condemned and punished.
According to our law - Their law, which forbade the introduction of strangers into the temple.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:6: gone: Act 24:12, Act 19:37, Act 21:27-29
whom: Act 21:30-32, Act 22:23, Act 23:10-15
and: Joh 18:31, Joh 19:7, Joh 19:8
John Gill
24:6 Who also hath gone about to profane the temple,.... By introducing a Greek into it; see Acts 21:28 which was only a supposition and conjecture of the Asiatic Jews, and was a false and groundless one:
whom we took; as they did in the temple, and dragged him out of it:
and would have judged according to our law; which was another untruth, for they had him not before any court of judicature; they brought no charge in form against him, nor did they examine his case, and inquire into the truth of things, or hear what he had to say, but fell upon him, and beat him; and if it had not been for the chief captain and his soldiers, would have destroyed him, so far were they from proceeding according to their law: it seems by Tertullus calling the law, "our law", that he was a Jewish proselyte; or else he speaks after the manner of lawyers, who call what is their clients, theirs.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
24:6 hath gone about--attempted.
to profane the temple--the third charge; and entirely false.
we . . . would have judged according to our law.
24:724:7: Եկեալ Լիւսիաս հազարապետ՝ մեծա՛ւ բռնութեամբ ՚ի ձեռաց մերոց եհա՛ն[2754]։ [2754] Ոմանք. Լւսիաս հազարապետն։
7. Եկաւ Լիւսիաս հազարապետը ու մեծ բռնութեամբ մեր ձեռքից յափշտակեց
7 Բայց Լիւսիաս հազարապետը եկաւ բռնութեամբ մեր ձեռքէն առաւ
Եկեալ Լիւսիաս հազարապետ` մեծաւ բռնութեամբ ի ձեռաց մերոց եհան:

24:7: Եկեալ Լիւսիաս հազարապետ՝ մեծա՛ւ բռնութեամբ ՚ի ձեռաց մերոց եհա՛ն[2754]։
[2754] Ոմանք. Լւսիաս հազարապետն։
7. Եկաւ Լիւսիաս հազարապետը ու մեծ բռնութեամբ մեր ձեռքից յափշտակեց
7 Բայց Լիւսիաս հազարապետը եկաւ բռնութեամբ մեր ձեռքէն առաւ
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
24:77: Но тысяченачальник Лисий, придя, с великим насилием взял его из рук наших и послал к тебе,
24:7  
24:7. [WH omits this verse.]
24:7. [OMITTED TEXT]But Lysias the tribune, coming upon us with great violence, took him away out of our hands;
7. ( Some ancient authorities insert ) and we would have judged him according to our law. 7 But the chief captain Lysias came, and with great violence took him away out of our hands, 8 commanding his accusers to come before thee.
But the chief captain Lysias came [upon us], and with great violence took [him] away out of our hands:

7: Но тысяченачальник Лисий, придя, с великим насилием взял его из рук наших и послал к тебе,
24:7  
24:7. [WH omits this verse.]
24:7. [OMITTED TEXT]
But Lysias the tribune, coming upon us with great violence, took him away out of our hands;
7. ( Some ancient authorities insert ) and we would have judged him according to our law. 7 But the chief captain Lysias came, and with great violence took him away out of our hands, 8 commanding his accusers to come before thee.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
7: "Пришедши... взял его..." Действие Лисия представляется здесь, хотя осторожно, незаконным вмешательством его в дело, касающееся будто бы только Синедриона. "Ему, говорит, не следовало делать этого, но он сделал... Этим выражает, что им прискорбно было идти в чуждое судилище, и что они не беспокоили бы его (правителя), если бы тысяченачальник не принудил их к тому и не отнял у них этого мужа, что не следовало ему делать; обида была нанесена, говорят, нам, посему и суд над ним должен был производиться у нас" (Злат. ).
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
24:7: With great violence - Μετα πολλης βιας, I rather think, means with an armed force. Tertullus intimates that Lysias interfered contrary to law, and brought soldiers to support him in his infringement on their constitution. This is what he seems to say and complain of; for the Jews were vexed with Lysias for rescuing the apostle from their hands.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:7: But the chief captain ... - Tertullus pretends that they would have judged Paul righteously if Lysias had not interposed; but the truth was, that, without regard to law or justice, they would have murdered him on the spot.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:7: the chief: Act 21:31-33, Act 23:23-32; Pro 4:16
great: Act 21:35, Act 23:10
John Gill
24:7 But the chief captain Lysias came upon us,.... Suddenly, and at unawares, immediately, and with great haste, before they could execute their designs; which were not to judge Paul according to law, but to kill him, in the manner the zealots did:
and with great violence took him away out of our hands; for he came with an army, and rescued him, Acts 23:27 Some copies add, "and sent him to thee"; and so the Syriac version reads.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
24:7 But . . . Lysias came upon us, and with great violence took him out of our hands--a wilful falsehood and calumnious charge against a public officer. He had commanded the Sanhedrim to meet for no other purpose than to "judge him according to their law"; and only when, instead of doing so, they fell to disputing among themselves, and the prisoner was in danger of being "pulled in pieces of them" (Acts 23:10) --or as his own letter says "killed of them" (Acts 23:27) --did he rescue him, as was his duty, "by force" out of their hands.
24:824:8: Հրամայեաց եւ չարախօսացն նորա գա՛լ առ քեզ. յորմէ դու իսկ բաւական լինիցիս ՚ի վերստին դատեալ, ամենայնի հասու լինել՝ զորոց մեքս ամբաստա՛նս եմք զդմանէ[2755]։ [2755] Ոմանք. Յորմէ եւ դու իսկ բաւական լիցիս վերստին դատեալ... զոր մեքս ամբաստանեմք զդմանէ։ Ոմանք. Ամենայնիւ հասու։
8. եւ հրամայեց, որ նրան ամբաստանողներն էլ քեզ մօտ գան: Նրան դու ինքդ կրկին դատելով կը կարողանաս վերահասու լինել այն ամենին, ինչի համար մենք նրան ամբաստանում ենք»:
8 Եւ հրաման ըրաւ որ անոր դատախազները քեզի գան, որ դուն քննելով՝ կարենաս տեղեկանալ այն ամէն բաներուն, որոնց համար մենք ամբաստանութիւն կ’ընենք ատոր վրայ»։
Հրամայեաց եւ չարախօսացն նորա գալ առ քեզ.`` յորմէ դու իսկ բաւական լինիցիս ի վերստին դատեալ, ամենայնի հասու լինել զորոց մեքս ամբաստանեմք զդմանէ:

24:8: Հրամայեաց եւ չարախօսացն նորա գա՛լ առ քեզ. յորմէ դու իսկ բաւական լինիցիս ՚ի վերստին դատեալ, ամենայնի հասու լինել՝ զորոց մեքս ամբաստա՛նս եմք զդմանէ[2755]։
[2755] Ոմանք. Յորմէ եւ դու իսկ բաւական լիցիս վերստին դատեալ... զոր մեքս ամբաստանեմք զդմանէ։ Ոմանք. Ամենայնիւ հասու։
8. եւ հրամայեց, որ նրան ամբաստանողներն էլ քեզ մօտ գան: Նրան դու ինքդ կրկին դատելով կը կարողանաս վերահասու լինել այն ամենին, ինչի համար մենք նրան ամբաստանում ենք»:
8 Եւ հրաման ըրաւ որ անոր դատախազները քեզի գան, որ դուն քննելով՝ կարենաս տեղեկանալ այն ամէն բաներուն, որոնց համար մենք ամբաստանութիւն կ’ընենք ատոր վրայ»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
24:88: повелев и нам, обвинителям его, идти к тебе. Ты можешь сам, разобрав, узнать от него о всем том, в чем мы обвиняем его.
24:8  παρ᾽ οὖ δυνήσῃ αὐτὸς ἀνακρίνας περὶ πάντων τούτων ἐπιγνῶναι ὧν ἡμεῖς κατηγοροῦμεν αὐτοῦ.
24:8. παρ' (beside) οὗ (of-which) δυνήσῃ ( thou-shall-able ,"αὐτὸς (it) ἀνακρίνας (having-separated-up) περὶ (about) πάντων ( of-all ) τούτων (of-the-ones-these,"ἐπιγνῶναι (to-have-had-acquainted-upon) ὧν ( of-which ) ἡμεῖς (we) κατηγοροῦμεν (we-gather-down-unto) αὐτοῦ. (of-it)
24:8. a quo poteris ipse iudicans de omnibus istis cognoscere de quibus nos accusamus eumCommanding his accusers to come to thee. Of whom thou mayest thyself, by examination, have knowledge of all these things whereof we accuse him.
8. from whom thou wilt be able, by examining him thyself, to take knowledge of all these things, whereof we accuse him.
Commanding his accusers to come unto thee: by examining of whom thyself mayest take knowledge of all these things, whereof we accuse him:

8: повелев и нам, обвинителям его, идти к тебе. Ты можешь сам, разобрав, узнать от него о всем том, в чем мы обвиняем его.
24:8  παρ᾽ οὖ δυνήσῃ αὐτὸς ἀνακρίνας περὶ πάντων τούτων ἐπιγνῶναι ὧν ἡμεῖς κατηγοροῦμεν αὐτοῦ.
24:8. a quo poteris ipse iudicans de omnibus istis cognoscere de quibus nos accusamus eum
Commanding his accusers to come to thee. Of whom thou mayest thyself, by examination, have knowledge of all these things whereof we accuse him.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
8-9: "Ты можешь сам... узнать..." - от самого обвиняемого Павла - о справедливости взведенных на него обвинений. Преждевременная и излишняя самоуверенность, подтвержденная всеми иудеями, здесь присутствовавшими, основанная на неопровержимости фактов, но забывшая о возможности совершенно иного их освещения.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
24:8: Commanding his accusers to come, etc. - Here Tertullus closes his opening and statement of the case; and now he proceeds to call and examine his witnesses; and they were no doubt examined one by one, though St. Luke sums the whole up in one word - The Jews also assented, saying, that these things were so. Whoever considers the plan of Tertullus's speech, will perceive that it was both judicious and artful. Let us take a view of the whole: -
1. He praises Felix to conciliate his favor.
2. He generally states the great blessings of his administration.
3. He states that the Jews, throughout the whole land, felt themselves under the greatest obligations to him, and extolled his prudent and beneficent management of the public affairs every where.
4. That the prisoner before him was a very bad man; a disturber of the public peace; a demagogue of a dangerous party; and so lost to all sense of religion as to attempt to profane the temple!
5. That, though he should have been punished on the spot, yet, as they were ordered by the chief captain to appear before him, and show the reason why they had seized on Paul at Jerusalem, they were accordingly come; and, having now exhibited their charges, he would,
6. proceed to examine witnesses, who would prove all these things to the satisfaction of the governor.
7. He then called his witnesses, and their testimony confirmed and substantiated the charges. No bad cause was ever more judiciously and cunningly managed.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:8: Commanding his accusers ... - Act 23:30.
By examining of whom - That is, the Jews who were then present. Tertullus offered them as his witnesses of the truth of what he had said. It is evident that we have here only the summary or outline of the speech which he made It is incredible that a Roman rhetorician would have on such an occasion delivered an address so brief, so meagre, and so destitute of display as this. But it is doubtless a correct summary of his address, and contains the leading points of the accusation. It is customary for the sacred writers, as for other writers, to give only the outline of discourses and arguments. Such a course was inevitable, unless the New Testament had been swelled to wholly undue proportions.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:8: Commanding: Act 23:30, Act 23:35, Act 25:5, Act 25:15, Act 25:16
by: Act 24:19-21
John Gill
24:8 Commanding his accusers to come unto thee,.... But this was not done till after Paul had set forth his case before the people, upon the stairs leading to the castle: and after he had pleaded his own cause before the sanhedrim; and after the chief captain had had intelligence of the Jews lying in wait to kill him: Tertullus would insinuate that the captain was blameworthy, that he hindered a legal process against Paul; and that it was owing to him, that this trouble was given the governor, as well as the high priest and elders, who by his orders came down from Jerusalem to Caesarea; and that had it not been for him this affair might have been finished with more dispatch, and less trouble.
By examining of whom; not the accusers, but either the chief captain, as some think, or rather Paul:
thyself mayest take knowledge of all these things whereof we accuse him; so impudent was Tertullus, and of such effrontery and assurance, that he feared not to say, that the governor, by examining Paul himself, would easily come to the knowledge of the things he was accused of, and plainly see that he was guilty of them; so that there would be no need of their attestations, or of producing witnesses against him.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
24:8 Commanding his accusers to come unto thee--Here they insinuate that, instead of troubling Felix with the case, he ought to have left it to be dealt with by the Jewish tribunal; in which case his life would soon have been taken.
by examining whom--Lysias, as would seem (Acts 24:22).
thyself mayest, &c.--referring all, as if with confidence, to Felix.
24:924:9: Միաբանեցին եւ Հրեայքն, ասեն. Ա՛յդպէս է[2756]։ [2756] Ոմանք. Միաբանեցին Հրէայքն ասեն. Այդ այդպէս է։
9. Հրեաներն էլ համաձայն գտնուեցին ու ասացին՝ այդպէս է:
9 Հրեաներն ալ բոլորը միասին՝ ըսին. «Այդպէ՛ս է»։
Միաբանեցին եւ Հրեայքն, ասեն. Այդպէս է:

24:9: Միաբանեցին եւ Հրեայքն, ասեն. Ա՛յդպէս է[2756]։
[2756] Ոմանք. Միաբանեցին Հրէայքն ասեն. Այդ այդպէս է։
9. Հրեաներն էլ համաձայն գտնուեցին ու ասացին՝ այդպէս է:
9 Հրեաներն ալ բոլորը միասին՝ ըսին. «Այդպէ՛ս է»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
24:99: И Иудеи подтвердили, сказав, что это так.
24:9  συνεπέθεντο δὲ καὶ οἱ ἰουδαῖοι φάσκοντες ταῦτα οὕτως ἔχειν.
24:9. συνεπέθεντο ( They-had-placed-upon-together ) δὲ (moreover,"καὶ (and) οἱ (the-ones) Ἰουδαῖοι ( Iouda-belonged ," φάσκοντες ( asserting ) ταῦτα (to-the-ones-these) οὕτως (unto-the-one-this) ἔχειν. (to-hold)
24:9. adiecerunt autem et Iudaei dicentes haec ita se habereAnd the Jews also added and said that these things were so.
9. And the Jews also joined in the charge, affirming that these things were so.
And the Jews also assented, saying that these things were so:

9: И Иудеи подтвердили, сказав, что это так.
24:9  συνεπέθεντο δὲ καὶ οἱ ἰουδαῖοι φάσκοντες ταῦτα οὕτως ἔχειν.
24:9. adiecerunt autem et Iudaei dicentes haec ita se habere
And the Jews also added and said that these things were so.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ all ▾
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:9: And the Jews also assented - The Jews who had accompanied Tertullus to Caesarea. They had gone as the accusers of Paul, and they bore testimony, when called upon, to the truth of all that the orator had said. Whether they were examined individually or not is not declared. In whatever way their testimony was arrived at, they confirmed unanimously the accusation which he had brought against Paul.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:9: Act 6:11-13; Psa 4:2, Psa 62:3, Psa 62:4, Psa 64:2-8; Isa 59:4-7; Jer 9:3-6; Eze 22:27-29; Mic 6:12, Mic 6:13, Mic 7:2, Mic 7:3; Mat 26:59, Mat 26:60; Joh 8:44
Geneva 1599
24:9 And the Jews also (f) assented, saying that these things were so.
(f) Confirmed what Tertullus said.
John Gill
24:9 And the Jews also assented,.... That is, Ananias the high priest, and the elders that were with him, agreed to what Tertullus said, and confirmed the same.
Saying, that these things were so; that Paul was such a person, and was guilty of the crimes he had set forth; and that the chief captain had taken the steps, and done the things he had related.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
24:9 the Jews assented, &c.--See on Acts 23:15.
24:1024:10: Պատասխանի ետ Պաւղոս, յակնարկելն նմա դատաւորին խօսել. ՚Ի բազո՛ւմ ամաց լինել քեզ դատաւոր ազգիս այսորիկ գիտե՛մ. յօժարութեամբ վասն իմոց իրաց պատասխանի առնեմ[2757]։ [2757] Ոսկան. ՚Ի յակնարկելն նմա... լինիլ զքեզ դատա՛՛։ Ոմանք. Ազգիս այսմիկ... վասն իմոյ իրաց պա՛՛։
10. Երբ կուսակալը նրան գլխով արեց, որ խօսի, Պօղոսը պատասխանեց. «Գիտեմ, որ շատ տարիներից ի վեր դու այս ազգի կուսակալն ես, ուստի իմ խնդրի մասին յօժարութեամբ պատասխան եմ տալիս.
10 Պատասխան տուաւ Պօղոս, երբ կուսակալը անոր աչք ըրաւ որ խօսի. «Գիտնալով որ շատ տարիներէ ի վեր դուն այս ազգին դատաւորն ես, աւելի յօժարութեամբ ինծի վերաբերեալ բաներուն համար պատասխան պիտի տամ.
Պատասխանի ետ Պաւղոս, յակնարկել նմա դատաւորին խօսել. Ի բազում ամաց լինել քեզ դատաւոր ազգիս այսորիկ գիտեմ, յօժարութեամբ վասն իմոց իրաց պատասխանի առնեմ:

24:10: Պատասխանի ետ Պաւղոս, յակնարկելն նմա դատաւորին խօսել. ՚Ի բազո՛ւմ ամաց լինել քեզ դատաւոր ազգիս այսորիկ գիտե՛մ. յօժարութեամբ վասն իմոց իրաց պատասխանի առնեմ[2757]։
[2757] Ոսկան. ՚Ի յակնարկելն նմա... լինիլ զքեզ դատա՛՛։ Ոմանք. Ազգիս այսմիկ... վասն իմոյ իրաց պա՛՛։
10. Երբ կուսակալը նրան գլխով արեց, որ խօսի, Պօղոսը պատասխանեց. «Գիտեմ, որ շատ տարիներից ի վեր դու այս ազգի կուսակալն ես, ուստի իմ խնդրի մասին յօժարութեամբ պատասխան եմ տալիս.
10 Պատասխան տուաւ Պօղոս, երբ կուսակալը անոր աչք ըրաւ որ խօսի. «Գիտնալով որ շատ տարիներէ ի վեր դուն այս ազգին դատաւորն ես, աւելի յօժարութեամբ ինծի վերաբերեալ բաներուն համար պատասխան պիտի տամ.
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
24:1010: Павел же, когда правитель дал ему знак говорить, отвечал: зная, что ты многие годы справедливо судишь народ сей, я тем свободнее буду защищать мое дело.
24:10  ἀπεκρίθη τε ὁ παῦλος νεύσαντος αὐτῶ τοῦ ἡγεμόνος λέγειν, ἐκ πολλῶν ἐτῶν ὄντα σε κριτὴν τῶ ἔθνει τούτῳ ἐπιστάμενος εὐθύμως τὰ περὶ ἐμαυτοῦ ἀπολογοῦμαι,
24:10. Ἀπεκρίθη (It-was-separated-off) τε (also) ὁ (the-one) Παῦλος (a-Paulos) νεύσαντος (of-having-nodded-of) αὐτῷ (unto-it) τοῦ (of-the-one) ἡγεμόνος (of-a-leader) λέγειν (to-forth,"Ἐκ (Out) πολλῶν ( of-much ) ἐτῶν (of-years) ὄντα (to-being) σε (to-thee) κριτὴν (to-a-separater) τῷ (unto-the-one) ἔθνει (unto-a-nation) τούτῳ (unto-the-one-this) ἐπιστάμενος ( standing-upon ,"εὐθύμως (unto-goodly-passioned) τὰ (to-the-ones) περὶ (about) ἐμαυτοῦ (of-myself) ἀπολογοῦμαι , ( I-forthee-off-unto ,"
24:10. respondit autem Paulus annuente sibi praeside dicere ex multis annis esse te iudicem genti huic sciens bono animo pro me satisfaciamThen Paul answered (the governor making a sign to him to speak): Knowing that for many years thou hast been judge over this nation, I will with good courage answer for myself.
10. And when the governor had beckoned unto him to speak, Paul answered, Forasmuch as I know that thou hast been of many years a judge unto this nation, I do cheerfully make my defence:
Then Paul, after that the governor had beckoned unto him to speak, answered, Forasmuch as I know that thou hast been of many years a judge unto this nation, I do the more cheerfully answer for myself:

10: Павел же, когда правитель дал ему знак говорить, отвечал: зная, что ты многие годы справедливо судишь народ сей, я тем свободнее буду защищать мое дело.
24:10  ἀπεκρίθη τε ὁ παῦλος νεύσαντος αὐτῶ τοῦ ἡγεμόνος λέγειν, ἐκ πολλῶν ἐτῶν ὄντα σε κριτὴν τῶ ἔθνει τούτῳ ἐπιστάμενος εὐθύμως τὰ περὶ ἐμαυτοῦ ἀπολογοῦμαι,
24:10. respondit autem Paulus annuente sibi praeside dicere ex multis annis esse te iudicem genti huic sciens bono animo pro me satisfaciam
Then Paul answered (the governor making a sign to him to speak): Knowing that for many years thou hast been judge over this nation, I will with good courage answer for myself.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ mh▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
10: "Многие годы справедливо судишь..." Совершенно не к месту русский перевод (вслед за славянским) к слову судишь прибавляет справедливо, роняя этим столь беспристрастную, спокойную, сдержанную речь апостола, который не подражает льстивому Тертуллу в расточении лицемерных похвал не заслуживавшему их правителю. Напротив, он указывает просто на один только факт, что Феликс уже многие годы состоит судьею народа, и это дает возможность апостолу чувствовать себя свободнее при защите своего дела. При таком обороте речи - если что могло показаться здесь комплиментом, так это только разве сравнительная продолжительность правления Феликса, мало от него зависевшая, да, пожалуй, надежда на большую опытность, воспитываемую продолжительностью практики. Вот и все. Осторожно, тактично, прилично и вполне искренно. "Многие годы..." - к этому времени прошло лет около 6: прокураторства Феликсова, что - при частой смене прокураторов - представляло действительно сравнительную продолжительность.

"Я тем свободнее буду защищать..." - свободнее - euqumoteron - собственно, благодушнее, увереннее, чем в том случае, если бы прокуратор был новый человек, незнакомый с народом и страною. Апостол указывает этим, что "судия сам знает, что он не сделал ничего такого, в чем обвиняют его. Если бы он производил когда-нибудь возмущение, то судья знал бы, и это от него не укрылось бы" (Злат. ).
Matthew Henry: Concise Commentary on the Whole Bible - 1706
Paul's Third Defence.
10 Then Paul, after that the governor had beckoned unto him to speak, answered, Forasmuch as I know that thou hast been of many years a judge unto this nation, I do the more cheerfully answer for myself: 11 Because that thou mayest understand, that there are yet but twelve days since I went up to Jerusalem for to worship. 12 And they neither found me in the temple disputing with any man, neither raising up the people, neither in the synagogues, nor in the city: 13 Neither can they prove the things whereof they now accuse me. 14 But this I confess unto thee, that after the way which they call heresy, so worship I the God of my fathers, believing all things which are written in the law and in the prophets: 15 And have hope toward God, which they themselves also allow, that there shall be a resurrection of the dead, both of the just and unjust. 16 And herein do I exercise myself, to have always a conscience void of offence toward God, and toward men. 17 Now after many years I came to bring alms to my nation, and offerings. 18 Whereupon certain Jews from Asia found me purified in the temple, neither with multitude, nor with tumult. 19 Who ought to have been here before thee, and object, if they had ought against me. 20 Or else let these same here say, if they have found any evil doing in me, while I stood before the council, 21 Except it be for this one voice, that I cried standing among them, Touching the resurrection of the dead I am called in question by you this day.

We have here Paul's defence of himself, in answer to Tertullus's charge, and there appears in it a great deal of the spirit of wisdom and holiness, and an accomplishment of Christ's promise to his followers that when they were before governors and kings, for his sake, it should be given them in that same hour what they should speak. Though Tertullus had said a great many provoking things, yet Paul did not interrupt him, but let him go on to the end of his speech, according to the rules of decency and the method in courts of justice, that the plaintiff be allowed to finish his evidence before the defendant begins his plea. And when he had done, he did not presently fly out into passionate exclamations against the iniquity of the times and the men (O tempora! O mores!--Oh the degeneracy of the times!) but he waited for a permission from the judge to speak in his turn, and had it. The governor beckoned to him to speak, v. 10. And now he also may have leave to speak out, under the protection of the governor, which was more than he could hitherto obtain. And, when he did speak, he made no reflections at all upon Tertullus, who he knew spoke for his fee, and therefore despised what he said, and levelled his defence against those that employed him. And here,

I. He addressed himself very respectfully to the governor, and with a confidence that he would do him justice. Here are not such flattering compliments as Tertullus soothed him up with, but, which was more truly respectful, a profession that he answered for himself cheerfully, and with good assurance before him, looking upon him, though not as one that was his friend, yet as one that would be fair and impartial. He thus expresses his expectation that he would be so, to engage him to be so. It was likewise the language of one that was conscious to himself of his own integrity, and whose heart did not reproach him, whoever did. He did not stand trembling at the bar; on the contrary, he was very cheerful when he had one to be his judge that was not a party, but an indifferent person. Nay, when he considers who his judge is, he answers the more cheerfully; and why so? He does not say, "Because I know thee to be a judge of inflexible justice and integrity, that hatest bribes, and in giving judgment fearest God, and regardest not man;" for he could not justly say this of him, and therefore would not say it, though it were to gain his favour ever so much; but, I the more cheerfully answer from myself, because I know thou hast been many years a judge to this nation, and this was very true, and being so, 1. He could say of his own knowledge that there had not formerly been any complaints against Paul. Such clamours as they raised are generally against old offenders; but, though he had long say judge there, he never had Paul brought before him till now; and therefore he was not so dangerous a criminal as he was represented to be. 2. He was well acquainted with the Jewish nation, and with their temper and spirit. He knew how bigoted they were to their own way, what furious zealots they were against all that did not comply with them, how peevish and perverse they generally were, and therefore would make allowances for that in their accusation of him, and not regard that which he had reason to think came so much from part-malice. Though he did not know him, he knew his prosecutors, and by this might guess what manner of man he was.

II. He denies the facts that he was charged with, upon which their character of him was grounded. Moving sedition, and profaning the temple, were the crimes for which he stood indicted, crimes which they knew the Roman governors were not accustomed to enquire into, and therefore they hoped that the governor would return him back to them to be judged by their law, and this was all they wished for. But Paul desires that though he would not enquire into the crimes he would protect one that was unjustly charged with them from those whom he knew to be spiteful and ill-natured enough. Now he would have him to understand (and what he said he was ready, if required, to make out by witnesses),

1. That he came up to Jerusalem on purpose to worship God in peace and holiness, so far was he from any design to move sedition among the people or to profane the temple. He came to keep up his communion with the Jews, not to put any affront upon them.

2. That it was but twelve days since he came up to Jerusalem, and he came up to Jerusalem, and he had been six days a prisoner; he was alone, and it could not be supposed that in so short a time he could do the mischief they charged upon him. And, as for what he had done in other countries, they knew nothing of it but by uncertain report, by which the matter was very unfairly represented.

3. That he had demeaned himself at Jerusalem very quietly and peaceably, and had made no manner of stir. If it had been true (as they alleged) that he was a mover of sedition among all the Jews, surely he would have been industrious to make a party at Jerusalem: but he did not do so. He was in the temple, attending the public service there. He was in the synagogues where the law was read and opened. He went about in the city among his relations and friends, and conversed freely in the places of concourse; and he was a man of a great genius and an active spirit, and yet they could not charge him with offering any thing either against the faith or against the peace of the Jewish church. (1.) He had nothing in him of a contradicting spirit, as the movers of sedition have; he had no disposition to quarrel or oppose. They never found him disputing with any man, either affronting the learned with captious cavils or perplexing the weak and simple with curious subtleties. He was ready, if asked, to give a reason of his own hope, and to give instruction to others; but he never picked a quarrel with any man about his religion, nor made that the subject of debate, and controversy, and perverse dispute, which ought always to be treated of with humility and reverence, with meekness and love. (2.) He had nothing in him of a turbulent spirit: "They never found me raising up the people, by incensing them against their governors in church or state or suggesting to them fears and jealousies concerning public affairs, nor by setting them at variance one with another or sowing discord among them." He behaved as became a Christian and minister, with love and quietness, and due subjection to lawful authority. The weapons of his warfare were not carnal, not did he ever mention or think of such a thing as taking up arms for the propagating of the gospel or the defence of the preachers of it; though he could have made, perhaps, as strong a party among the common people as his adversaries, yet he never attempted it.

4. That as to what they had charged him with, of moving sedition in other countries, he was wholly innocent, and they could not make good the charge (v. 13): Neither can the prove the things whereof the now accuse me. Hereby, (1.) He maintains his own innocency; for when he says, They cannot prove it, he means, The matter is not so. He was no enemy to the public peace; he had done no real prejudice, but a great deal of real service, and would gladly have done more, to the nation of the Jews. He was so far from having any antipathy to them that he had the strongest affection imaginable for them, and a most passionate desire for their welfare, Rom. ix. 1-3. (2.) He bemoans his own calamity, that he was accused of those things which could not be proved against him. And it has often been the lot of very worthy good men to be thus injured, to have things laid to their charge which they are the greatest distance from and abhor the though of. But, while they are lamenting this calamity, this may be their rejoicing, even the testimony of their consciences concerning their integrity. (3.) He shows the iniquity of his prosecutors, who said that which they knew they could not prove, and thereby did him wrong in his name, liberty, and life, and did the judge wrong too, in imposing upon him, and doing what in them lay to pervert his judgment. (4.) He appeals to the equity of his judge, and awakens him to look about him, that he might not be drawn into a snare by the violence of the prosecution. The judge must give sentence secundum allegata et probata--according to that which is not only alleged but proved, and therefore must enquire, and search, and ask diligently, whether the thing be true and certain (Deut. xiii. 14); he cannot otherwise give a right judgment.

III. He gives a fair and just account of himself, which does at once both clear him from crime and likewise intimate what was the true reason of their violence in prosecuting him.

1. He acknowledges himself to be one whom they looked upon as a heretic, and that was the reason of their spleen against him. The chief captain had observed, and the governor now cannot but observe, an uncommon violence and fury in his prosecutors, which they know not what to make of, but, guessing at the crime by the cry, conclude he must needs have been a very bad man only for that reason. Now Paul here unriddles the matter: I confess that in the way which they call heresy--or a sect, so worship I the God of my fathers. The controversy is in a matter of religion, and such controversies are commonly managed with most fury and violence. Note, It is no new thing for the right way of worshipping God to be called heresy; and for the best of God's servants to be stigmatized and run down as sectaries. The reformed churches are called heretical ones by those who themselves hate to be reformed, and are themselves heretics. Let us therefore never be driven off from any good way by its being put in to an ill name; for true and pure Christianity is never the worse, nor to be the worse thought of, for its being called heresy; no, not though it be called so by the high priest and the elders.

2. He vindicates himself from this imputation. They call Paul a heretic, but he is not so; for,

(1.) He worships the God of his fathers, and therefore is right in the object of his worship. He does not say, Let us go after other gods, which we have not known, and let us serve them, as the false prophet is supposed to do, Deut. xiii. 2. If so, they might justly call his way heresy, a drawing of them aside into a by-path, and a dangerous one; but he worships the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, not only the God whom they worshipped, but the God who took them into covenant with himself, and was and would be called their God. Paul adheres to that covenant, and sets up no other in opposition to it. The promise made unto the fathers Paul preached as fulfilled to the children (ch. xiii. 32, 33), and so directed both his own devotions and those of others to God, as the God of their fathers. He also refers to the practice of all his pious ancestors: I worship the same God that all my fathers worshipped. His religion was so far from being chargeable with novelty that it gloried in its antiquity, and in an uninterrupted succession of its professors. Note, It is very comfortable in our worshipping God to have an eye to him as the God of our fathers. Our fathers trusted in him, and were owned by him, and he engaged to be their God, and the God of their seed. He approved himself theirs, and therefore, if we serve him as they did, he will be ours; what an emphasis is laid upon this, He is my father's God, and I will exalt him! Exod. xv. 2.

(2.) He believes all things which are written in the law and the prophets, and therefore is right in the rule of his worship. His religion is grounded upon, and governed by, the holy scriptures; they are his oracle and touchstone, and he speaks and acts according to them. He receives the scriptures entire, and believes all things that are there written; and he receives them pure, for he says no other things than what are contained in them, as he explains himself, ch. xxvi. 22. He sets not up any other rule of faith, or practice but the scriptures-not tradition, nor the authority of the church, nor the infallibility of any man or company of men on earth, nor the light within, nor human reason; but divine revelation, as it is in the scripture, is that which he resolves to live and die by, and therefore he is not a heretic.

(3.) He has his eye upon a future state, and is a believing expectant of that, and therefore is right in the end of his worship. Those that turn aside to heresy have a regard to this world, and some secular interest, but Paul aims to make heaven of his religion, and neither more nor less (v. 15): "I have hope towards God, all my expectation is from him, and therefore all my desire is towards him and all my dependence upon him; my hope is towards God and not towards the world, towards another world and not towards this. I depend upon God and upon his power, that there shall be a resurrection of the dead at the end of time, of all, both the just and unjust; and the great thing I aim at in my religion is to obtain a joyful and happy resurrection, a share in the resurrection of the just." Observe here, [1.] That there shall be a resurrection of the dead, the dead bodies of men, of all men from the beginning to the end of time. It is certain, not only that the soul does not die with the body, but that the body itself shall live again; we have not only another life to live when our present life is at an end, but there is to be another world, which shall commence when this world is at an end, into which all the children of men must enter at once by a resurrection from the dead, as they entered into this, one after another, by their birth. [2.] It shall be a resurrection both of the just and of the unjust, the sanctified and the unsanctified, of those that did well, and to them our Saviour has told us that it will be a resurrection of life; and of those that did evil, and to them that it will be a resurrection of condemnation, John v. 29. See Dan. xii. 2. This implies that it will be a resurrection to a final judgment, by which all the children of men will be determined to everlasting happiness or misery in a world of retribution, according to what they were and what they did in this state of probation and preparation. The just shall rise by virtue of their union with Christ as their head; the unjust shall rise by virtue of Christ's dominion over them as their Judge. [3.] God is to be depended upon for the resurrection of the dead: I have hope towards God, and in God, that there shall be a resurrection; it shall be effected by the almighty power of God, in performance of the word which God hath spoken; so that those who doubt of it betray their ignorance both of the scriptures and of the power of God, Matt. xxii. 29. [4.] The resurrection of the dead is a fundamental article of our creed, as it was also of that of the Jewish church. It is what they themselves also allow; nay, it was the expectation of the ancient patriarchs, witness Job's confession of his faith; but it is more clearly revealed and more fully confirmed by the gospel, and therefore those who believed it should have been thankful to the preachers of the gospel for their explications and proofs of it, instead of opposing them. [5.] In all our religion we ought to have an eye to the other world, and to serve God in all instances with a confidence in him that there will be a resurrection of the dead, doing all in preparation for that, and expecting our recompence in that.

(4.) His conversation is of a piece with his devotion (v. 16): And herein do I exercise myself, to have always a conscience void of offence towards God and towards men. Prophets and their doctrine were to be tried by their fruits. Paul was far from having made shipwreck of a good conscience, and therefore it is not likely he has made shipwreck of the faith, the mystery of which is best held in a pure conscience. This protestation of Paul's is to the same purport with that which he made before the high priest (ch. xxiii. 1): I have lived in all good conscience; and this was his rejoicing. Observe, [1.] What was Paul's aim and desire: To have a conscience void of offence. Either, First, "A conscience not offending; not informing me wrong, nor flattering me, nor dealing deceitfully with me, nor in any thing misleading me." Or, Secondly, A conscience not offended; it is like Job's resolution, "My heart shall not reproach me, that is, I will never give it any occasion to do so. This is what I am ambitious of, to keep upon good terms with my own conscience, that it may have no cause either to question the goodness of my spiritual state or to quarrel with me for any particular action. I am as careful not to offend my conscience as I am not to offend a friend with whom I daily converse; nay, as I am not to offend a magistrate whose authority I am under, and to whom I am accountable; for conscience is God's deputy in my soul." [2.] What was his care and endeavour, in pursuance of this: "I exercise myself--asko. I make it my constant business, and govern myself by this intention; I discipline myself, and live by rule" (those that did so were called ascetics, from the word here used), "abstain from many a thing which my inclination leads me to, and abound in all the exercises of religion that are most spiritual, with this in my eye, that I may keep peace with my own conscience." [3.] The extent of this care: First, To all times: To have always a conscience void of offence, always void of gross offence; for though Paul was conscious to himself that he had not yet attained perfection, and the evil that he would not do yet he did, yet he was innocent from the great transgression. Sins of infirmity are uneasy to conscience, but they do not wound it, and waste it, as presumptuous sins do; and, though offence may be given to conscience, yet care must be taken that it be not an abiding offence, but that by the renewed acts of faith and repentance the matter may be taken up again quickly. This however we must always exercise ourselves in, and, though we come short, we must follow after. Secondly, To all things: Both towards God, and towards man. His conscientious care extended itself to the whole of his duty, and he was afraid of breaking the law of love either to God or his neighbour. Conscience, like the magistrate, is custos utriusque tabulæ--the guardian of each table. We must be very cautious that we do not think, or speak, or do any thing amiss, either against God or man, 2 Cor. viii. 21. [4.] The inducement to it: Herein, en touto, for this cause; so it may be read. "Because I look for the resurrection of the dead and the life of the world to come, therefore I thus exercise myself." The consideration of the future state should engage us to be universally conscientious in our present state.

IV. Having made confession of his faith, he gives a plain and faithful account of his case, and of the wrong done him by his persecutors. Twice he had been rescued by the chief captain out of the hands of the Jews, when they were ready to pull him to pieces, and he challenges them to prove him guilty of any crime either time.

1. In the temple. Here they fell furiously upon him as an enemy to their nation and the temple, ch. xxi. 28. But was there any colour for the charge? No, but evidence sufficient against it, (1.) It was very hard to accuse him as an enemy to their nation, when after long absence from Jerusalem he came to bring alms to his nation, money which (though he had need enough himself of it) he had collected among his friends, for the relief of the poor at Jerusalem. He not only had no malice to that people, but he had a very charitable concern for them, and was ready to do them all good offices; and were they his adversaries for his love? Ps. cix. 4. (2.) It was very hard to accuse him of having profaned the temple when he brought offerings to the temple, and was himself at charges therein (ch. xxi. 24), and was found purifying himself in the temple, according to the law (v. 18), and that in a very quiet decent manner, neither with multitude nor with tumult. Though he was a man so much talked of, he was far from coveting to show himself when he came to Jerusalem, or to be crowded after, but went to the temple, as much as was possible, incognito. They were Jews from Asia, his enemies, that caused him to be taken notice of; they had not pretence to make a tumult and raise a multitude against him, for he had neither multitude nor tumult for him. And as to what was perhaps suggested to Felix that he had brought Greeks into the temple, contrary to their law, and the governor ought to reckon with him for that, the Romans having stipulated with the nations that submitted to them to preserve them in their religion, he challenges them to prove it (v. 19): "Those Jews of Asia ought to have been here before thee, that they might have been examined, whether they had aught against me, that they would stand by and swear to;" for some that will not scruple to tell a lie have such heavings of conscience that they scruple confirming it with an oath.

2. In the council: "Since the Jews of Asia are not here to prove any thing upon me done amiss in the temple, let these same that are here, the high priest and the elders, say whether they have found any evil doing in me, or whether I was guilty of any misdemeanor when I stood before the council, when also they were ready to pull me in pieces, v. 20. When I was there, they could not take offence at any thing I said; for all I said was, Touching the resurrection of the dead I am called in question by you this day (v. 21), which gave no offence to any one but the Sadducees. This I hope was no crime, that I stuck to that which is the faith of the whole Jewish church, excepting those whom they themselves call heretics."
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
24:10: Then Paul - answered - The apostle's defense consists of two parts: -
1. The exordium, which has for its object the praise of his judge, whose qualifications to discern and decide on a question of this nature he fully allows; and expects, from this circumstance, to have a favorable hearing.
2. The tractation, which consists of two parts:
I. Refutation:
1. of the charge of polluting the temple;
2. of stirring up sedition;
3. of being a leader of any sect who had a different worship from the God of their fathers.
II. Affirmation:
1. that he had lived so as to preserve a good conscience towards God, and towards men;
2. that so far from polluting the temple, he had been purified in it, and was found thus worshipping according to the law of God;
3. that what Tertullus and his companions had witnessed was perfectly false; and he defied them to produce a single proof, and appeals to those who had been witnesses of his conduct in Jerusalem, who should have been there could they have proved any thing against him.
Thou hast been of many years a judge - Cumanus and Felix were, for a time, joint governors of Judea; but, after the condemnation of Cumanus, the government fell entirely into the hands of Felix; and from Josephus we learn that this was now the sixth or seventh year of his administration, which might be called many years, when the very frequent removals of the governors of the provinces are considered. a.d. 53, Felix made procurator over Judea, and see Jos. Antiq. lib. xx. 7.
A judge - Κριτην, the same here in signification as the Hebrew שפט shophet, which means a ruler or governor. This was the title of the ancient governors of Israel.
The more cheerfully - Ευθυμοτερον, With a better heart or courage, because, as thy long residence among us has brought thee to a thorough acquaintance with our customs, I may expect a proper decision in my favor, my cause being perfectly sound.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:10: Had beckoned unto him to speak - Either by a nod or by the hand,
Hast been of many years - Felix and Cumanus had been joint governors of Judea; but after Cumanus had been condemned for his bad administration of affairs, the government fell entirely into the hands of Felix. This was about seven years before Paul was arraigned, and might be called many years, as he had been long enough there to become acquainted with the customs and habits of the Jews; and it might also be called long in comparison with the short time which his immediate predecessors had held the office. See Josephus, Antiq., book 20, chapters 7 and 7.
A judge - This word is evidently used here in the sense of magistrate, or one appointed to administer the affairs of government. To determine litigated matters was, however, one part of his office. It is remarkable that Paul did not begin his speech, as Tertullus had done, by any flattering address, or by any of the arts of rhetoric. He founded his plea on the justice of his cause, and on the fact that Felix had had so much experience in the affairs of Judea that he was well qualified to understand the merits of the case, and to judge impartially. Paul was well acquainted with his character (see the notes on Act 24:25), and would not by flattering words declare what was not strictly true.
I do the more cheerfully ... - Since you are so well acquainted with the customs and habits of the Jews, I the more readily submit the case to your disposal. This address indicated great confidence in the justice of his cause, and was the language of a man bold, fearless, and conscious of innocence.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:10: had: Act 12:17, Act 13:16, Act 19:33, Act 21:40, Act 26:1
many: "Felix, made procurator over Judea, ad 53."
a judge: Act 18:15; Sa1 2:25; Luk 12:14, Luk 18:2
I do: Pe1 3:15
Geneva 1599
24:10 (2) Then Paul, after that the governor had beckoned unto him to speak, answered, Forasmuch as I know that thou hast been of (g) many years a judge unto this nation, I do the more cheerfully answer for myself:
(2) Tertullus, by the devil's rhetoric, begins with flattery and finishes with lies: but Paul using heavenly eloquence, and but a simple beginning, casts off from himself the crime of sedition, with which he was being charged, with a simple denial.
(g) Paul pleaded his cause two years before Felix departed out of the province, see (Acts 24:27), but he had governed Trachonite, and Batanea, and Galavnite, before Claudius made him governor of Judea; see Josephus in the History of the Jewish War, lib. 2, cap. 11.
John Gill
24:10 Then Paul, after the governor had beckoned unto him to speak,.... Tertullus having finished his account, Paul was silent to his charge and calumnies, until the governor beckoned with his hand or head, or made some sign to him to speak for himself; which he might not do, until leave was given him; and then he
answered as follows:
forasmuch as I know that thou hast been of many years a judge unto this nation; some say he was in the thirteenth, others in the tenth year of his government; some copies read a "just judge"; but this does not so well agree with the character of Felix; See Gill on Acts 24:27.
I do the more cheerfully answer for myself; since if he had been such a mover of sedition everywhere, he must in this course of years have known or heard something of it; and seeing also he could be no stranger to the temper of the Jews, that they were given to envy, revenge, lying, and perjury, and therefore would not easily believe all they said, or rashly take their part, but rather would pity the apostle, who had fallen into such hands, and do him justice.
John Wesley
24:10 Knowing - for several years thou hast been a judge over this nation - And so not unacquainted with our religious rites and customs, and consequently more capable of understanding and deciding a cause of this nature. There was no flattery in this. It was a plain fact. He governed Judea six or seven years. I answer for myself - As it may be observed, his answer exactly corresponds with the three articles of Tertullus's charge: sedition, heresy, and profanation of the temple. As to the first, he suggests,. that he had not been long enough at Jerusalem to form a party and attempt an insurrection: (for it was about twelve days since he came up thither; five of which he had been at Cesarea, Acts 24:1; one or two were spent in his journey thither, and most of the rest he had been confined at Jerusalem.) And he challenges them, in fact, to produce any evidence of such practices, Acts 24:11-13. As to the second, he confesses himself to be a Christian; but maintains this to be a religion perfectly agreeable to the law and the prophets, and therefore deserving a fair reception, Acts 24:14, Acts 24:16. And as for profaning the temple, he observes that he behaved there in a most peaceful and regular manner, so that his innocence had been manifest even before the sanhedrim, where the authors of the tumult did not dare to appear against him.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
24:10 thou hast been many years a judge to this nation--He had been in this province for six or seven years, and in Galilee for a longer period. Paul uses no flattery, but simply expresses his satisfaction at having to plead before one whose long official experience of Jewish matters would enable him the better to understand and appreciate what he had to say.
24:1124:11: Քանզի կարօղ ես գիտել, զի ո՛չինչ աւելի է իմ քան զաւուրս երկոտասան, յորմէ հետէ ելի երկիրպագանել յԵրուսաղէմ[2758]։ [2758] Ոմանք. Ելին երկրպագանել։
11. ինչպէս որ կարող ես գիտենալ, տասներկու օրից աւելի չէ, ինչ ես Երուսաղէմ եմ բարձրացել երկրպագութիւն անելու համար:
11 Որովհետեւ կրնաս գիտնալ թէ ես տասներկու օրէ աւելի չէ՝ որ Երուսաղէմ եկայ երկրպագութիւն ընելու։
Քանզի կարող ես գիտել, զի ոչինչ աւելի է իմ քան զաւուրս երկոտասան յորմէ հետէ ելի երկիր պագանել յԵրուսաղէմ:

24:11: Քանզի կարօղ ես գիտել, զի ո՛չինչ աւելի է իմ քան զաւուրս երկոտասան, յորմէ հետէ ելի երկիրպագանել յԵրուսաղէմ[2758]։
[2758] Ոմանք. Ելին երկրպագանել։
11. ինչպէս որ կարող ես գիտենալ, տասներկու օրից աւելի չէ, ինչ ես Երուսաղէմ եմ բարձրացել երկրպագութիւն անելու համար:
11 Որովհետեւ կրնաս գիտնալ թէ ես տասներկու օրէ աւելի չէ՝ որ Երուսաղէմ եկայ երկրպագութիւն ընելու։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
24:1111: Ты можешь узнать, что не более двенадцати дней тому, как я пришел в Иерусалим для поклонения.
24:11  δυναμένου σου ἐπιγνῶναι ὅτι οὐ πλείους εἰσίν μοι ἡμέραι δώδεκα ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἀνέβην προσκυνήσων εἰς ἰερουσαλήμ,
24:11. δυναμένου ( of-abling ) σου (of-thee) ἐπιγνῶναι, (to-have-had-acquainted-upon) ὅτι (to-which-a-one) οὐ (not) πλείους ( beyond ) εἰσίν (they-be) μοι (unto-me) ἡμέραι (days) δώδεκα (two-ten) ἀφ' (off) ἧς (of-which) ἀνέβην (I-had-stepped-up) προσκυνήσων (shall-having-kissed-toward-unto) εἰς (into) Ἰερουσαλήμ, (to-a-Hierousalem,"
24:11. potes enim cognoscere quia non plus sunt dies mihi quam duodecim ex quo ascendi adorare in HierusalemFor thou mayest understand that there are yet but twelve days since I went up to adore in Jerusalem:
11. seeing that thou canst take knowledge, that it is not more than twelve days since I went up to worship at Jerusalem:
Because that thou mayest understand, that there are yet but twelve days since I went up to Jerusalem for to worship:

11: Ты можешь узнать, что не более двенадцати дней тому, как я пришел в Иерусалим для поклонения.
24:11  δυναμένου σου ἐπιγνῶναι ὅτι οὐ πλείους εἰσίν μοι ἡμέραι δώδεκα ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἀνέβην προσκυνήσων εἰς ἰερουσαλήμ,
24:11. potes enim cognoscere quia non plus sunt dies mihi quam duodecim ex quo ascendi adorare in Hierusalem
For thou mayest understand that there are yet but twelve days since I went up to adore in Jerusalem:
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А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
11: "Не более двенадцати дней тому назад..." - время такое короткое, что можно до точности исследовать и узнать, что он там делал, по свежим, так сказать, следам, причем оказалась бы полная несправедливость взведенных на него обвинений.

"Для поклонения", а не для поругания над законным храмовым богослужением, и тем более - не для осквернения храма заведомым нарушением его святости.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
24:11: There are yet but twelve days - This is his reply to their charge of sedition; the improbability of which is shown from the short time he had spent in Jerusalem, quite insufficient to organize a sedition of any kind; nor could a single proof be furnished that he had attempted to seduce any man, or unhinge any person from his allegiance by subtle disputations, either in the temple, the synagogues, or the city. So that this charge necessarily fell to the ground, self-confuted, unless they could bring substantial proof against him, which he challenges them to do.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:11: Because that thou mayest understand - Greek: "Thou being able to know." That is, he could understand or know by taking the proper evidence. Paul does not mean to say that Felix could understand the case because he had been many years a judge of that nation. That fact would qualify him to judge correctly, or to understand the customs of the Jews. But the fact that he himself had been but twelve days in Jerusalem, and had been orderly and peaceable there, Felix could ascertain only by the proper testimony. The first part of Paul's defense Act 24:11-13 consists in an express denial of what they alleged against him.
Are yet but twelve days - Beza reckons these twelve days in this manner: The first was that on which he came to Jerusalem, Act 21:15. The second he spent with James and the apostles, Act 21:18. Six days were spent in fulfilling his vow, Act 21:21, Act 21:26. On the ninth day the tumult arose, being the seventh day of his vow, and on this day he was rescued by Lysias, Act 21:27; Act 22:29. The tenth day he was before the Sanhedrin, Act 22:30; Act 23:10. On the eleventh the plot was laid to take his life, and on the same day, at evening, he was removed to Caesarea. The days on which he was confined at Caesarea are not enumerated, since his design in mentioning the number of days was to show the improbability that in that time he had been engaged in producing a tumult; and it would not be pretended that he had been so engaged while confined in a prison at Caesarea. The defense of Paul here is, that but twelve days elapsed from the time that he went to Jerusalem until he was put under the custody of Felix; and that during so short a time it was wholly improbable that he would have been able to excite sedition.
For to worship - This further shows that the design of Paul was not to produce sedition. He had gone up for the peaceful purpose of devotion, and not to produce riot and disorder. That this was his design in going to Jerusalem, or at least a part of his purpose, is indicated by the passage in Act 20:16. It should be observed, however, that our translation conveys an idea which is not necessarily in the Greek that this was the design of his going to Jerusalem. The original is, "Since I went up to Jerusalem worshipping" προσκυνήσων proskunē sō n; that is, he was actually engaged in devotion when the tumult arose. But his main design in going to Jerusalem was to convey to his suffering countrymen there the benefactions of the Gentile churches. See Act 24:17; Rom 15:25-26.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:11: but: Act 24:1, Act 21:18, Act 21:27, Act 22:30, Act 23:11, Act 23:23, Act 23:32, Act 23:33
to worship: Act 24:17, Act 21:26
John Gill
24:11 Because that thou mayest understand,.... By what Paul now asserted, and by the witnesses which he could produce to certify the truth of it:
that there are yet but twelve days since I went up to Jerusalem for to worship; that is, from the time that he went up from Caesarea to Jerusalem, to the present time, in which he stood before Felix, pleading his own cause; which may be reckoned, thus, he came in one day from Caesarea to Jerusalem, Acts 21:16 the next day he visited James and the elders, Acts 21:18 on the third day he purified himself in the temple, Acts 21:26 where he was taken and used ill by the Jews; on the fourth day, he was brought before the sanhedrim, and defended himself, Acts 22:30 on the fifth day forty Jews conspire to take away his life, Acts 23:11, on the sixth day he came to Caesarea, being sent there by Lysias, Acts 23:32 and five days after this, which make eleven, Ananias, and the elders, with Tertullus, came down to accuse him; and this day was the twelfth, on which his trial came on. And of these twelve days he was a prisoner nine, and therefore could not have done so much mischief, and stirred up so much sedition as was insinuated; and in opposition to the charge of profaning the temple, he observes that he came up to Jerusalem to "worship"; namely, at the feast of Pentecost.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
24:11 thou mayest understand--canst easily learn.
that there are yet but twelve days since I went up to Jerusalem--namely, 1. The day of his arrival in Jerusalem (Acts 21:15-17); 2. The interview with James (Acts 21:18-26); 3. The assumption of the vow (Acts 21:26); 4, 5, 6. Continuance of the vow, interrupted by the arrest (Acts 21:27, &c.); 7. Arrest of Paul (Acts 21:27); 8. Paul before the Sanhedrim (Acts 22:30; Acts 23:1-10); 9. Conspiracy of the Jews and defeat of it (Acts 23:12-24), and despatch of Paul from Jerusalem on the evening of the same day (Acts 23:23, Acts 23:31); 10, 11, 12, 13. The remaining period referred to (Acts 24:1) [MEYER]. This short period is mentioned to show how unlikely it was that he should have had time to do what was charged against him.
for to worship--a very different purpose from that imputed to him.
24:1224:12: Եւ ո՛չ ՚ի տաճարի անդ գտին զիս ընդ ումեք խօսեցեալ, եւ կամ ժողո՛վս արարեալ բազմաց. ո՛չ ՚ի ժողովուրդս[2759], [2759] Ոսկան. Եւ կամ ժողով ար՛՛։
12. Ինձ ո՛չ տաճարում են որեւէ մէկի հետ գտել խօսելիս եւ կամ շուրջս բազմութիւն հաւաքելիս, ո՛չ ժողովարաններում եւ ո՛չ էլ քաղաքում.
12 Զիս տաճարին մէջ մէկուն հետ վիճաբանութիւն ընելու վրայ, կամ բազմութիւնը մէկտեղ ժողված չգտան, ո՛չ ալ ժողովարաններուն մէջ,
Եւ ոչ ի տաճարի անդ գտին զիս ընդ ումեք խօսեցեալ, եւ կամ ժողովս արարեալ բազմաց, ոչ ի ժողովուրդս:

24:12: Եւ ո՛չ ՚ի տաճարի անդ գտին զիս ընդ ումեք խօսեցեալ, եւ կամ ժողո՛վս արարեալ բազմաց. ո՛չ ՚ի ժողովուրդս[2759],
[2759] Ոսկան. Եւ կամ ժողով ար՛՛։
12. Ինձ ո՛չ տաճարում են որեւէ մէկի հետ գտել խօսելիս եւ կամ շուրջս բազմութիւն հաւաքելիս, ո՛չ ժողովարաններում եւ ո՛չ էլ քաղաքում.
12 Զիս տաճարին մէջ մէկուն հետ վիճաբանութիւն ընելու վրայ, կամ բազմութիւնը մէկտեղ ժողված չգտան, ո՛չ ալ ժողովարաններուն մէջ,
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
24:1212: И ни в святилище, ни в синагогах, ни по городу они не находили меня с кем-либо спорящим или производящим народное возмущение,
24:12  καὶ οὔτε ἐν τῶ ἱερῶ εὖρόν με πρός τινα διαλεγόμενον ἢ ἐπίστασιν ποιοῦντα ὄχλου οὔτε ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς οὔτε κατὰ τὴν πόλιν,
24:12. καὶ (and) οὔτε (not-also) ἐν (in) τῷ (unto-the-one) ἱερῷ (unto-sacred) εὗρόν (they-had-found) με (to-me) πρός (toward) τινα (to-a-one) διαλεγόμενον ( to-forthing-through ) ἢ (or) ἐπίστασιν (to-a-standing-upon) ποιοῦντα (to-doing-unto) ὄχλου (of-a-crowd) οὔτε (not-also) ἐν (in) ταῖς (unto-the-ones) συναγωγαῖς (unto-leadings-together) οὔτε (not-also) κατὰ (down) τὴν (to-the-one) πόλιν, (to-a-city,"
24:12. et neque in templo invenerunt me cum aliquo disputantem aut concursum facientem turbae neque in synagogis neque in civitateAnd neither in the temple did they find me disputing with any man or causing any concourse of the people: neither in the synagogues, nor in the city.
12. and neither in the temple did they find me disputing with any man or stirring up a crowd, nor in the synagogues, nor in the city.
And they neither found me in the temple disputing with any man, neither raising up the people, neither in the synagogues, nor in the city:

12: И ни в святилище, ни в синагогах, ни по городу они не находили меня с кем-либо спорящим или производящим народное возмущение,
24:12  καὶ οὔτε ἐν τῶ ἱερῶ εὖρόν με πρός τινα διαλεγόμενον ἢ ἐπίστασιν ποιοῦντα ὄχλου οὔτε ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς οὔτε κατὰ τὴν πόλιν,
24:12. et neque in templo invenerunt me cum aliquo disputantem aut concursum facientem turbae neque in synagogis neque in civitate
And neither in the temple did they find me disputing with any man or causing any concourse of the people: neither in the synagogues, nor in the city.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
12-13: Указывается на полную бездоказательность обвинения в возбуждении к мятежу иудеев Иерусалима. А что касается иудеев всего римского государства, то это даже вовсе и не подлежало юрисдикции ни Синедриона, ни прокуратора, как сделанное за пределами их страны, и подлежащее, следовательно, юрисдикции других местных судебных учреждений.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:12: And they neither found me ... - The first charge of Tertullus against Paul was Act 24:5 that he was "a pestilent fellow, and a mover of sedition." The charge of his being a Test was so general that Paul did not think it necessary to attempt to refute it. To the specification that he was a mover of sedition, he replies by a firm denial, and by a solemn declaration that they had not found him in any synagogue, or in the city, or in the temple, either disputing or exciting a tumult. Pits conduct there had been entirely peaceable, and they had no right to suppose that it had been otherwise anywhere.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:12: Act 24:5, Act 25:8, Act 28:17
John Gill
24:12 And they neither found me in the temple disputing with any man,.... Either about civil or religious affairs: not that it was criminal to dispute in the temple; it was a common thing for the doctors to dispute about matters of religion, in the porches, and courts, and chambers of the temple, as it may be observed they often did with Christ; but the apostle mentions this to show, that he was so far from moving sedition among the people of the Jews, that he never so much as entered into any conversation with them, upon any subject whatever: true indeed, he was in the temple, and was found there, but not disputing with any, but purifying himself according to the law of Moses:
neither raising up the people; stirring them up to sedition, and tumult, to rebel against the Roman government:
neither in the synagogues; where there were the greatest concourse of people, and the best opportunity of sowing seditious principles, and of which there were many in the city of Jerusalem. The Jews say (p) there were four hundred and sixty synagogues in Jerusalem; some say (q) four hundred and eighty:
nor in the city; of Jerusalem, in any of the public streets or markets, where there were any number of people collected together; the apostle mentions the most noted and public places, where any thing of this kind might most reasonably be thought to be done.
(p) T. Hieros. Cetubot, fol. 35. 3. (q) Ib. Megilla, fol. 73. 4.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
24:12 they neither found me . . . Neither can they prove the things, &c.--After specifying several particulars, he challenges proof of any one of the charges brought against him. So much for the charge of sedition.
24:1324:13: եւ ո՛չ ՚ի քաղաքի. եւ ո՛չ յանդիման առնել կարեն քեզ, վասն որոյ ա՛յժմս չարախօսե՛ն զինէն[2760]։ [2760] Ոմանք. Կարեն առնել քեզ. վասն որոյ այժմդ չար՛՛։
13. ո՛չ էլ կարող են քեզ այժմ ապացուցել այն, ինչի համար ինձ ամբաստանում են:
13 Ո՛չ քաղաքին մէջ. ո՛չ ալ կրնան ապացուցանել այն բաները, որոնց համար հիմա ամբաստանութիւն կ’ընեն ինծի դէմ։
եւ ոչ ի քաղաքի. եւ ոչ յանդիման առնել կարեն քեզ վասն որոյ այժմս չարախօսեն զինէն:

24:13: եւ ո՛չ ՚ի քաղաքի. եւ ո՛չ յանդիման առնել կարեն քեզ, վասն որոյ ա՛յժմս չարախօսե՛ն զինէն[2760]։
[2760] Ոմանք. Կարեն առնել քեզ. վասն որոյ այժմդ չար՛՛։
13. ո՛չ էլ կարող են քեզ այժմ ապացուցել այն, ինչի համար ինձ ամբաստանում են:
13 Ո՛չ քաղաքին մէջ. ո՛չ ալ կրնան ապացուցանել այն բաները, որոնց համար հիմա ամբաստանութիւն կ’ընեն ինծի դէմ։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
24:1313: и не могут доказать того, в чем теперь обвиняют меня.
24:13  οὐδὲ παραστῆσαι δύνανταί σοι περὶ ὧν νυνὶ κατηγοροῦσίν μου.
24:13. οὐδὲ (not-moreover) παραστῆσαι (to-have-stood-beside) δύνανταί ( they-ableth ) σοι (unto-thee) περὶ (about) ὧν ( of-which ) νυνὶ (unto-now) κατηγοροῦσίν (they-gather-down-unto) μου. (of-me)
24:13. neque probare possunt tibi de quibus nunc accusant meNeither can they prove unto thee the things whereof they now accuse me.
13. Neither can they prove to thee the things whereof they now accuse me.
Neither can they prove the things whereof they now accuse me:

13: и не могут доказать того, в чем теперь обвиняют меня.
24:13  οὐδὲ παραστῆσαι δύνανταί σοι περὶ ὧν νυνὶ κατηγοροῦσίν μου.
24:13. neque probare possunt tibi de quibus nunc accusant me
Neither can they prove unto thee the things whereof they now accuse me.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ all ▾
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:13: Neither can they prove the things ... - That is, that I am a mover of sedition, or a disturber of the peace of the people. This appeal he boldly makes; he challenges investigation; and as they did not offer to specify any acts of disorder or tumult excited by him, this charge falls of course.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:13: Act 25:7; Pe1 3:16
Geneva 1599
24:13 Neither can they (h) prove the things whereof they now accuse me.
(h) They cannot lay forth before you and prove with good reasons.
John Gill
24:13 Neither can they prove the things whereof they now accuse me. As that he was a pestilent fellow, a mover of sedition, and a profaner of the temple these things they could not set forth in any clear light, and bring testimonies, or give demonstration of; they could not make them appear to be true, which it lay upon them to do, or otherwise in course he ought be acquitted: this was challenging and defying them to make good their assertions.
24:1424:14: Բայց զայս խոստանա՛մ քեզ, եթէ ըստ ճանապարհին զոր ասեն հերձուած, ա՛յնպէս պաշտեմ զհայրենի Աստուածն. հաւատացեալ ամենայնի՝ որ ինչ յօրէնսն եւ ՚ի մարգարէս գրեալ է[2761]։ [2761] Ոմանք. Թէ ըստ ճանա՛՛... զորս ասեն... յամենայնի որ ինչ յօրէնս։
14. Բայց այս խոստովանում եմ քեզ, թէ համաձայն այն ճանապարհի, որը ասում են՝ հերձուած է, այնպէ՜ս եմ պաշտում իմ հայրենի Աստծուն՝ հաւատալով այն ամենին, որ գրուած է Օրէնքում եւ մարգարէների մէջ:
14 Բայց ասիկա կը խոստովանիմ քեզի՝ թէ այն ճամբուն համեմատ որ ասոնք հերձուած կ’ընդունին, ես այնպէս կը պաշտեմ իմ հայրենի Աստուածս, հաւատալով այն ամէն բաներուն, որոնք օրէնքին եւ մարգարէներուն մէջ գրուած են։
Բայց զայս խոստանամ քեզ, եթէ ըստ ճանապարհին զոր ասեն հերձուած, այնպէս պաշտեմ զհայրենի Աստուածն. հաւատացեալ ամենայնի որ ինչ յօրէնսն եւ ի մարգարէս գրեալ է:

24:14: Բայց զայս խոստանա՛մ քեզ, եթէ ըստ ճանապարհին զոր ասեն հերձուած, ա՛յնպէս պաշտեմ զհայրենի Աստուածն. հաւատացեալ ամենայնի՝ որ ինչ յօրէնսն եւ ՚ի մարգարէս գրեալ է[2761]։
[2761] Ոմանք. Թէ ըստ ճանա՛՛... զորս ասեն... յամենայնի որ ինչ յօրէնս։
14. Բայց այս խոստովանում եմ քեզ, թէ համաձայն այն ճանապարհի, որը ասում են՝ հերձուած է, այնպէ՜ս եմ պաշտում իմ հայրենի Աստծուն՝ հաւատալով այն ամենին, որ գրուած է Օրէնքում եւ մարգարէների մէջ:
14 Բայց ասիկա կը խոստովանիմ քեզի՝ թէ այն ճամբուն համեմատ որ ասոնք հերձուած կ’ընդունին, ես այնպէս կը պաշտեմ իմ հայրենի Աստուածս, հաւատալով այն ամէն բաներուն, որոնք օրէնքին եւ մարգարէներուն մէջ գրուած են։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
24:1414: Но в том признаюсь тебе, что по учению, которое они называют ересью, я действительно служу Богу отцов [моих], веруя всему, написанному в законе и пророках,
24:14  ὁμολογῶ δὲ τοῦτό σοι ὅτι κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἣν λέγουσιν αἵρεσιν οὕτως λατρεύω τῶ πατρῴῳ θεῶ, πιστεύων πᾶσι τοῖς κατὰ τὸν νόμον καὶ τοῖς ἐν τοῖς προφήταις γεγραμμένοις,
24:14. ὁμολογῶ (I-along-forthee-unto) δὲ (moreover) τοῦτό (to-the-one-this) σοι (unto-thee) ὅτι (to-which-a-one) κατὰ (down) τὴν (to-the-one) ὁδὸν (to-a-way) ἣν (to-which) λέγουσιν (they-forth) αἵρεσιν (to-a-lifting) οὕτως (unto-the-one-this) λατρεύω (I-serve-of) τῷ (unto-the-one) πατρῴῳ (unto-en-fathered) θεῷ, (unto-a-Deity,"πιστεύων (trusting-of) πᾶσι ( unto-all ) τοῖς (unto-the-ones) κατὰ (down) τὸν (to-the-one) νόμον (to-a-parcelee) καὶ (and) τοῖς (unto-the-ones) ἐν (in) τοῖς (unto-the-ones) προφήταις (unto-declarerers-before) γεγραμμένοις , ( unto-having-had-come-to-be-scribed ,"
24:14. confiteor autem hoc tibi quod secundum sectam quam dicunt heresim sic deservio patrio Deo meo credens omnibus quae in lege et prophetis scripta suntBut this I confess to thee that according to the way which they call a heresy, so do I serve the Father and my God, believing all things which are written in the law and the prophets:
14. But this I confess unto thee, that after the Way which they call a sect, so serve I the God of our fathers, believing all things which are according to the law, and which are written in the prophets:
But this I confess unto thee, that after the way which they call heresy, so worship I the God of my fathers, believing all things which are written in the law and in the prophets:

14: Но в том признаюсь тебе, что по учению, которое они называют ересью, я действительно служу Богу отцов [моих], веруя всему, написанному в законе и пророках,
24:14  ὁμολογῶ δὲ τοῦτό σοι ὅτι κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἣν λέγουσιν αἵρεσιν οὕτως λατρεύω τῶ πατρῴῳ θεῶ, πιστεύων πᾶσι τοῖς κατὰ τὸν νόμον καὶ τοῖς ἐν τοῖς προφήταις γεγραμμένοις,
24:14. confiteor autem hoc tibi quod secundum sectam quam dicunt heresim sic deservio patrio Deo meo credens omnibus quae in lege et prophetis scripta sunt
But this I confess to thee that according to the way which they call a heresy, so do I serve the Father and my God, believing all things which are written in the law and the prophets:
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А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
14-15: "Называют ересью...", а на самом деле, подразумевается, это совсем иное - истинное учение, вполне согласующееся с древним служением Богу отцев и со всем, написанным в законе и пророках (ср. Мф XI:13), "Когда после призвания быть апостолом Христовым Павел говорит, что он служит Богу отцев, то он показывает этим, что Бог Ветхого и Нового Завета один и тот же" (Злат. ).

Коснувшись своего учения о воскресении мертвых. Павел и в этом учении указывает общую сторону с учением евреев ("чего и сами они ожидают"), что опровергает само собою его виновность и в этом отношении.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
24:14: That after the way which they call heresy - See the explanation of this word in the note on Act 5:17 (note), and see before, Act 24:5 (note), where what is here translated heresy, is there rendered sect. At this time the word had no bad acceptation, in reference to religious opinions. The Pharisees themselves, the most respectable body among the Jews, are called a sect; for Paul, defending himself before Agrippa, says that he lived a Pharisee according to the strictest αἱρεσιν, sect, or heresy of their religion. And Josephus, who was a Pharisee, speaks, της των Φαρισαιων αἱρεσεως, of the heresy or sect of the Pharisees. Life, chap. xxxviii. Therefore it is evident that the word heresy had no bad meaning among the Jews; it meant simply a religious sect. Why then did they use it by way of degradation to St. Paul? This seems to have been the cause. They had already two accredited sects in the land, the Pharisees and Sadducees: the interests of each of these were pretty well balanced, and each had a part in the government, for the council, or Sanhedrin, was composed both of Sadducees and Pharisees: see Act 23:6. They were afraid that the Christians, whom they called Nazarenes, should form a new sect, and divide the interests of both the preceding; and what they feared, that they charged them with; and, on this account, the Christians had both the Pharisees and the Sadducees for their enemies. They had charged Jesus Christ with plotting against the state, and endeavoring to raise seditions; and they charged his followers with the same. This they deemed a proper engine to bring a jealous government into action.
So worship I the God of my fathers - I bring in no new object of worship; no new religious creed. I believe all things as they profess to believe; and acknowledge the Law and the Prophets as divinely inspired books; and have never, in the smallest measure, detracted from the authority or authenticity of either.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:14: But this I confess ... - The next specification in the charge of Tertullus was Act 24:5 that he was "a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes." To this, Paul replies in this and the two following verses. Of this reply we may observe:
(1) That he does not stoop to notice the contempt implied in the use of the word "Nazarenes." He was engaged in a more important business than to contend about the name which they chose to give to Christians.
(2) he admits that he belonged to that sect or class of people. That he was a Christian he neither denied, nor was disposed to deny.
(3) he maintains that in this way he was still worshipping the God of his fathers. Of this, the fact that he was engaged in worship in the temple was sufficient proof.
(4) he shows them that he believed only what was written in the Law and the prophets; that this involved the main doctrine of their religion the hope of the resurrection of the dead, Act 24:15; and that it was his constant and earnest desire to keep a pure conscience in all things, Act 24:16. These are the points of his defense to the second charge, and we shall see that they fully meet and dispose of the accusation.
After the way - After the manner or mode of worship.
Which they call heresy - This translation does not express to us the force of the original. We have attached to the word "heresy" an idea which is not conveyed by the Greek word, since we now commonly understand by it error of doctrine. In Paul's answer here, there is an explicit reference to their charge which does not appear in our version. The charge of Tertullus was, that he was the ringleader of the sect (τἦς αἱρέσεως tē s haireseō s) of the Nazarenes, Act 24:5. To this Paul replies, "After the way which they call "sect" ἁιρεσιν hairesin, not error of doctrine, but after a way which they affirm is producing division or schism), so worship I the God of my fathers." Paul was hot ashamed to be called a follower of that sect or party among the Jewish people. Nor should we be ashamed to worship God in a mode that is called heresy or schism, if we do it in obedience to conscience and to God.
So worship I - I continue to worship. I have not departed from the characteristic of the Jewish people, the proper and public acknowledgment of the God of the Jews.
The God of my fathers - My father's God, Yahweh; the God whom my Jewish ancestors adored. There is something very touching in this, and suited to find its way to the heart of a Jew. He had introduced no new object of worship (compare Deu 13:1-5); he had not become a follower of a false or foreign God; and this fact was really a reply to their charge that he was setting up a new sect in religion. The same thing Paul affirms of himself in Ti2 1:3; "I thank God, whom I serve from my forefathers with a pure conscience."
Believing all things ... - Particularly respecting the Messiah. So he more fully explains his meaning in his speech before King Agrippa, Act 26:23.
In the law and in the prophets - Commanded in the Law of Moses, and foretold by the prophets. That Paul had ever disbelieved any of these things they could not prove; and his whole course had shown that he fully credited the sacred records. Most of his arguments in defending Christianity had been drawn from the Jewish writings.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:14: I confess: Psa 119:46; Mat 10:32
after: Act 9:2, Act 19:9, Act 19:23; Amo 8:14; Pe2 2:2
heresy: Act 24:5; Co1 11:19; Gal 5:20; Tit 3:10; Pe2 2:1
so: Mic 4:2
the God: Act 3:13, Act 5:30, Act 7:32, Act 22:14; Exo 3:15; Ch1 29:18; Ti2 1:3
believing: Act 3:22-24, Act 10:43, Act 26:22, Act 26:27, Act 28:23; Luk 1:70, Luk 24:27, Luk 24:44; Joh 5:39-47; Pe1 1:11; Rev 19:10
in the law: Act 13:15; Mat 7:12, Mat 22:40; Luk 16:16, Luk 16:29; Joh 1:45; Rom 3:21
Geneva 1599
24:14 (3) But this I confess unto thee, that after the way which they call (i) heresy, so worship I the God of my fathers, believing all things which are written in the law and in the prophets:
(3) Paul proceeds in the case of religion from a conjectural state to a practical state, not only admitting of the religion which he was accused of, but also proving it to be true, to be heavenly and from God, and to be the oldest of all religions.
(i) Here this word "heresy" or "sect" is taken in a good sense.
John Gill
24:14 But this I confess unto thee,.... What was truth he was not ashamed of, but ready to own, and bear his testimony for, whatever was the consequence of it:
that after the way which they call heresy; referring to the charge of his being a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes, Acts 24:5 and meaning by the way the Christian religion, or the doctrines of Christianity, which the Jews called heresy; and as early as this were the Christians, by them, called heretics: so we read (r) of , "a prayer against the heretics", which Samuel (the little) composed before, or in the presence of R. Gamaliel the elder, he approving of it; which R. Gamaliel was Paul's master; and some have thought, that Samuel the little, the composer of this prayer, was Saul himself; so that he knew very well that the Christian doctrine was called heresy, and the Christians heretics, for he had called them so himself in the time of his unregeneracy; but now he was not ashamed to profess that way, and walk in it, and according to it worship God, as follows:
so worship I the God of my fathers; even Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, suggesting, that by embracing Christianity, he had not denied, and gone off from the worship of the one, only, living, and true God, the God of Israel; and that there was an entire agreement between the saints of the Old Testament, and the Christians of the New, in the object of worship; the Vulgate Latin version reads, "so serve I the Father, and my God"; that is, God the Father, who is the Father of Christ, and the God and Father of believers in him:
believing all things which are written in the law and the prophets; which the Sadducees did not; and strictly adhering to these, and not to the traditions of the elders, as did the Scribes and Pharisees; so that since he believed whatever was contained in the sacred writings, he could not be charged justly with heresy; and as he believed, so he taught nothing but what was agreeably to the Scriptures of the Old Testament.
(r) Ganz Tzemach David, par. 1. fol. 25. 2. Vid. T. Bab. Beracot, fol. 28. 2. & 29. 1. Maimon. Hilch. Tephilla, c. 2. sect. 1.
John Wesley
24:14 After the way which they call heresy - This appellation St. Paul corrects. Not that it was then an odious word; but it was not honourable enough. A party or sect (so that word signifies) is formed by men. This way was prescribed by God. The apostle had now said what was sufficient for his defence; but having a fair occasion, he makes an ingenuous confession of his faith in this verse, his hope in the next, Acts 24:14-15, his love in Acts 24:17. So worship I the God of my fathers - This was a very proper plea before a Roman magistrate; as it proved that he was under the protection of the Roman laws, since the Jews were so: whereas had he introduced the worship of new gods he would have forfeited that protection. Believing all things which are written - Concerning the Messiah.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
24:14 But this I confess to thee--in which Felix would see no crime.
that after the way they call heresy--literally, and better, "a sect."
so worship I the God of my fathers--the ancestral God. Two arguments are contained here: (1) Our nation is divided into what they call sects--the sect of the Pharisees, and that of the Sadducees--all the difference between them and me is, that I belong to neither of these, but to another sect, or religious section of the nation, which from its Head they call Nazarenes: for this reason, and this alone, am I hated. (2) The Roman law allows every nation to worship its own deities; I claim protection under that law, worshipping the God of my ancestors, even as they, only of a different sect of the common religion.
believing all, &c.--Here, disowning all opinions at variance with the Old Testament Scriptures, he challenges for the Gospel which he preached the authority of the God of their fathers. So much for the charge of heresy.
24:1524:15: Ունիմ յոյս առ Աստուած. որում եւ դոքա՛ իսկ ակն ունին, թէ յարութի՛ւն լինելոց է արդարոց եւ մեղաւորաց[2762]։ [2762] Ոմանք. Ունիմք յոյս առ Աստուած... եթէ յա՛՛։
15. Յոյս ունեմ առ Աստուած, որ, ինչպէս դրանք էլ են ակնկալում, յարութիւն է լինելու արդարների եւ մեղաւորների:
15 Յոյս ունիմ առ Աստուած, ինչպէս ասոնք ալ ակնկալութիւն ունին, թէ մեռելներուն յարութիւն պիտի ըլլայ, թէ՛ արդարներուն եւ թէ՛ մեղաւորներուն։
Ունիմ յոյս առ Աստուած, որում եւ դոքա իսկ ակն ունին թէ յարութիւն լինելոց է[100] արդարոց եւ մեղաւորաց:

24:15: Ունիմ յոյս առ Աստուած. որում եւ դոքա՛ իսկ ակն ունին, թէ յարութի՛ւն լինելոց է արդարոց եւ մեղաւորաց[2762]։
[2762] Ոմանք. Ունիմք յոյս առ Աստուած... եթէ յա՛՛։
15. Յոյս ունեմ առ Աստուած, որ, ինչպէս դրանք էլ են ակնկալում, յարութիւն է լինելու արդարների եւ մեղաւորների:
15 Յոյս ունիմ առ Աստուած, ինչպէս ասոնք ալ ակնկալութիւն ունին, թէ մեռելներուն յարութիւն պիտի ըլլայ, թէ՛ արդարներուն եւ թէ՛ մեղաւորներուն։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
24:1515: имея надежду на Бога, что будет воскресение мертвых, праведных и неправедных, чего и сами они ожидают.
24:15  ἐλπίδα ἔχων εἰς τὸν θεόν, ἣν καὶ αὐτοὶ οὖτοι προσδέχονται, ἀνάστασιν μέλλειν ἔσεσθαι δικαίων τε καὶ ἀδίκων.
24:15. ἐλπίδα (to-an-expectation) ἔχων (holding) εἰς (into) τὸν (to-the-one) θεόν, (to-a-Deity,"ἣν (to-which) καὶ (and) αὐτοὶ (them) οὗτοι (the-ones-these) προσδέχονται , ( they-receive-toward ,"ἀνάστασιν (to-a-standing-up) μέλλειν (to-impend) ἔσεσθαι ( to-shall-have-been ) δικαίων ( of-course-belonged ) τε (also) καὶ (and) ἀδίκων : ( of-un-coursed )
24:15. spem habens in Deum quam et hii ipsi expectant resurrectionem futuram iustorum et iniquorumHaving hope in God, which these also themselves look for, that there shall be a resurrection of the just and unjust.
15. having hope toward God, which these also themselves look for, that there shall be a resurrection both of the just and unjust.
And have hope toward God, which they themselves also allow, that there shall be a resurrection of the dead, both of the just and unjust:

15: имея надежду на Бога, что будет воскресение мертвых, праведных и неправедных, чего и сами они ожидают.
24:15  ἐλπίδα ἔχων εἰς τὸν θεόν, ἣν καὶ αὐτοὶ οὖτοι προσδέχονται, ἀνάστασιν μέλλειν ἔσεσθαι δικαίων τε καὶ ἀδίκων.
24:15. spem habens in Deum quam et hii ipsi expectant resurrectionem futuram iustorum et iniquorum
Having hope in God, which these also themselves look for, that there shall be a resurrection of the just and unjust.
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Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
24:15: And have hope toward God, etc. - I not only do not hold any thing by which the general creed of this people might be altered, in reference to the present state; but, also, I hold nothing different from their belief in reference to a future state; for, if I maintain the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead, it is what themselves allow.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:15: And have hope toward God - Having a hope of the resurrection of the dead, which arises from the promises of God.
Which they themselves ... - That is, the Pharisees. Perhaps he designated in this remark the Pharisees who were present. He held nothing in this great cardinal point which they did not also hold. For the reasons why he introduced this point so prominently, and the success of thus introducing it, see the notes on Act 23:1-9.
Both of the just and unjust - Of the righteous and the wicked; that is, of all the race. As they held this, they could not arraign him for holding it also.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:15: have: Act 24:21, Act 26:6, Act 26:7, Act 28:20-31
that: Act 23:6-8; Job 19:25, Job 19:26; Dan 12:2; Mat 22:31, Mat 22:32; Joh 5:28, Joh 5:29; 1Cor. 15:12-27; Phi 3:21; Th1 4:14-16; Rev 20:6, Rev 20:12, Rev 20:13
John Gill
24:15 And have hope towards God,.... Of an interest in him, and of enjoying eternal life and happiness with him in a future state:
which they themselves also allow; that is, some of the Jews, not the Sadducees, for they denied what is afterwards asserted; but the Pharisees, who believed the immortality of the soul, and its existence in a future state:
and that there shall be a resurrection of the dead, both of the just and unjust; agreeably to the doctrine of Christ in Jn 5:28. In this article the Pharisees of those times were sounder than the modern Jews; for though the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead is one of their thirteen articles of faith, and is a fundamental one, which he that does not believe, cannot be said to be of the Jewish religion; yet they limit it entirely to the righteous (s), and will not allow that the wicked shall rise again: and this notion obtained also very early; for in their Talmud (t) it is reported, as the saying of R. Abhu, that
"the day of rain is greater than the resurrection of the dead; the resurrection of the dead is for the righteous, but the rain is both for the righteous, and the wicked.''
Though Abarbinel (u) says, that the sense of this expression is not, that they that are not just shall have no part in the resurrection, but that hereby is declared the benefit and reward to be enjoyed at the resurrection; that that is not like rain, from whence both just and unjust equally receive advantage; whereas only the reward is for the righteous, but not for the ungodly: moreover, he observes, that this saying was not received and approved of by all the wise men, particularly that R. Joseph dissented, and others agreed with him; and as for himself, he openly declares, that that assertion, that the just among the Israelites only shall rise again, is foreign from truth, since the Scripture affirms, Dan 12:2 "that many of them that sleep in the dust of the earth shall awake"; but if there should be no other than the righteous in the resurrection, they would without doubt be very few; besides it is said, "some to everlasting life, and some to everlasting contempt"; and Isaiah says, Is 66:24 "and they shall go forth and look upon the carcasses of the men that have transgressed against me"; which shows, that the ungodly shall rise again, to receive their due punishment: and Manasseh ben Israel (w), in the last century, argued for the resurrection of both the godly and ungodly, from the same passages of Scripture; and yet he was not of opinion, that the resurrection would be general and common to all men, only that some of all sorts, good, and bad, and middling, would rise again, and which he supposed was the sense of the ancients. It is certain the Jews are divided in their sentiments about this matter; some of them utterly deny that any other shall rise but the just; yea, they affirm (x), that only the just among the Israelites, and not any of the nations of the world shall rise; others say that all shall rise at the resurrection of the dead, excepting the generation of the flood (y); and others (z) think, that only they that have been very bad, or very good, shall rise, but not those that are between both; but certain it is, as the apostle affirms, that all shall rise, both just and unjust: the just are they who are made so by the righteousness of Christ imputed to them, and who being created anew unto righteousness and true holiness, live soberly, righteously, and godly; the unjust are they who are destitute of righteousness, and are filled with all unrighteousness; and these latter, as well as the former, will rise again from the dead; which is clear, not only from the words of Christ, and the writings of the apostles, but from the Scriptures of the Old Testament, particularly Dan 12:2 and also from the justice of God, which requires that they who have sinned in the body, should be punished in the body; wherefore it is necessary on this account, that the bodies of the wicked should be raised, that they with their souls may receive the full and just recompense of reward; and likewise from the general judgment, which will include the righteous and the wicked, and who must all stand before the judgment seat of Christ, to receive for the deeds done in the body, whether good or evil; in order to which there must be a resurrection of them; to which add, the account the Scripture gives of the punishment of the wicked in hell, which supposes the resurrection of the body, and in which the body and soul will be both destroyed. Indeed there will be a difference between the resurrection of the just and of the unjust, both in the time of their rising, the dead in Christ will rise first at the beginning of the thousand years, the wicked not until they are ended; and in the means and manner of their rising; they will be both raised by Christ, but the one by virtue of union to him, the other merely by his power; the just will rise in bodies not only immortal, and incorruptible, but powerful, spiritual, and glorious, even like to the glorious body of Christ; the wicked will rise with bodies immortal, but not free from sin, nor glorious: yea, their resurrection will differ in the end of it; the one will rise to everlasting life and glory, the other to everlasting shame and damnation.
(s) Maimon. in Misn. Sanhedrin, c. 11. sect. 1. Kimchi in Isa. xxvi 19. Aben Ezra & Saadiah Gaon in Dan. xii. 2. (t) T. Bab. Taanith, fol. 7. 1. (u) Prefat. in Isa. fol. 3. 1. (w) De Resurrectione Mortuorum, l. 2. c. 8. (x) Vid. Pocock, Not. Miscel. in port. Mosis, p. 183. (y) Pirke Eliezer, c. 34. (z) Vid. Menassah ben Israel, ut supra.
John Wesley
24:15 Both of the just and of the unjust - In a public court this was peculiarly proper to be observed.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
24:15 And have hope . . . as they themselves . . . allow, that there shall be a resurrection, &c.--This appeal to the faith of his accusers shows that they were chiefly of the Pharisees, and that the favor of that party, to which he owed in some measure his safety at the recent council (Acts 23:6-9), had been quite momentary.
24:1624:16: Յորում եւ ե՛ս իսկ ճգնիմ անխիղճ միտս ունել առ Աստուած եւ առ մարդիկ յամենայն ժամ[2763]։ [2763] Ոմանք. Միտս ունելով առ Աստուած։
16. Դրա համար ինքս էլ ճիգ եմ անում, որ Աստծու եւ մարդկանց առաջ միշտ մաքուր խղճմտանք ունենամ:
16 Եւ ես այս բանին համար կը ջանամ, որ ամէն ատեն մաքուր խղճմտանք ունենամ Աստուծոյ առջեւ ու մարդոց առջեւ։
Յորում եւ ես իսկ ճգնիմ, անխիղճ միտս ունել առ Աստուած եւ առ մարդիկ յամենայն ժամ:

24:16: Յորում եւ ե՛ս իսկ ճգնիմ անխիղճ միտս ունել առ Աստուած եւ առ մարդիկ յամենայն ժամ[2763]։
[2763] Ոմանք. Միտս ունելով առ Աստուած։
16. Դրա համար ինքս էլ ճիգ եմ անում, որ Աստծու եւ մարդկանց առաջ միշտ մաքուր խղճմտանք ունենամ:
16 Եւ ես այս բանին համար կը ջանամ, որ ամէն ատեն մաքուր խղճմտանք ունենամ Աստուծոյ առջեւ ու մարդոց առջեւ։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
24:1616: Посему и сам подвизаюсь всегда иметь непорочную совесть пред Богом и людьми.
24:16  ἐν τούτῳ καὶ αὐτὸς ἀσκῶ ἀπρόσκοπον συνείδησιν ἔχειν πρὸς τὸν θεὸν καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους διὰ παντός.
24:16. ἐν (in) τούτῳ (unto-the-one-this) καὶ (and) αὐτὸς (it) ἀσκῶ (I-exercise-unto) ἀπρόσκοπον (to-un-felled-toward) συνείδησιν (to-a-seeing-together) ἔχειν (to-hold) πρὸς (toward) τὸν (to-the-one) θεὸν (to-a-Deity) καὶ (and) τοὺς (to-the-ones) ἀνθρώπους (to-mankinds) διὰ (through) παντός. (of-all)
24:16. in hoc et ipse studeo sine offendiculo conscientiam habere ad Deum et ad homines semperAnd herein do I endeavour to have always a conscience without offence, towards God and towards men.
16. Herein do I also exercise myself to have a conscience void of offence toward God and men alway.
And herein do I exercise myself, to have always a conscience void of offence toward God, and [toward] men:

16: Посему и сам подвизаюсь всегда иметь непорочную совесть пред Богом и людьми.
24:16  ἐν τούτῳ καὶ αὐτὸς ἀσκῶ ἀπρόσκοπον συνείδησιν ἔχειν πρὸς τὸν θεὸν καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους διὰ παντός.
24:16. in hoc et ipse studeo sine offendiculo conscientiam habere ad Deum et ad homines semper
And herein do I endeavour to have always a conscience without offence, towards God and towards men.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
16: Переходя к практическому выражению своего исповедания в нравственной жизни, апостол указывает, что оно тоже как раз исключало всякую возможность повода к неудовольствию и мятежу, имея своею целью "всегда иметь непорочную совесть пред Богом и людьми...", ибо совершенная добродетель, по словам Златоуста, "бывает тогда, когда мы и людям не подаем повода ко греху, и Пред Богом стараемся быть безукоризненными".

Таким образом, апостол ясно и убедительно доказал, что обвинение его в последовании учению, столько согласному с Ветхим Заветом, не есть обвинение, и принадлежность к христианству, требующему лишь непорочной совести пред Богом и людьми, не есть вина.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
24:16: And herein do I exercise myself - And this very tenet is a pledge for my good behavior; for as I believe there will be a resurrection, both of the just and unjust, and that every man shall be judged for the deeds done in the body, so I exercise myself day and night, that I may have a conscience void of offense toward God and toward men.
Toward God - In entertaining no opinion contrary to his truth; and in offering no worship contrary to his dignity, purity, and excellence.
Toward men - In doing nothing to them that I would not, on a change of circumstances, they should do to me; and in withholding nothing by which I might comfort and serve them.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:16: And herein - In this, or for this purpose.
Do I exercise myself - ἀσκῶ askō. I accustom or employ myself; I make it my constant aim. Paul often appeals to his conscientiousness as the leading habit of his life. Even before his conversion he endeavored to act according to the dictates of conscience. See Act 26:9; compare Phi 3:5-6.
To have always a conscience ... - To do what is right, so that my conscience shall never reproach me.
Void of offence - ἀπρόσκοπον aproskopon. That which is inoffensive, or which does not cause one to stumble or fall. He means that he endeavored to keep his conscience so enlightened and pure in regard to duty, and that he acted according to its dictates in such a way that his conduct should not be displeasing to God or injurious to man. To have such a conscience implies two things:
(1) That it be enlightened or properly informed in regard to truth and duty; and,
(2) That what is made known to be right should be honestly and faithfully performed. Without these two things no man can have a conscience that will be inoffensive and harmless.
Toward God - In an honest endearour to discharge the duties of public and private worship, and to do constantly what he requires believing all that he has spoken; doing all that he requires; and offering to him the service which he approves.
Toward men - In endeavoring to meet all the demands of justice and mercy; to advance their knowledge, happiness, and salvation; living so that I may look back on my life with the reflection that I have done all that I ought to have done, and all that I could do to promote the welfare of the whole human family. What a noble principle of conduct was this! How elevated and how pure! How unlike the conduct of those who live to gratify debasing sensual appetites, or for gold or honor; of those who pass their lives in such a manner as to offer the grossest offence to God and to do the most injury to man. The great and noble aim of Paul was to be pure; and no slander of his enemies, no trials, persecutions, perils, or pains of dying could take away the approving voice of conscience. Alike in his travels and in his persecutions; among friends and foes; when preaching in the synal gogue, the city, or the desert; or when defending himself before governors and kings, he had this testimony of a self-approving mind. Happy they who thus frame their lives. And happy will be the end of a life where this has been the grand object of the journey through this world.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:16: Act 23:1; Rom 2:15, Rom 9:1; Co1 4:4; Co2 1:12, Co2 4:2; Th1 2:10; Ti1 1:5, Ti1 1:19, Ti1 3:9; Ti2 1:3; Tit 1:15, Tit 2:11-13; Heb 9:14, Heb 10:22, Heb 13:18; Pe1 2:19, Pe1 3:16, Pe1 3:21
John Gill
24:16 And herein do I exercise myself,.... Or because of this; on account of this doctrine of the resurrection of the dead, which is a doctrine according to godliness, and promotes and engages to a holy life and conversation, as the contrary tends to encourage a dissolute and sinful manner of living; see 1Cor 15:32 The apostle studied, and laboured, and bent himself, and employed his thought, care, and time,
to have always a conscience void of offence toward God and toward man; that is, to discharge every duty which God requires, and to give to every man what is due to him; so as to please God, and not offend men, neither Jew nor Gentile, nor the church of God; and so as that conscience may be clear of guilt, and may not be defiled with sin, being purged and purified by the blood of Christ. By a "conscience void of offence", is meant a good conversation; which as it respects God, lies in a carefulness not to offend him, but to do his will; and as it respects men, a shunning what may give offence, or be a stumbling to them; and though this cannot be perfectly attained to in each of its branches, yet there is in every good man a concern to have such a conscience; and the consideration of the resurrection of the dead, the general judgment, and a future state, induce him to it.
John Wesley
24:16 For this cause - With a view to this, I also exercise myself - As well as they.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
24:16 And herein--On this account, accordingly; that is, looking forward to that awful day (compare 2Cor 5:10).
I exercise myself--The "I" here is emphatic; "Whatever they do, this is my study."
to have always a conscience void of offence, &c.--See Acts 23:1; 2Cor 1:12; 2Cor 2:17, &c.; that is, "These are the great principles of my life and conduct--how different from turbulence and sectarianism!"
24:1724:17: ՚Ի բազում ամաց ողորմութիւնս եկի առնել յազգդ իմ. եւ ետու պատարագի՛ս[2764]. [2764] Ոմանք. Ողորմութիւն եկի առնել յազգիդ իմում։
17. Բազում տարիներից յետոյ եկայ օգնութիւն անելու իմ ազգին եւ զոհեր մատուցեցի,
17 Արդ՝ ես շատ տարիներէ յետոյ եկայ իմ ազգիս ողորմութիւններ բերելու ու ընծաներ տալու.
Ի բազում ամաց ողորմութիւնս եկի առնել յազգդ իմում, եւ ետու պատարագիս:

24:17: ՚Ի բազում ամաց ողորմութիւնս եկի առնել յազգդ իմ. եւ ետու պատարագի՛ս[2764].
[2764] Ոմանք. Ողորմութիւն եկի առնել յազգիդ իմում։
17. Բազում տարիներից յետոյ եկայ օգնութիւն անելու իմ ազգին եւ զոհեր մատուցեցի,
17 Արդ՝ ես շատ տարիներէ յետոյ եկայ իմ ազգիս ողորմութիւններ բերելու ու ընծաներ տալու.
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
24:1717: После многих лет я пришел, чтобы доставить милостыню народу моему и приношения.
24:17  δι᾽ ἐτῶν δὲ πλειόνων ἐλεημοσύνας ποιήσων εἰς τὸ ἔθνος μου παρεγενόμην καὶ προσφοράς,
24:17. δι' (Through) ἐτῶν (of-years) δὲ (moreover) πλειόνων ( of-more-beyond ) ἐλεημοσύνας (to-compassionatenesses) ποιήσων (shall-having-done-unto) εἰς (into) τὸ (to-the-one) ἔθνος (to-a-nation) μου (of-me) παρεγενόμην ( I-had-became-beside ) καὶ (and) προσφοράς, (to-beareeings-toward,"
24:17. post annos autem plures elemosynas facturus in gentem meam veni et oblationes et votaNow after many years, I came to bring alms to my nation and offerings and vows.
17. Now after many years I came to bring alms to my nation, and offerings:
Now after many years I came to bring alms to my nation, and offerings:

17: После многих лет я пришел, чтобы доставить милостыню народу моему и приношения.
24:17  δι᾽ ἐτῶν δὲ πλειόνων ἐλεημοσύνας ποιήσων εἰς τὸ ἔθνος μου παρεγενόμην καὶ προσφοράς,
24:17. post annos autem plures elemosynas facturus in gentem meam veni et oblationes et vota
Now after many years, I came to bring alms to my nation and offerings and vows.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
17-19: В заключение речи апостол останавливается на поводе к его задержанию, доказывая и с этой стороны полную несостоятельность допущенной в отношении к нему несправедливости.

"После многих лет..." Как и выше (ст. 10), выражение означает сравнительную продолжительность времени. Более точно, это произошло года через четыре после последнего - правда, кратковременного - посещения им Иерусалима (XVIII:22).

Кроме поклонения Богу, апостол указывает новую цель своего прибытия в Иерусалим, столь же чуждую мятежнических намерений, и в отношении собственно к народу как раз обратную обвинениям в возбуждении этого народа к мятежам и беспорядкам. Это - доставление милостыни и приношения народу от единоверных братьев других стран: какая противоположность патриотической любви Павла к народу своему - со злобной клеветой на него врагов его.

Не только сам он был так далек от желания причинить какое-либо зло своему народу, но и других - греческих и македонских жителей - расположил на столь трогательное участие в нуждах и бедствиях этого народа.

"Очистившегося в храме, не с народом и не с шумом..." Этим апостол доказывает, что он не только не покушался осквернять храм, но, напротив, именно благоговея пред святостью его, вошел в него не иначе, как после подлежащего по закону очищения, и притом не с народом, который бы можно было возмущать тут, и не с шумом, который неизбежен при поднятии возмущения.

"Как же он (Павел) мог осквернить храм? Невозможно было одному и тому же очищаться и молиться, и в то же время прийти и осквернить храм?" (Злат. ).

"Нашли меня...", - не те, которые теперь обвиняют меня и лживо заявляют "мы взяли его", а совсем другие - некоторые Асийские Иудеи, с которыми собственно ему и надо бы иметь дело и отсутствие которых - наилучшее доказательство, что тут преследуются совсем другие неблаговидные цели.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
24:17: Now, after many years, etc. - And as a full proof that I act according to the dictates of this Divine and beneficent creed, though I have been many years absent from my own country, and my political relation to it is almost necessarily dissolved, yet, far from coming to disturb the peace of society, or to injure any person, I have brought Alms to my nation, the fruits of my own earning and influence among a foreign people, and Offerings to my God and his temple, proving hereby my attachment to my country, and my reverence for the worship of my country's God.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:17: Now after many years - After many years' absence. Paul here commences a reply to the charge of Tentullus, that he had endeavored to profane the temple, Act 24:6. He begins by saying that his design in coming up to Jerusalem was to bring to his countrymen needed aid in a time of distress. It would be absurd to suppose, therefore, that his object in coming was to violate the customs of the temple, and to defile it.
I came to bring - See Act 11:29-30; compare the notes on Rom 15:25-26.
Alms - Charities; the gift of the churches.
To my nation - Not to all the nation, but to the poor saints or Christians who were in Judea, and who were suffering much by persecutions and trials.
And offerings - The word used here properly denotes "an offering or gift" of any kind; but it is usually applied to an oblation or offering made to God in the temple - "a thank-offering, a sacrifice." This is probably its meaning here. He came to bring aid to his needy countrymen, and an offering to God; and it was, therefore, no part of his purpose to interfere with, or to profane the worship of the temple.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:17: to bring: Act 11:29, Act 11:30, Act 20:16; Rom 15:25, Rom 15:26; Co1 16:1, Co1 16:2; Co2 8:9; Gal 2:10
offerings: Act 21:26
Geneva 1599
24:17 (4) Now after many years I came to bring alms to my nation, and offerings.
(4) Paul in conclusion tells the things thing which was truly done, which Tertullus before him had corrupted in various ways.
John Gill
24:17 Now after many years,.... Absence from Jerusalem; it was now about five and twenty years since his conversion, and most of this time he spent among the Gentiles; three years after it he went up to Jerusalem, and fourteen years after that, Gal 1:18 but it had now been some years since he had been there:
I came to bring alms to my nation; the collections which were made among the Gentile churches, particularly in Macedonia, for the poor saints at Jerusalem, Rom 15:25.
and offerings; either for the day of Pentecost, according to the usages of that feast, or the offerings on the account of the vow of the Nazarite, Acts 21:26. The Vulgate Latin version adds, "and vows"; unless the spiritual and evangelical sacrifices of prayer and praise can be thought to be meant, since the ceremonial law was now abrogated; though it is manifest the apostle did at some times, and in some cases, comply with the Jews in the observance of it, in order to gain some.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
24:17 Now after many--several
years absence from Jerusalem--I came to bring alms to my of Macedonia and Greece, which he had taken such pains to gather. This only allusion in the Acts to what is dwelt upon so frequently in his own Epistles (Rom 15:25-26; 1Cor 16:1-4; 2Cor 8:1-4), throws a beautiful light on the truth of this History. (See PALEY'S HorÃ&brvbr; PaulinÃ&brvbr;).
and offerings--connected with his Jewish vow: see Acts 24:18.
24:1824:18: որովք գտին զիս սրբեա՛լ ՚ի տաճարին, ո՛չ բազմօք եւ ո՛չ ամբոխիւ։
18. որոնցով սրբուած էի, երբ ինձ գտան տաճարում, որտեղ ո՛չ բազմութեան հետ էի եւ ո՛չ էլ խռովարար ամբոխի:
18 Այսպէս քանի մը Ասիացի Հրեաներ զիս տաճարին մէջ մաքրուած գտան, ո՛չ բազմութիւնով եւ ո՛չ ամբոխով,
որովք գտին զիս սրբեալ ի տաճարին, ոչ բազմօք եւ ոչ ամբոխիւ:

24:18: որովք գտին զիս սրբեա՛լ ՚ի տաճարին, ո՛չ բազմօք եւ ո՛չ ամբոխիւ։
18. որոնցով սրբուած էի, երբ ինձ գտան տաճարում, որտեղ ո՛չ բազմութեան հետ էի եւ ո՛չ էլ խռովարար ամբոխի:
18 Այսպէս քանի մը Ասիացի Հրեաներ զիս տաճարին մէջ մաքրուած գտան, ո՛չ բազմութիւնով եւ ո՛չ ամբոխով,
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
24:1818: При сем нашли меня, очистившегося в храме не с народом и не с шумом.
24:18  ἐν αἷς εὖρόν με ἡγνισμένον ἐν τῶ ἱερῶ, οὐ μετὰ ὄχλου οὐδὲ μετὰ θορύβου·
24:18. ἐν (in) αἷς ( unto-which ) εὗρόν (they-had-found) με (to-me) ἡγνισμένον (to-having-had-come-to-be-purified-to) ἐν (in) τῷ (unto-the-one) ἱερῷ, (unto-sacred,"οὐ (not) μετὰ (with) ὄχλου (of-a-crowd) οὐδὲ (not-moreover) μετὰ (with) θορύβου, (of-a-disturbance,"τινὲς (ones) δὲ (moreover) ἀπὸ (off) τῆς (of-the-one) Ἀσίας (of-an-Asia) Ἰουδαῖοι , ( Iouda-belonged ,"
24:18. in quibus invenerunt me purificatum in templo non cum turba neque cum tumultuIn which I was found purified in the temple: neither with multitude nor with tumult.
18. amidst which they found me purified in the temple, with no crowd, nor yet with tumult: but certain Jews from Asia—
Whereupon certain Jews from Asia found me purified in the temple, neither with multitude, nor with tumult:

18: При сем нашли меня, очистившегося в храме не с народом и не с шумом.
24:18  ἐν αἷς εὖρόν με ἡγνισμένον ἐν τῶ ἱερῶ, οὐ μετὰ ὄχλου οὐδὲ μετὰ θορύβου·
24:18. in quibus invenerunt me purificatum in templo non cum turba neque cum tumultu
In which I was found purified in the temple: neither with multitude nor with tumult.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ all ▾
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
24:18: Found me purified in the temple - And the Jews of Asia, who stirred up the persecution against me in Jerusalem, found me purified in the temple, regularly performing the religious vow into which I had entered; giving no cause for suspicion; for I made no tumult, nor had I any number of people with me, by whom I could have accomplished any seditious purpose.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:18: Certain Jews from Asia - Act 21:27.
Found me purified in the temple - Act 21:26-27. They found me engaged in the sacred service of completing the observance of my vow.
Neither with multitude - Not having introduced a multitude with me - in a quiet and peaceful manner.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:18: Act 21:26-30, Act 26:21
Geneva 1599
24:18 (k) Whereupon certain Jews from (l) Asia found me purified in the temple, neither with multitude, nor with tumult.
(k) And while I was occupied with those things.
(l) By this it is evident that these from Asia were Paul's enemies, and the ones that stirred up the people against him.
John Gill
24:18 Whereupon,.... Or "among which"; while the apostle was busy about the offerings of the Nazarites:
certain Jews from Asia found me purified in the temple; and therefore could not be said to profane it; this he observes in answer to the charge of his attempting to profane it, and acquaints the governor how that was; as that having joined himself to four men that had a vow upon them, and being in the temple purifying himself with them, certain Jews that came from Ephesus, in Asia, who knew him there, and had a pique against him, found him here; not profaning the temple, as they pretended, but acting according to the worship and service of it; and that,
neither with a multitude; for there were but four men with him;
nor with tumult; making any noise and riot, or stirring up persons to sedition and rebellion.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
24:18 found me purified in the temple--not polluting it, therefore, by my own presence, and neither gathering a crowd nor raising a stir: If then these Asiatic Jews have any charge to bring against me in justification of their arrest of me, why are they not here to substantiate it?
24:1924:19: Ոմանք յԱսիացւո՛ց անտի Հրեայք, որոց պա՛րտ էր գա՛լ առաջի քոյ եւ ամբաստան լինել, եթէ ունիցին ինչ զինէն[2765]. [2765] Օրինակ մի. Ունիցին զինչ զին՛՛։
19. Այդ ասիացի հրեաներից ոմանք իրե՛նք պէտք է գային քո առաջ եւ ամբաստանէին ինձ, եթէ իմ դէմ մի բան ունենային.
19 Որոնք պէտք էր որ առջեւդ գային ու ամբաստանութիւն ընէին, եթէ իմ վրայովս ըսելու բան մը ունէին։
Ոմանք յԱսիացւոց անտի Հրեայք, որոց պարտ էր գալ առաջի քո եւ ամբաստան լինել, եթէ ունիցին ինչ զինէն:

24:19: Ոմանք յԱսիացւո՛ց անտի Հրեայք, որոց պա՛րտ էր գա՛լ առաջի քոյ եւ ամբաստան լինել, եթէ ունիցին ինչ զինէն[2765].
[2765] Օրինակ մի. Ունիցին զինչ զին՛՛։
19. Այդ ասիացի հրեաներից ոմանք իրե՛նք պէտք է գային քո առաջ եւ ամբաստանէին ինձ, եթէ իմ դէմ մի բան ունենային.
19 Որոնք պէտք էր որ առջեւդ գային ու ամբաստանութիւն ընէին, եթէ իմ վրայովս ըսելու բան մը ունէին։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
24:1919: [Это были] некоторые Асийские Иудеи, которым надлежало бы предстать пред тебя и обвинять меня, если что имеют против меня.
24:19  τινὲς δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς ἀσίας ἰουδαῖοι, οὓς ἔδει ἐπὶ σοῦ παρεῖναι καὶ κατηγορεῖν εἴ τι ἔχοιεν πρὸς ἐμέ _
24:19. οὓς ( to-which ) ἔδει (it-was-binding) ἐπὶ (upon) σοῦ (of-THEE) παρεῖναι (to-be-beside) καὶ (and) κατηγορεῖν (to-gather-down-unto) εἴ (if) τι (to-a-one) ἔχοιεν (they-may-hold) πρὸς (toward) ἐμέ,-- (to-ME,"
24:19. quidam autem ex Asia Iudaei quos oportebat apud te praesto esse et accusare si quid haberent adversum meBut certain Jews of Asia, who ought to be present before thee and to accuse, if they had anything against me:
19. who ought to have been here before thee, and to make accusation, if they had aught against me.
Who ought to have been here before thee, and object, if they had ought against me:

19: [Это были] некоторые Асийские Иудеи, которым надлежало бы предстать пред тебя и обвинять меня, если что имеют против меня.
24:19  τινὲς δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς ἀσίας ἰουδαῖοι, οὓς ἔδει ἐπὶ σοῦ παρεῖναι καὶ κατηγορεῖν εἴ τι ἔχοιεν πρὸς ἐμέ _
24:19. quidam autem ex Asia Iudaei quos oportebat apud te praesto esse et accusare si quid haberent adversum me
But certain Jews of Asia, who ought to be present before thee and to accuse, if they had anything against me:
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jw▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ all ▾
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:19: Who ought to have been here ... - They were the proper witnesses, and as they had staid away it showed that they were not prepared to undergo a strict examination. They alone could testify as to anything that occurred in the temple; and as they were not present, that charge ought to be dismissed.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:19: Act 23:30, Act 25:16
John Gill
24:19 Who ought to have been here before thee,.... For they were the only persons who saw him in the temple, and what he was doing; and who by an hideous outcry raised a mob upon him, who took things upon hearsay from them:
and object, if they had ought against me; either with respect to sedition, or blasphemy, error or heresy, if they were capable of proving anything.
John Wesley
24:19 Who ought to have been present before thee - But the world never commit greater blunders, even against its own laws, than when it is persecuting the children of God.
24:2024:20: եւ կամ ինքեանք սոքա՛ ասասցեն, զի՞նչ գտին յիս անիրաւութիւն՝ մինչդեռ կայի յատենին։
20. եւ կամ հէնց սրանք թող ասեն, թէ ի՛նչ անիրաւութիւն են գտել իմ մէջ, մինչ ատեանի առաջ էի կանգնած,
20 Կամ թէ ասոնք իրենք թող ըսեն, ի՞նչ անիրաւութիւն գտան իմ վրաս, երբ ատեանը կայներ էի։
եւ կամ ինքեանք սոքա ասասցեն, զի՞նչ գտին յիս անիրաւութիւն մինչդեռ կայի յատենին:

24:20: եւ կամ ինքեանք սոքա՛ ասասցեն, զի՞նչ գտին յիս անիրաւութիւն՝ մինչդեռ կայի յատենին։
20. եւ կամ հէնց սրանք թող ասեն, թէ ի՛նչ անիրաւութիւն են գտել իմ մէջ, մինչ ատեանի առաջ էի կանգնած,
20 Կամ թէ ասոնք իրենք թող ըսեն, ի՞նչ անիրաւութիւն գտան իմ վրաս, երբ ատեանը կայներ էի։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
24:2020: Или пусть сии самые скажут, какую нашли они во мне неправду, когда я стоял перед синедрионом,
24:20  ἢ αὐτοὶ οὖτοι εἰπάτωσαν τί εὖρον ἀδίκημα στάντος μου ἐπὶ τοῦ συνεδρίου
24:20. ἢ (or) αὐτοὶ (them) οὗτοι (the-ones-these) εἰπάτωσαν (they-should-have-had-said) τί (to-what-one) εὗρον (they-had-found) ἀδίκημα (to-an-un-coursing-to) στάντος (of-having-had-stood) μου (of-me) ἐπὶ (upon) τοῦ (of-the-one) συνεδρίου (of-a-seatlet-together,"
24:20. aut hii ipsi dicant si quid invenerunt in me iniquitatis cum stem in concilioOr let these men themselves say if they found in me any iniquity, when standing before the council,
20. Or else let these men themselves say what wrong-doing they found, when I stood before the council,
Or else let these same [here] say, if they have found any evil doing in me, while I stood before the council:

20: Или пусть сии самые скажут, какую нашли они во мне неправду, когда я стоял перед синедрионом,
24:20  ἢ αὐτοὶ οὖτοι εἰπάτωσαν τί εὖρον ἀδίκημα στάντος μου ἐπὶ τοῦ συνεδρίου
24:20. aut hii ipsi dicant si quid invenerunt in me iniquitatis cum stem in concilio
Or let these men themselves say if they found in me any iniquity, when standing before the council,
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jg▾ gnv▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
20-21: Недоказуемая сама по себе, вина апостола осталась недоказанной и на состоявшемся суде Синедриона - последнее самое веское слово защиты и доказательство неосновательности дальнейших домогательств обвинителей Павла. Нельзя же, в самом деле, счесть преступлением Павла то слово, которое он громко произнес о воскресении мертвых и которое нашло согласных с ним в среде их самих!
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
24:20: Any evil doing in me while I stood before the council - The Jews of Asia, the most competent witnesses, though my declared enemies, and they who stirred up the persecution against me, should have been here: why are they kept back? Because they could prove nothing against me. Let these, therefore, who are here, depose, if they have found any evil in me, or proved against me, by my most virulent adversaries, when examined before them in their council at Jerusalem.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:20: Or else - Since they are not here to witness against me in regard to what occurred in the temple, let these here present bear witness against me, if they can, in regard to any other part of my conduct. This was a bold appeal, and it showed his full consciousness of innocence.
Let these same here say - The Jews who are here present.
Any evil doing - Any improper conduct, or any violation of the Law.
While I stood before the council - The Sanhedrin, Act 23:1-10. As they were present there, Paul admits that they were competent to bear witness to his conduct on that occasion, and calls upon them to testify, if they could, to any impropriety in his conduct.
Geneva 1599
24:20 Or else let these same [here] say, if they have found any evil doing in me, while I stood before the (m) council,
(m) Where the tribune brought me.
John Gill
24:20 Or else let these same here say,.... They that are present, the high priest and the elders, who were come down to accuse him:
if they have found any evil doing in me, while I stood before the council; or "Jewish sanhedrim"; when he was brought before them by the chief captain, Acts 22:30 meaning, if any evil was then done by him, or any iniquity proved upon him, let it be declared; for as for his imprecation, or prophecy, that God would smite the high priest, he excused himself on that head, as not knowing it was the high priest.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
24:20 Or else let these . . . here say--"Or, passing from all that preceded my trial, let those of the Sanhedrim here present say if I was guilty of aught there." No doubt his hasty speech to the high priest might occur to them, but the provocation to it on his own part was more than they would be willing to recall.
24:2124:21: Բայց միայն վասն միո՛յ բարբառոյս այսորիկ՝ զոր աղաղակեցի մինչ կային ՚ի մէջ նոցա, եթէ վասն յարութեան մեռելոց դատիմ ես այսօր ՚ի ձէնջ[2766]։ [2766] Ոմանք. Աղաղակեցի մինչ կայի ՚ի մէջ դոցա, թէ վասն։
21. բացի միայն գուցէ իմ այն խօսքից, որ ասացի բարձրաձայն, երբ նրանց մէջ կանգնել էի. «Մեռելների յարութեան համար է, որ ես այսօր ձեզնից դատւում եմ»»:
21 Միայն թէ այս մէկ խօսքիս համար, որ երբ իրենց մէջ կայներ էի, կանչեցի. ‘Մեռելներու յարութեանը համար ես այսօր ձեզմէ կը դատուիմ’»։
Բայց միայն վասն միոյ բարբառոյս այսորիկ զոր աղաղակեցի մինչ կային ի մէջ նոցա, եթէ` Վասն յարութեան մեռելոց դատիմ ես այսօր ի ձէնջ:

24:21: Բայց միայն վասն միո՛յ բարբառոյս այսորիկ՝ զոր աղաղակեցի մինչ կային ՚ի մէջ նոցա, եթէ վասն յարութեան մեռելոց դատիմ ես այսօր ՚ի ձէնջ[2766]։
[2766] Ոմանք. Աղաղակեցի մինչ կայի ՚ի մէջ դոցա, թէ վասն։
21. բացի միայն գուցէ իմ այն խօսքից, որ ասացի բարձրաձայն, երբ նրանց մէջ կանգնել էի. «Մեռելների յարութեան համար է, որ ես այսօր ձեզնից դատւում եմ»»:
21 Միայն թէ այս մէկ խօսքիս համար, որ երբ իրենց մէջ կայներ էի, կանչեցի. ‘Մեռելներու յարութեանը համար ես այսօր ձեզմէ կը դատուիմ’»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
24:2121: разве только то одно слово, которое громко произнес я, стоя между ними, что за [учение о] воскресении мертвых я ныне судим вами.
24:21  ἢ περὶ μιᾶς ταύτης φωνῆς ἧς ἐκέκραξα ἐν αὐτοῖς ἑστὼς ὅτι περὶ ἀναστάσεως νεκρῶν ἐγὼ κρίνομαι σήμερον ἐφ᾽ ὑμῶν.
24:21. ἢ (or) περὶ (about) μιᾶς (of-one) ταύτης (of-the-one-this) φωνῆς (of-a-sound) ἧς (of-which) ἐκέκραξα (I-out-clamored-to) ἐν (in) αὐτοῖς (unto-them) ἑστὼς (having-had-come-to-stand) ὅτι (to-which-a-one,"Περὶ (About) ἀναστάσεως (of-a-standing-up) νεκρῶν ( of-en-deaded ) ἐγὼ (I) κρίνομαι (I-be-separated) σήμερον (this-day) ἐφ' (upon) ὑμῶν. (of-ye)
24:21. nisi de una hac solummodo voce qua clamavi inter eos stans quoniam de resurrectione mortuorum ego iudicor hodie a vobisExcept it be for this one voice only that I cried, standing among them: Concerning the resurrection of the dead am I judged this day by you.
21. except it be for this one voice, that I cried standing among them, Touching the resurrection of the dead I am called in question before you this day.
Except it be for this one voice, that I cried standing among them, Touching the resurrection of the dead I am called in question by you this day:

21: разве только то одно слово, которое громко произнес я, стоя между ними, что за [учение о] воскресении мертвых я ныне судим вами.
24:21  ἢ περὶ μιᾶς ταύτης φωνῆς ἧς ἐκέκραξα ἐν αὐτοῖς ἑστὼς ὅτι περὶ ἀναστάσεως νεκρῶν ἐγὼ κρίνομαι σήμερον ἐφ᾽ ὑμῶν.
24:21. nisi de una hac solummodo voce qua clamavi inter eos stans quoniam de resurrectione mortuorum ego iudicor hodie a vobis
Except it be for this one voice only that I cried, standing among them: Concerning the resurrection of the dead am I judged this day by you.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ all ▾
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
24:21: Except it be for this one voice - The Sadducees who belong to that council, and who deny the resurrection of the dead, may indeed blame me for professing my faith in this doctrine; but as this is a doctrine credited by the nation in general, and as there can be nothing criminal in such a belief, and there can bring no accusation against me relative to any thing else, this, of course, is the sum of all the charges to which I am called to answer before you this day.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:21: Except it be for this one voice - For this one expression or declaration. This was what Paul had said before the council - the main thing on which he had insisted, and he calls on them to testify to this, and to show, if they could, that in this declaration he had been wrong. Chubb and other infidels have supposed that Paul here acknowledges that he was wrong in the declaration which he made when he said that he was called in question for the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead Act 23:6, and that his conscience reproached him for appearing to be time-serving, for concealing the true cause of offence against him, and for attempting to take advantage of their divisions of sentiment, thus endeavoring to produce discord in the council. But against this supposition we may urge the following considerations:
(1) Paul wished to fix their attention on the main thing which he had said before the council.
(2) it was true, as has been shown on the passage (Act 23:1-10), that this was the principal doctrine which Paul had been defending.
(3) if they were prepared to witness against him for holding and teaching the resurrection of the dead as a false or evil doctrine, he called on them to do it. As this had been the only thing which they had witnessed before the council, he calls on them to testify to what they knew only, and to show, if they could, that this was wrong.
Touching the resurrection ... - Respecting the resurrection, Act 23:6.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:21: Touching: Act 4:2, Act 23:6, Act 26:6-8, Act 28:20
John Gill
24:21 Except it be for this one voice,.... Sentence or expression following, which declares his faith about the resurrection; not that he thought or owned that this was an evil in him, but that it was the only one, that any of them, the Jews, a part among them, namely, the Sadducees, could condemn, or judge to be evil in him:
that I cried, standing among them; whereby they were thrown into confusion and division among themselves: and it was this,
touching the resurrection of the dead I am called in question by you this day; see Acts 23:6.
John Wesley
24:21 Unless they think me blamable for this one word - Which nevertheless was the real truth. Acts 23:6.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
24:21 Except . . . this one voice . . . Touching the resurrection, &c.--This would recall to the Pharisees present their own inconsistency, in befriending him then and now accusing him.
24:2224:22: Եւ յապաղեա՛ց զնոսա Փելիքս, զի ստուգագո՛յնս գիտէր վասն ճանապարհին՝ ասէ. Յորժամ Լիւսիաս հազարապետ իջցէ այսր, տեղեկացայց վասն ձեր։
22. Ֆելիքսը նրանց գործը յետաձգեց, քանի որ աւելի ստոյգ գիտէր այդ ճանապարհի մասին, եւ ասաց. «Մինչեւ Լիւսիաս հազարապետը այստեղ իջնի, ձեր գործը կը յետաձգեմ»:
22 Փելիքս ուրիշ* անգամուան թողուց հարցը, վասն զի ստոյգ տեղեկութիւն ունէր անոր մասին ու ըսաւ. «Երբ Լիւսիաս հազարապետը հոս գայ, պիտի քննեմ ձեր գործը»։
Եւ յապաղեաց զնոսա Փելիքս, զի ստուգագոյնս գիտէր վասն ճանապարհին, ասէ. Յորժամ Լիւսիաս հազարապետ իջցէ այսր` տեղեկացայց վասն ձեր:

24:22: Եւ յապաղեա՛ց զնոսա Փելիքս, զի ստուգագո՛յնս գիտէր վասն ճանապարհին՝ ասէ. Յորժամ Լիւսիաս հազարապետ իջցէ այսր, տեղեկացայց վասն ձեր։
22. Ֆելիքսը նրանց գործը յետաձգեց, քանի որ աւելի ստոյգ գիտէր այդ ճանապարհի մասին, եւ ասաց. «Մինչեւ Լիւսիաս հազարապետը այստեղ իջնի, ձեր գործը կը յետաձգեմ»:
22 Փելիքս ուրիշ* անգամուան թողուց հարցը, վասն զի ստոյգ տեղեկութիւն ունէր անոր մասին ու ըսաւ. «Երբ Լիւսիաս հազարապետը հոս գայ, պիտի քննեմ ձեր գործը»։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
24:2222: Выслушав это, Феликс отсрочил [дело] их, сказав: рассмотрю ваше дело, когда придет тысяченачальник Лисий, и я обстоятельно узнаю об этом учении.
24:22  ἀνεβάλετο δὲ αὐτοὺς ὁ φῆλιξ, ἀκριβέστερον εἰδὼς τὰ περὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ, εἴπας, ὅταν λυσίας ὁ χιλίαρχος καταβῇ διαγνώσομαι τὰ καθ᾽ ὑμᾶς,
24:22. Ἀνεβάλετο ( It-had-casted-up ) δὲ (moreover) αὐτοὺς (to-them,"ὁ (the-one) Φῆλιξ, (a-Felix,"ἀκριβέστερον (to-more-exacted) εἰδὼς (having-had-come-to-see) τὰ (to-the-ones) περὶ (about) τῆς (of-the-one) ὁδοῦ, (of-a-way,"εἴπας (having-said,"Ὅταν (Which-also-ever) Λυσίας (a-Lusias) ὁ (the-one) χιλίαρχος (a-first-of-thousand) καταβῇ (it-might-have-had-stepped-down) διαγνώσομαι ( I-shall-acquaint-through ) τὰ (to-the-ones) καθ' (down) ὑμᾶς: (to-ye)
24:22. distulit autem illos Felix certissime sciens de via dicens cum tribunus Lysias descenderit audiam vosAnd Felix put them off, having most certain knowledge of this way, saying: When Lysias the tribune shall come down, I will hear you.
22. But Felix, having more exact knowledge concerning the Way, deferred them, saying, When Lysias the chief captain shall come down, I will determine your matter.
And when Felix heard these things, having more perfect knowledge of [that] way, he deferred them, and said, When Lysias the chief captain shall come down, I will know the uttermost of your matter:

22: Выслушав это, Феликс отсрочил [дело] их, сказав: рассмотрю ваше дело, когда придет тысяченачальник Лисий, и я обстоятельно узнаю об этом учении.
24:22  ἀνεβάλετο δὲ αὐτοὺς ὁ φῆλιξ, ἀκριβέστερον εἰδὼς τὰ περὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ, εἴπας, ὅταν λυσίας ὁ χιλίαρχος καταβῇ διαγνώσομαι τὰ καθ᾽ ὑμᾶς,
24:22. distulit autem illos Felix certissime sciens de via dicens cum tribunus Lysias descenderit audiam vos
And Felix put them off, having most certain knowledge of this way, saying: When Lysias the tribune shall come down, I will hear you.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ mh▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
22: В подлинном тексте данный стих читается значительно иначе: akousaV de tauta o Fhlix anebaleto autouV, akribesteron eidwV ta peri thV odou, eipwn otan LuspiaV o ciliarcoV katabh diagnwsomai ta kaq umaV, т. е.: "выслушав это, Феликс отложил их (т. е. их дело), точнее узнав о сем пути, сказав: когда Лисий тысяченачальник придет, я разузнаю все относительно вас..." (Слав. текст).

Таким образом, здесь дело надо понимать так, что Феликс, получив более точные сведения о пути, т. е. об образе мыслей и верований Павла, и убедившись, что обвинения его совершенно напрасны, но вместе с тем и не желая резким отказом огорчить и возбудить против себя посрамившихся обвинителей (ср. 27: ст. ), все же не освобождает Павла, объявляя об отсрочке этого дела, будто бы из желания подробнее узнать обо всем от Лисия.

Кроме непосредственного ознакомления с христианскими убеждениями Павла из его речей, Феликс мог иметь достаточные сведения о христианстве и из других источников. Довольно давно он был прокуратором Иудеи, еще давнее он жил там (см. к XXIII:24: и XXIV:10); христианство тогда распространилось уже по всей Палестине и в Кесарии, где, может быть, еще находился обращенный Петром сотник Корнилий. Наконец, многое мог знать Феликс и от жены своей Друзиллы, природной иудеянки, интересовавшейся христианством.
Matthew Henry: Concise Commentary on the Whole Bible - 1706
Paul Converses with Felix; Felix Trembles; Paul's Trial Adjourned.
22 And when Felix heard these things, having more perfect knowledge of that way, he deferred them, and said, When Lysias the chief captain shall come down, I will know the uttermost of your matter. 23 And he commanded a centurion to keep Paul, and to let him have liberty, and that he should forbid none of his acquaintance to minister or come unto him. 24 And after certain days, when Felix came with his wife Drusilla, which was a Jewess, he sent for Paul, and heard him concerning the faith in Christ. 25 And as he reasoned of righteousness, temperance, and judgment to come, Felix trembled, and answered, Go thy way for this time; when I have a convenient season, I will call for thee. 26 He hoped also that money should have been given him of Paul, that he might loose him: wherefore he sent for him the oftener, and communed with him. 27 But after two years Porcius Festus came into Felix' room: and Felix, willing to show the Jews a pleasure, left Paul bound.

We have here the result of Paul's trial before Felix, and what was the consequence of it.

I. Felix adjourned the cause, and took further time to consider of it (v. 22): He had a more perfect knowledge of that way which the Jews called heresy than the high priest and the elders thought he had. He understood something of the Christian religion; for, living at Cæsarea, where Cornelius, a Roman centurion, was, who was a Christian, from him and others he had got a notion of Christianity, that it was not such an evil thing as it was represented. He himself knew some of that way to be honest good men, and very conscientious, and therefore he put off the prosecutors with an excuse: "When the chief captain shall come down hither, I will know the uttermost of your matter, or I shall know the truth, whether this Paul did go about to raise sedition or no; you are parties, he is an indifferent person. Either Paul deserves to be punished for raising the tumult, or you do for doing it yourselves and then charging it upon him; and I will hear what he says, and determine accordingly between you." Now, 1. It was a disappointment to the high priest and the elders that Paul was not condemned, or remitted to their judgment, which they wished for and expected. But thus sometimes God restrains the wrath of his people's enemies by the agency, not of their friends, but of such as are strangers to them. And though they be so, if they have but some knowledge of their way, they cannot but appear for their protection. 2. It was an injury to Paul that he was not released. Felix ought to have avenged him of his adversaries, when he so plainly saw there was nothing but malice in the prosecution, and to have delivered him out of the hand of the wicked, according to the duty of a judge, Ps. lxxxii. 4. But he was a judge that neither feared God nor regarded man, and what good could be expected from him? It is a wrong not only to deny justice, but to delay it.

II. He detained the prisoner in custody, and would not take bail for him; else here at Cæsarea Paul had friends enough that would gladly have been his security. Felix thought a man of such a public character as Paul was had many friends, as well as many enemies, and he might have an opportunity of obliging them, or making a hand of them, if he did not presently release him, and yet did show him countenance; and therefore, 1. He continued him a prisoner, commanded a centurion or captain to keep him, v. 23. He did not commit him to the common jail, but, being first made an army-prisoner, he shall still be so. 2. Yet he took care he should be a prisoner at large--in libera custodia; his keeper must let him have liberty, not bind him nor lock him up, but make his confinement as easy to him as possible; let him have the liberty of the castle, and, perhaps, he means liberty to take the air, or go abroad upon his parole: and Paul was such an honest man that they might take his word for his return. The high priest and the elders grudged him his life, but Felix generously allows him a sort of liberty; for he had not those prejudices against him and his way that they had. He also gave orders that none of his friends should be hindered from coming to him; the centurion must not forbid any of his acquaintances from ministering to him; and a man's prison is as it were his own house if he has but his friends about him.

III. He had frequent conversation with him afterwards in private, once particularly, not long after his public trial, v. 24, 25. Observe,

1. With what design Felix sent for Paul. He had a mind to have some talk with him concerning the faith in Christ, the Christian religion; he had some knowledge of that way, but he desired to have an account of it from Paul, who was so celebrated a preacher of that faith, above the rest. Those that would enlarge their knowledge must discourse with men of their own profession, and those that would be acquainted with any profession should consult those that excel in the knowledge of it; and therefore Felix had a mind to talk with Paul more freely than he could in open court, where he observed Paul upon his guard, concerning the faith of Christ; and this only to satisfy his curiosity, or rather the curiosity of his wife Drusilla, who was a Jewess, daughter of Herod Agrippa, that was eaten of worms. Being educated in the Jewish religion, she was more inquisitive concerning the Christian religion, which pretended to be the perfection of that, and desired to hear Paul discourse of it. But it was no great matter what religion she was of; for, whatever it was, she was a reproach and scandal to it-a Jewess, but an adulteress; she was another man's wife when Felix took her to be his wife, and she lived with him in whoredom and was noted for an impudent woman, yet she desires to hear concerning the faith of Christ. Many are fond of new notions and speculations in religion, and can hear and speak of them with pleasure, who yet hate to come under the power and influence of religion, can be content to have their judgments informed but not their lives reformed.

2. What the account was which Paul gave him of the Christian religion; by the idea he had of it, he expected to be amused with a mystical divinity, but, as Paul represents it to him, he is alarmed with a practical divinity. Paul, being asked concerning the faith in Christ, reasoned (for Paul was always a rational preacher) concerning righteousness, temperance, and judgment to come. It is probable that he mentioned the peculiar doctrines of Christianity concerning the death and resurrection of the Lord Jesus, and his being the Mediator between God and man; but he hastened to his application, in which he designed to come home to the consciences of his hearers.

(1.) He discoursed with clearness and warmth of righteousness, temperance, and judgment to come; and here he showed, [1.] That the faith in Christ is designed to enforce upon the children of men the great laws of justice and temperance. The grace of God teacheth us to live soberly and righteously, Tit. ii. 12. Justice and temperance were celebrated virtues among the heathen moralists; if the doctrine Paul preaches, which Felix has heard of as proclaiming liberty, will but free him from an obligation to these, he will readily embrace it: "No," says Paul, "it is so far from doing so that it strengthens the obligations of those sacred laws; it binds all under the highest penalties to be honest in all their dealings, and to render to all their due; to deny themselves, and to keep under the body, and bring it into subjection." The world and the flesh being in our baptism renounced, all our pursuits of the world and all our gratifications of the desires of the body are to be under the regulations of religion. Paul reasoned of righteousness and temperance, to convince Felix of his unrighteousness and intemperance, of which he had been notoriously guilty, that, seeing the odiousness of them, and his obnoxiousness to the wrath of God for them (Eph. v. 6), he might enquire concerning the faith of Christ, with a resolution to embrace it. [2.] That by the doctrine of Christ is discovered to us the judgment to come, by the sentence of which the everlasting state of all the children of men will be finally and irreversibly determined. Men have their day now, Felix hath his; but God's day is coming, when everyone shall give account of himself to God, the Judge of all. Paul reasoned concerning this; that is, he showed what reason we have to believe that there is a judgment to come, and what reason we have, in consideration thereof, to be religious.

(2.) From this account of the heads of Paul's discourse we may gather, [1.] That Paul in his preaching had no respect to persons, for the word of God, which he preached, has not: he urged the same convictions and instructions upon the Roman governor that he did upon other people. [2.] That Paul in his preaching aimed at the consciences of men, and came close to them, sought not to please their fancy nor to gratify their curiosity, but led them to a sight of their sins and a sense of their duty and interest. [3.] That Paul preferred the serving of Christ, and the saving of souls, before his own safety. He lay at the mercy of Felix, who had power (as Pilate said) to crucify him (or, which was as bad, to deliver him back to the Jews), and he had power to release him. Now when Paul had his ear, and had him in a good humour, he had a fair opportunity of ingratiating himself with him, and obtaining a release, nay, and of incensing him against his prosecutors: and, on the contrary, if he disobliged him, and put him out of humour, he might do himself a great diskindness by it; but he is wholly negligent of these considerations, and is intent upon doing good, at least discharging his duty. [4.] That Paul was willing to take pains, and run hazards, in his work, even where there was little probability of doing good. Felix and Drusilla were such hardened sinners that it was not at all likely they should be brought to repentance by Paul's preaching, especially under such disadvantages; and yet Paul deals with them as one that did not despair of them. Let the watchman give fair warning, and then they have delivered their own souls, though they should not prevail to deliver the souls they watch for.

3. What impressions Paul's discourse made upon this great but wicked man: Felix trembled, emphobos genomenos--being put into a fright, or made a terror to himself, a magor-missabib, as Pashur, Jer. xx. 3, 4. Paul never trembled before him, but he was made to tremble before Paul. "If this be so, as Paul says, what will become of me in another world? If the unrighteous and intemperate will be condemned in the judgment to come, I am undone, for ever undone, unless I lead a new course of life." We do not find that Drusilla trembled, though she was equally guilty, for she was a Jewess, and depended upon the ceremonial law, which she adhered to the observance of, to justify her; but Felix for the present could fasten upon nothing to pacify his conscience, and therefore trembled. See here, (1.) The power of the word of God, when it comes with commission; it is searching, it is startling, it can strike a terror into the heart of the most proud and daring sinner, by setting his sins in order before him, and showing him the terrors of the Lord. (2.) The workings of natural conscience; when it is startled and awakened, it fills the soul with horror and amazement at its own deformity and danger. Those that are themselves the terror of the mighty in the land of the living have hereby been made a terror to themselves. A prospect of the judgment to come is enough to make the stoutest heart to tremble, as when it comes indeed it will make the mighty men and the chief captains to call in vain to rocks and mountains to shelter them.

4. How Felix struggled to get clear of these impressions, and to shake off the terror of his convictions; he did by them as he did by Paul's prosecutors (v. 25), he deferred them; he said, Go thy way for this time, when I have a convenient season I will call for thee. (1.) He trembled and that was all. Paul's trembling (ch. ix. 6), and the jailer's (ch. xvi. 29), ended in their conversion, but this of Felix did not. Many are startled by the word of God who are not effectually changed by it. Many are in fear of the consequences of sin, and yet continue in love and league with sin. (2.) He did not fight against his convictions, nor fly in the face of the word or of the preacher of it, to be revenged on them for making his conscience fly in his face; he did not say to Paul, as Amaziah to the prophet, Forbear, why shouldst thou be smitten? He did not threaten him with a closer confinement, or with death, for touching him (as John Baptist did Herod) in the sore place. But, (3.) He artfully shifted off his convictions by putting off the prosecution of them to another time. He has nothing to object against what Paul has said; it is weighty and worth considering. But, like a sorry debtor, he begs a day; Paul has spent himself, and has tired him and his lady, and therefore, "Go thy way for this time--break off here, business calls me away; but when I have a convenient season, and have nothing else to do, I will call for thee, and hear what thou hast further to say." Note, [1.] Many lose all the benefit of their convictions for want of striking while the iron is hot. If Felix, now that he trembled, had but asked, as Paul and the jailer did when they trembled, What shall I do? he might have been brought to the faith of Christ, and have been a Felix indeed, happy for ever; but, by dropping his convictions now, he lost them for ever, and himself with them. [2.] In the affairs of our souls, delays are dangerous; nothing is of more fatal consequence than men's putting off their conversion from time to time. They will repent, and turn to God, but not yet; the matter is adjourned to some more convenient season, when such a business or affair is compassed, when they are so much older; and then convictions cool and wear off, good purposes prove to no purpose, and they are more hardened than ever in their evil way. Felix put off this matter to a more convenient season, but we do not find that this more convenient season ever came; for the devil cozens us of all our time by cozening us of the present time. The present season is, without doubt, the most convenient season. Behold, now is the accepted time. To-day if you will hear his voice.

IV. After all, he detained him a prisoner, and left him so, when two years after he was removed from the government, v. 26, 27. He was convinced in his conscience that Paul had done nothing worthy of death or of bonds, and yet had not the honesty to release him. To little purpose had Paul reasoned with him about righteousness, though he then trembled at the thought of his own iniquity, who could thus persist in such a palpable piece of injustice. But here we are told what principles he was governed by herein; and they were such as make the matter yet much worse. 1. The love of money. He would not release Paul because he hoped to make his market of him, and that at length his friends would make a purse to purchase his liberty, and then he would satisfy his conscience by releasing him when he could withal satisfy his covetousness by it; but he cannot find in his heart to do his duty as a judge, unless he can get money by it: He hoped that money would have been given him of Paul, or somebody for him, and then he would have loosed him, and set him at liberty. In hopes of this, he detains him a prisoner, and sends for him the oftener, and communes with him; not any more about the faith of Christ (he had had enough of that, and of the judgment to come; Paul must not return to those subjects, nor go on with them), but about his discharge, or ransom rather, out of his present captivity. He cannot for shame ask Paul what he will give him to release him, but he sends for him to feel his pulse, and gives him an opportunity to ask why he would take to release him. And now we see what became of his promise both to Paul and to himself, that he would hear more of Christ at some other convenient season. Here were many seasons convenient enough to have talked that matter through, but nothing is done in it; all his business now is to get money by Paul, not to get the knowledge of Christ by him. Note, It is just with God to say concerning those who trifle with their convictions, and think they can have the grace of God at command when they please, My Spirit shall no more strive with them. When men will not hear God's voice to-day, while it is called to-day, the heart is commonly hardened by the deceitfulness of sin. Paul was but a poor man himself, silver and gold he had none to give, to purchase his liberty; but Felix knew there were those who wished well to him who were able to assist him. He having lately collected a great deal of money for the poor saints to relieve them, it might also be expected that the rich saints should contribute some to release him, and I wonder it was not done. Though Paul is to be commended that he would not offer money to Felix, nor beg money of the churches (his great and generous soul disdained both), yet I know not whether his friends are to be commended, nay, whether they can be justified, in not doing it for him. They ought to have solicited the governor as pressingly for him as his enemies did against him: and if a gift was necessary to make room for them (as Solomon speaks) and to bring them before great men, they might lawfully have done it. I ought not to bribe a man to do an unjust thing, but, if he will not do me justice without a fee, it is but doing myself justice to give it to him; and, if they might do it, it was a shame they did not do it. I blush for them, that they would let such an eminent and useful man as Paul lie in the jail, when a little money would have fetched him out, and restored him to his usefulness again. The Christians here at Cæsarea, where he now was, had parted with their tears to prevent his going to the prison (ch. xxi. 13), and could they not find in their hearts to part with their money to help him out? Yet there might be a providence of God in it; Paul's bonds must be for the furtherance of the gospel of Christ, and therefore he must continue in bonds. However, this will not excuse Felix, who ought to have released an innocent man, without demanding or accepting any thing for it: the judge that will not do right without a bribe will no doubt do wrong for a bribe. 2. Men-pleasing. Felix was recalled from his government about two years after this, and Porcius Festus was put in his place, and one should have expected he would have at least concluded his government with this act of justice, the release of Paul, but he did not; he left Paul bound, and the reason here given is because he was willing to do the Jews a pleasure. Though he would not deliver him to death, to please them, yet he would continue him a prisoner rather than offend them; and he did it in hope hereby to atone for the many offences he had done against them. He did not think Paul had either interest or inclination to complain of him at court, for detaining him so long in custody, against all law and equity; but he was jealous of the high priest and elders, that they would be his accusers to the emperor for the wrongs he had done them, and therefore hopes by gratifying them in this matter to stop their mouths. Thus those who do some base things are tempted to do more to screen themselves and bear them out. If Felix had not injured the Jews, he needed not to have done this to please them; but, when he had done it, it seems he did not gain his point. The Jews, notwithstanding this, accused him to the emperor, and some historians say he was sent bound to Rome by Festus; and, if so, surely his remembering how light he had made of Paul's bonds would help to make his own chain heavy. Those that aim to please God by doing good will have what they aim at; but so will not those that seek to please men by doing evil.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
24:22: And when Felix heard these things - There is considerable difficulty in this verse. Translators greatly vary concerning the sense; and the MSS. themselves read variously. Mr. Wakefield's translation appears to be as proper as most: Now Felix, upon hearing these things, put them off by saying, When Lysias the captain is come down, after I have gained a more exact knowledge of this doctrine, I will inquire fully into your business.
Calmet's translation is nearly to the same sense: -
Felix, having heard these things, put them off to another time, saying, When I shall have acquired a more accurate knowledge of this sect, and when the tribune Lysias shall have come from Jerusalem, I will judge of your business.
And this mode of interpretation is rendered the more likely from the circumstance, that, previously to the coming down of Lysias, Felix had sent for Paul, concerning the faith of Christ; and this he appears to have done, that he might be the better qualified to judge of the business, when it should come again before him. See on Act 24:20 (note).
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:22: Having more perfect knowledge of that way - Our translation of this verse is very obscure, and critics are divided about the proper interpretation of the original. Many (Erasmus, Luther, Michaelis, Morus, etc.) render it, "Although he had a more perfect knowledge of the Christian doctrine than Paul's accusers had, yet he deferred the hearing of the cause until Lysias had come down." They observe that he might have obtained this knowledge not only from the letter of Lysias, but from public rumour, as there were doubtless Christians at Caesarea. They suppose that he deferred the cause either with the hope of receiving a bribe from Paul (compare Act 24:26), or to gratify the Jews with his being longer detained as a prisoner. Others, among whom are Beza, Grotius, Rosenmuller, and Doddridge, suppose that it should be rendered, "He deferred them, and said, after I have been more accurately informed concerning this way, when Lysias has come down, I will hear the cause." This is doubtless the true interpretation of the passage, and it is rendered more probable by the fact that Felix sent for Paul, and heard him concerning the faith of Christ Act 24:24, evidently with the design to make himself better acquainted with the charges against him, and the nature of his belief.
Of that way - Of the Christian religion. This expression is repeatedly used by Luke to denote the Christian doctrine. See the notes on Act 9:2.
He deferred them - He put them off; he postponed the decision of the case; he adjourned the trial.
When Lysias ... - Lysias had been acquainted with the excitement and its causes, and Felix regarded him as an important witness in regard to the true nature of the charges against Paul.
I will know the uttermost ... - I shall be fully informed, and prepared to decide the cause.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:22: having: Act 24:10, Act 24:24, Act 26:3
When: Act 24:7, Act 18:20, Act 25:26; Deu 19:18
Geneva 1599
24:22 (5) And when Felix heard these things, having more (n) perfect knowledge of [that] way, he deferred them, and said, When Lysias the chief captain shall come down, I will know the uttermost of your matter.
(5) The judge suspends his sentence because the matter is doubtful.
(n) Felix could not judge whether he had done wickedly in the matter of his religion or not until he had a better understanding of the way which Paul professed: and as for other matters with regard to the charge of sedition, he considers it good to defer it until he hears Lysias, and therefore he gives Paul somewhat more liberty.
John Gill
24:22 And when Felix heard these things,.... Which were said on both sides, both by plaintiff and defendant, the charges brought against Paul, and his answer to them, as a judge ought to do:
having more perfect knowledge of that way; the Christian religion, which the Jews called heresy, and Paul had embraced; the sense is, either that he had a more perfect knowledge of it than he had before; and by what Paul had said, he saw that it was not contrary to the law, nor had any tendency to promote sedition and tumult; or rather, when he should have more perfect knowledge of this new way, called the sect of the Nazarenes, he would determine this cause, and not before: wherefore
he deferred them; put them off to longer time, and would make no decision in favour of one side or the other:
and said, when Lysias the chief captain shall come from Jerusalem to Caesarea,
I will know the uttermost of your matters: as for the way, or religion of the Christians, he proposed doubtless to consult other persons; and as for the profanation of the temple, and especially about stirring up of sedition, he would inquire of Lysias about that; and when he had got full information of these particulars, then he promised them to bring things to an issue, and finish the cause.
John Wesley
24:22 After I have been more accurately informed - Which he afterward was; and he doubtless (as well as Festus and Agrippa) transmitted a full account of these things to Rome.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
24:22 having more perfect knowledge of that--"the"
way--(See on Acts 19:23; and Acts 24:14).
When Lysias . . . shall come . . . I will how, &c.--Felix might have dismissed the case as a tissue of unsupported charges. But if from his interest in the matter he really wished to have the presence of Lysias and others involved, a brief delay was not unworthy of him as a judge. Certainly, so far as recorded, neither Lysias nor any other parties appeared again in the case. Acts 24:23, however, seems to show that at that time his prepossessions in favor of Paul were strong.
24:2324:23: Հրամայեաց հարիւրապետին պահել զնա. եւ ունել յընդարձակի, եւ մի՛ զոք յիւրոց անտի արգելուլ ՚ի պաշտելոյ զնա[2767]։ էբ [2767] Յօրինակին. Հրամայեաց հազարապետին։
23. Եւ հարիւրապետին հրամայեց նրան պահել, բայց որոշ չափով ազատ. եւ նրա իւրայիններից ոչ ոքի չարգելել, որ նրան ծառայեն:
23 Եւ հարիւրապետին հրաման ըրաւ որ Պօղոսը պահէ, բայց լայն ազատութիւն տայ ու չարգիլէ եթէ իրեններէն մէկը ուզէ անոր սպասաւորութիւն ընել կամ անոր քով երթալ։
Հրամայեաց հարիւրապետին պահել զնա եւ ունել յընդարձակի, եւ մի՛ զոք յիւրոց անտի արգելուլ ի պաշտելոյ [101]զնա:

24:23: Հրամայեաց հարիւրապետին պահել զնա. եւ ունել յընդարձակի, եւ մի՛ զոք յիւրոց անտի արգելուլ ՚ի պաշտելոյ զնա[2767]։ էբ
[2767] Յօրինակին. Հրամայեաց հազարապետին։
23. Եւ հարիւրապետին հրամայեց նրան պահել, բայց որոշ չափով ազատ. եւ նրա իւրայիններից ոչ ոքի չարգելել, որ նրան ծառայեն:
23 Եւ հարիւրապետին հրաման ըրաւ որ Պօղոսը պահէ, բայց լայն ազատութիւն տայ ու չարգիլէ եթէ իրեններէն մէկը ուզէ անոր սպասաւորութիւն ընել կամ անոր քով երթալ։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
24:2323: А Павла приказал сотнику стеречь, но не стеснять его и не запрещать никому из его близких служить ему или приходить к нему.
24:23  διαταξάμενος τῶ ἑκατοντάρχῃ τηρεῖσθαι αὐτὸν ἔχειν τε ἄνεσιν καὶ μηδένα κωλύειν τῶν ἰδίων αὐτοῦ ὑπηρετεῖν αὐτῶ.
24:23. διαταξάμενος ( having-arranged-through ) τῷ (unto-the-one) ἑκατοντάρχῃ (unto-a-firster-of-hundred) τηρεῖσθαι (to-be-kept-unto) αὐτὸν (to-it,"ἔχειν (to-hold) τε (also) ἄνεσιν (to-a-sending-up) καὶ (and) μηδένα (to-lest-moreover-one) κωλύειν (to-prevent) τῶν (of-the-ones) ἰδίων ( of-private-belonged ) αὐτοῦ (of-it) ὑπηρετεῖν (to-row-under-unto) αὐτῷ. (unto-it)
24:23. iussitque centurioni custodiri eum et habere requiem nec quemquam prohibere de suis ministrare eiAnd he commanded a centurion to keep him: and that he should be easy and that he should not prohibit any of his friends to minister unto him.
23. And he gave order to the centurion that he should be kept in charge, and should have indulgence; and not to forbid any of his friends to minister unto him.
And he commanded a centurion to keep Paul, and to let [him] have liberty, and that he should forbid none of his acquaintance to minister or come unto him:

23: А Павла приказал сотнику стеречь, но не стеснять его и не запрещать никому из его близких служить ему или приходить к нему.
24:23  διαταξάμενος τῶ ἑκατοντάρχῃ τηρεῖσθαι αὐτὸν ἔχειν τε ἄνεσιν καὶ μηδένα κωλύειν τῶν ἰδίων αὐτοῦ ὑπηρετεῖν αὐτῶ.
24:23. iussitque centurioni custodiri eum et habere requiem nec quemquam prohibere de suis ministrare ei
And he commanded a centurion to keep him: and that he should be easy and that he should not prohibit any of his friends to minister unto him.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
23: "Не стеснять его.. " Как после в Риме, Павел, вероятно, состоял под присмотром одного воина (XXVIII:16) и мог принимать всех.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
24:23: He commanded a centurion to keep Paul - He gave him into the custody of a captain, by whom he was most likely to be well used: and to let him have liberty; he freed him from the chains with which he was bound to the soldiers, his keepers. See on Act 21:33 (note). And that he should forbid none of his acquaintance, των ιδιων, of his own people, his fellow apostles, and the Christians in general, to minister or come unto him; to furnish him with any of the conveniences and comforts of life, and visit him as often as they pleased. This was an ample proof that Felix found no evil in him; and he would certainly have dismissed him but for two reasons:
1. He wanted to please the Jews, who, he knew, could depose grievous things against his administration.
2. He hoped to get money from the apostle, or his friends, as the purchase of his liberty.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:23: And he commanded ... - It is evident from this verse that Felix was disposed to show Paul all the favors that were consistent with his safe keeping. He esteemed him to be a persecuted man, and doubtless regarded the charges against him as entirely malicious. What was Felix's motive in this cannot be certainly known. It is not improbable, however, that he detained him:
(1) To gratify the Jews by keeping him in custody as if he were guilty, and,
(2) That he hoped the friends of Paul would give him money to release him. Perhaps it was for this purpose that he gave orders that his friends should have free access to him, that thus Paul might be furnished with the means of purchasing his freedom.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:23: and to: Act 24:26, Act 27:3, Act 28:16, Act 28:31; Pro 16:7
his: Act 21:8-14
Geneva 1599
24:23 (6) And he commanded a centurion to keep Paul, and to let [him] have liberty, and that he should forbid none of his acquaintance to minister or come unto him.
(6) God is a most faithful keeper of his servants, and the power of the truth is wonderful, even amongst men who are otherwise profane.
John Gill
24:23 And he commanded a centurion to keep Paul,.... In custody, to watch and guard him, and look after him, that he went not away, since he was neither condemned nor acquitted; and therefore must be retained a prisoner, till one or other was done:
and to let him have liberty; not to go where he pleased, or out of the place of confinement, for then there would have been no need of the after direction, not to prohibit his friends from coming to him; but to free him from his bonds and close confinement; which was done, partly on account of his being a Roman, and partly because he took him to be an innocent man, and it may be because he hoped to receive money from him:
that he should forbid none of his acquaintance to minister or come unto him; but that they should have free access to him, and the liberty of conversation with him; which layouts granted show that he was inclined to the side of Paul, both through the defence that he had made for himself, and through the letter which Lysias sent him, as well as through the knowledge he had gained by long observation and experience, of the temper and disposition of the Jews, their priests and elders.
John Wesley
24:23 He commanded the centurion to let him have liberty - To be only a prisoner at large. Hereby the Gospel was spread more and more; not to the satisfaction of the Jews. But they could not hinder it.
24:2424:24: Եւ յետ աւուրց ինչ, ե՛կն Փելիքս հանդերձ Դրուսիլաւ կնաւ իւրով՝ որ էր Հրեայ. կոչեաց զՊաւղոս, եւ լուաւ ՚ի նմանէ վասն որ ՚ի Յիսուս Քրիստոս հաւատոցն[2768]։ [2768] Ոմանք. Եկն Փիլիքս հանդերձ Դրուսեղաւ... եւ լուաւ ինչ ՚ի նմանէ վասն որ ՚ի Քրիստոս Յիսուս։ Յօրինակին. Դրիսուլաւ կնաւ։
24. Մի քանի օր յետոյ Ֆելիքսը եկաւ իր կնոջ՝ Դրուսիղայի հետ, որը հրեայ էր. կանչեց Պօղոսին եւ նրանից լսեց ի Յիսուս Քրիստոս եղած հաւատի մասին:
24 Քանի մը օր յետոյ Փելիքս եկաւ իր Դրուսիղա կնոջ հետ, որ Հրեայ էր ու Պօղոսը կանչել տուաւ եւ լսեց անկէ այն հաւատքին մասին որ Քրիստոս Յիսուսին վրայ է։
Եւ յետ աւուրց ինչ եկն Փելիքս հանդերձ Դրուսիղաւ կնաւ իւրով, որ էր Հրեայ, կոչեաց զՊաւղոս եւ լուաւ ի նմանէ վասն որ ի Յիսուս Քրիստոս հաւատոցն:

24:24: Եւ յետ աւուրց ինչ, ե՛կն Փելիքս հանդերձ Դրուսիլաւ կնաւ իւրով՝ որ էր Հրեայ. կոչեաց զՊաւղոս, եւ լուաւ ՚ի նմանէ վասն որ ՚ի Յիսուս Քրիստոս հաւատոցն[2768]։
[2768] Ոմանք. Եկն Փիլիքս հանդերձ Դրուսեղաւ... եւ լուաւ ինչ ՚ի նմանէ վասն որ ՚ի Քրիստոս Յիսուս։ Յօրինակին. Դրիսուլաւ կնաւ։
24. Մի քանի օր յետոյ Ֆելիքսը եկաւ իր կնոջ՝ Դրուսիղայի հետ, որը հրեայ էր. կանչեց Պօղոսին եւ նրանից լսեց ի Յիսուս Քրիստոս եղած հաւատի մասին:
24 Քանի մը օր յետոյ Փելիքս եկաւ իր Դրուսիղա կնոջ հետ, որ Հրեայ էր ու Պօղոսը կանչել տուաւ եւ լսեց անկէ այն հաւատքին մասին որ Քրիստոս Յիսուսին վրայ է։
zohrab-1805▾ eastern-1994▾ western am▾
24:2424: Через несколько дней Феликс, придя с Друзиллою, женою своею, Иудеянкою, призвал Павла, и слушал его о вере во Христа Иисуса.
24:24  μετὰ δὲ ἡμέρας τινὰς παραγενόμενος ὁ φῆλιξ σὺν δρουσίλλῃ τῇ ἰδίᾳ γυναικὶ οὔσῃ ἰουδαίᾳ μετεπέμψατο τὸν παῦλον καὶ ἤκουσεν αὐτοῦ περὶ τῆς εἰς χριστὸν ἰησοῦν πίστεως.
24:24. Μετὰ (With) δὲ (moreover) ἡμέρας (to-days) τινὰς (to-ones) παραγενόμενος ( having-had-became-beside ,"ὁ (the-one) Φῆλιξ (a-Felix,"σὺν (together) Δρουσίλλῃ (unto-a-Drousilla) τῇ (unto-the-one) ἰδίᾳ (unto-private-belonged) γυναικὶ (unto-a-woman) οὔσῃ (unto-being) Ἰουδαίᾳ (unto-Iouda-belonged," μετεπέμψατο ( it-dispatched-with ) τὸν (to-the-one) Παῦλον (to-a-Paulos) καὶ (and) ἤκουσεν (it-heard) αὐτοῦ (of-it) περὶ (about) τῆς (of-the-one) εἰς (into) Χριστὸν (to-Anointed) Ἰησοῦν (to-an-Iesous) πίστεως. (of-a-trust)
24:24. post aliquot autem dies veniens Felix cum Drusilla uxore sua quae erat Iudaea vocavit Paulum et audivit ab eo fidem quae est in Iesum ChristumAnd after some days, Felix, coming with Drusilla his wife, who was a Jew, sent for Paul and heard of him the faith that is in Christ Jesus.
24. But after certain days, Felix came with Drusilla, his wife, which was a Jewess, and sent for Paul, and heard him concerning the faith in Christ Jesus.
And after certain days, when Felix came with his wife Drusilla, which was a Jewess, he sent for Paul, and heard him concerning the faith in Christ:

24: Через несколько дней Феликс, придя с Друзиллою, женою своею, Иудеянкою, призвал Павла, и слушал его о вере во Христа Иисуса.
24:24  μετὰ δὲ ἡμέρας τινὰς παραγενόμενος ὁ φῆλιξ σὺν δρουσίλλῃ τῇ ἰδίᾳ γυναικὶ οὔσῃ ἰουδαίᾳ μετεπέμψατο τὸν παῦλον καὶ ἤκουσεν αὐτοῦ περὶ τῆς εἰς χριστὸν ἰησοῦν πίστεως.
24:24. post aliquot autem dies veniens Felix cum Drusilla uxore sua quae erat Iudaea vocavit Paulum et audivit ab eo fidem quae est in Iesum Christum
And after some days, Felix, coming with Drusilla his wife, who was a Jew, sent for Paul and heard of him the faith that is in Christ Jesus.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ gnv▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ tb▾ all ▾
А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
24: Друзилла - жена Феликса - была дочь царя Ирода Агриппы 1-го, который убил Апостола Иакова и умер в Кесарии (гл. XII). Эта известная тогда красавица состояла сначала в замужестве за Азизом, царем Емесским (в Сирии), но Феликс, при посредстве какого-то волхва из Кипра, именем Симона, очаровал ее, и, разведшись с первою женою своею (именем также Друзиллою, внучкою известных Антония и Клеопатры) женился на ней (Флав. Археол. XX:7, 1: и д. ),

"Призвал Павла и слушал его о вере во Христа Иисуса..." Не для судебной защиты призвал и слушал Павла Феликс, а заинтересовавшись его личностью и учением христианским. Особенно желала, вероятно, видеть и слышать Павла Друзилла, как бывшая иродианка, без сомнения много слышавшая о христианстве.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
24:24: His wife Drusilla - We have already seen that Felix was thrice married: two of his wives were named Drusilla; one was a Roman, the niece or grand-daughter of Antony and Cleopatra, mentioned by Tacitus, lib. v. cap. 9. The other, the person in the text, was a Jewess, daughter to Herod Agrippa the Great. See Act 12:1, etc. When she was but six years of age, she was affianced to Epiphanes, son of Antiochus, king of Comagene, who had promised to embrace Judaism on her account; but, as he did not keep his word, her brother Agrippa (mentioned Act 25:13) refused to ratify the marriage. About the year of our Lord 53, he married her to Azizus, king of the Emesenes, who received her on condition of being circumcised. Felix having seen her, fell desperately in love with her, and by means of a pretended Jewish magician, a native of Cyprus, persuaded her to leave her husband; on which Felix took her to wife. She appears, on the whole, to have been a person of indifferent character; though one of the finest women of that age. It is said that she, and a son she had by Felix, were consumed in an eruption of Mount Vesuvius. See Josephus, Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 7, and see Calmet and Rosenmuller.
Heard him concerning the faith in Christ - For the purpose mentioned in the note on Act 24:21, that he might be the more accurately instructed in the doctrines, views, etc., of the Christians.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:24: Felix came with his wife Drusilla - Drusilla was the daughter of Herod Agrippa the elder, and was engaged to be married to Epiphanes, the son of King Antiochus, on condition that he would embrace the Jewish religion; but as he afterward refused to do that, the contract was broken off. Afterward she was given in marriage, by her brother Agrippa the younger, to Azizus, king of Emesa, upon his consent to be circumcised. When Felix was governor of Judea, he saw Drusilla and fell in love with her, and sent to her Simon, one of his friends, a Jew, by birth a Cyprian, who pretended to be a magician, to endearour to persuade her to forsake her husband and to marry Felix. Accordingly, in order to avoid the envy of her sister Bernice, who treated her ill on account of her beauty, "she was pRev_ailed on," says Josephus, "to transgress the laws of her forefathers, and to marry Felix" (Josephus, Antiq., book 20, chapter 7, sections 1 and 2). She was, therefore, living in adultery with him, and this was probably the reason why Paul dwelt in his discourse before Felix particularly on "temperance," or chastity. See the notes on Act 24:25.
He sent for Paul, and heard him - Perhaps he did this in order to be more fully acquainted with the case which was submitted to him. It is possible, also, that it might have been to gratify his wife, who was a Jewess, and who doubtless had a desire to be acquainted with the principles of this new sect. It is certain, also, that one object which Felix had in this was to let Paul see how dependent he was on him, and to induce him to purchase his liberty.
Concerning the faith in Christ - Concerning the Christian religion. Faith in Christ is often used to denote the whole of Christianity, as it is the leading and characteristic feature of the religion of the gospel.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:24: he sent: Act 26:22; Mar 6:20; Luk 19:3, Luk 23:8
the faith: Act 16:31, Act 20:21; Gal 2:16, Gal 2:20, Gal 3:2; Jo1 5:1; Jde 1:3; Rev 14:12
Geneva 1599
24:24 And after certain days, when Felix came with his wife (o) Drusilla, which was a Jewess, he sent for Paul, and heard him concerning the faith in Christ.
(o) This Drusilla was Agrippa's sister of whom Luke speaks afterwards, a harlot and very licentious woman, and being the wife of Azizus king of the Emesens, who was circumcised, departed from him, and went to this Felix the brother of Pallas, who was at one time the slave of Nero.
John Gill
24:24 And after certain days,.... Some days after this trial:
when Felix came with his wife Drusilla, which was a Jewess; to Caesarea, having been to fetch her from some other place, or to meet her: this woman was the daughter of Herod Agrippa, who was eaten by worms, Acts 12:23 and sister to King Agrippa, mentioned in the next chapter; but though she was born of Jewish parents, and so a Jewess, as she is here called, yet her name was a Roman name, and is the diminutive of Drusus; the first of which name took it from killing Drausus, an enemy's general, and who was of the Livian family; and the name of the mother of Tiberius Caesar was Livia Drusilla; Caius Caligula, the Roman emperor, had also a sister whose name was Drusilla (a); this name Herod took from the Romans, and gave to his daughter; though the masculine name is often to be met with in Jewish writings; we frequently read of , "Rabbi Drusai" (b); Herod Agrippa (c) left three daughters, born to him of Cypris, Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusilla; and a son by the same, whose name was Agrippa; Agrippa when his father died was seventeen years of age, Bernice was sixteen, and was married to her uncle Herod; Mariamne and Drusilla were virgins, but were promised in marriage by their father; Mariamne to Julius Archelaus, son of Chelcias, and Drusilla to Epiphanes, the son of Antiochus, king of Comagene; but after Herod's death, he refused to marry her, being unwilling to embrace the Jewish religion and relinquish his own, though he had promised her father he would; wherefore her brother Agrippa married her to Azizus king of the Emesenes, who was willing to be circumcised; but this marriage was quickly dissolved; for Felix coming to the government of Judea, seeing Drusilla, was enamoured with her beauty; and by the means of one of his friends, one Simon a Jew, and a native of Cyprus, who pretended to be a magician, he enticed her from her husband, and prevailed upon her to marry him:
he sent for Paul, and heard him concerning the faith in Christ; which he did, chiefly on account of his wife, who being brought up in the Jewish religion, had some notion of the Messiah the Jews expected, and could better understand what Paul talked of than he did; who at this time doubtless showed, that Christ was come, and that Jesus of Nazareth was he; that he is truly God and man, that he died, and rose again from the dead on the third day, and that he has obtained salvation for sinners, and that whoever believes in him shall be saved; this was the faith in Christ Paul discoursed of, and Felix and his wife heard; but it does not appear that it was attended with the power of God, to the conversion of either of them; it seems to have been merely out of curiosity, and as a diversion to them, and to do his wife a pleasure, that he sent for Paul and heard him.
(a) Sueton. in Vita Tiberii, sect. 3, 4, & in Vita Caligulae, sect. 7. (b) Shemot Rabba, sect. 35. fol. 136. 4. & sect. 43. fol. 140. 4. Shirhashirim Rabba, fol. 14. 4. & 18. 2. Juchasin, fol. 88. 1. (c) Joseph. de Bello Jud. l. 2. c. 11. sect. 6. Antiqu. l. 19. c. 9. sect. 1. l. 20, c. 6. sect. 1, 2.
John Wesley
24:24 And after Paul had been kept some days in this gentle confinement at Cesarea, Felix, who had been absent for a short time, coming thither again, with Drusilla, his wife - The daughter of Herod Agrippa, one of the finest women of that age. Felix persuaded her to forsake her husband, Azizus, king of Emessa, and to be married to himself, though a heathen. She was afterward, with a son she had by Felix, consumed in an eruption of Mount Vesuvius. Concerning the faith in Christ - That is, the doctrine of Christ.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
24:24 Felix . . . with his wife Drusilla . . . a Jewess--This beautiful but infamous woman was the third daughter of Herod Agrippa I, who was eaten of worms (see on Acts 12:1), and a sister of Agrippa II, before whom Paul pleaded, Acts 26:1, &c. She was "given in marriage to Azizus, king of the Emesenes, who had consented to be circumcised for the sake of the alliance. But this marriage was soon dissolved, after this manner: When Festus was procurator of Judea, he saw her, and being captivated with her beauty, persuaded her to desert her husband, transgress the laws of her country, and marry himself" [JOSEPHUS, Antiquities, 20.7.1,2]. Such was this "wife" of Felix.
he sent for Paul and heard him concerning the faith in Christ--Perceiving from what he had heard on the trial that the new sect which was creating such a stir was represented by its own advocates as but a particular development of the Jewish faith, he probably wished to gratify the curiosity of his Jewish wife, as well as his own, by a more particular account of it from this distinguished champion. And no doubt Paul would so far humor this desire as to present to them the great leading features of the Gospel. But from Acts 24:25 it is evident that his discourse took an entirely practical turn, suited to the life which his two auditors were notoriously leading.
24:2524:25: Եւ ՚ի խօսելն նորա՝ վասն արդարութեան եւ ժուժկալութեան, եւ հանդերձեալ դատաստանին, զահի հարեալ Փիլիքս, ե՛տ պատասխանի. Դու առ այժմ ե՛րթ, եւ յորժամ ժամ լինիցի, կոչեցի՛ց զքեզ[2769]։ [2769] Ոմանք. Յորժամ ժամ լիցի. կամ՝ լինի։ Ուր օրինակ մի ընդ Ոսկանայ. Յորժամ լինիցի՝ կոչե՛՛։
25. Եւ մինչ Պօղոսը խօսում էր արդարութեան, ժուժկալութեան եւ գալիք դատաստանի մասին, Ֆելիքսը, զարհուրած, ասաց. «Դու առայժմ գնա՛. երբ ժամանակ ունենամ, քեզ կը կանչեմ»:
25 Երբ անիկա արդարութեան ու ժուժկալութեան եւ գալու դատաստանին վրայով կը խօսէր, Փելիքս զարհուրելով պատասխան տուաւ. «Դուն հիմա գնա՛ ու երբ ժամանակ ունենամ, քեզ նորէն կը կանչեմ»։
Եւ ի խօսելն նորա վասն արդարութեան եւ ժուժկալութեան եւ հանդերձեալ դատաստանին, զահի հարեալ Փելիքս` ետ պատասխանի. Դու առ այժմ երթ, եւ յորժամ ժամ լիցի, կոչեցից զքեզ:

24:25: Եւ ՚ի խօսելն նորա՝ վասն արդարութեան եւ ժուժկալութեան, եւ հանդերձեալ դատաստանին, զահի հարեալ Փիլիքս, ե՛տ պատասխանի. Դու առ այժմ ե՛րթ, եւ յորժամ ժամ լինիցի, կոչեցի՛ց զքեզ[2769]։
[2769] Ոմանք. Յորժամ ժամ լիցի. կամ՝ լինի։ Ուր օրինակ մի ընդ Ոսկանայ. Յորժամ լինիցի՝ կոչե՛՛։
25. Եւ մինչ Պօղոսը խօսում էր արդարութեան, ժուժկալութեան եւ գալիք դատաստանի մասին, Ֆելիքսը, զարհուրած, ասաց. «Դու առայժմ գնա՛. երբ ժամանակ ունենամ, քեզ կը կանչեմ»:
25 Երբ անիկա արդարութեան ու ժուժկալութեան եւ գալու դատաստանին վրայով կը խօսէր, Փելիքս զարհուրելով պատասխան տուաւ. «Դուն հիմա գնա՛ ու երբ ժամանակ ունենամ, քեզ նորէն կը կանչեմ»։
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24:2525: И как он говорил о правде, о воздержании и о будущем суде, то Феликс пришел в страх и отвечал: теперь пойди, а когда найду время, позову тебя.
24:25  διαλεγομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ περὶ δικαιοσύνης καὶ ἐγκρατείας καὶ τοῦ κρίματος τοῦ μέλλοντος ἔμφοβος γενόμενος ὁ φῆλιξ ἀπεκρίθη, τὸ νῦν ἔχον πορεύου, καιρὸν δὲ μεταλαβὼν μετακαλέσομαί σε·
24:25. διαλεγομένου ( Of-forthing-through ) δὲ (moreover) αὐτοῦ (of-it) περὶ (about) δικαιοσύνης (of-a-course-belongedness) καὶ (and) ἐγκρατείας (of-a-securing-in-of) καὶ (and) τοῦ (of-the-one) κρίματος (of-a-separating-to) τοῦ (of-the-one) μέλλοντος (of-impending,"ἔμφοβος (feareed-in) γενόμενος ( having-had-became ,"ὁ (the-one) Φῆλιξ (a-Felix,"ἀπεκρίθη (it-was-separated-off,"Τὸ (To-the-one) νῦν (now) ἔχον (to-holding) πορεύου , ( thou-should-traverse-of ,"καιρὸν (to-a-time) δὲ (moreover) μεταλαβὼν (having-had-taken-with) μετακαλέσομαί ( I-shall-call-beside-unto ) σε: (to-thee)
24:25. disputante autem illo de iustitia et castitate et de iudicio futuro timefactus Felix respondit quod nunc adtinet vade tempore autem oportuno accersiam teAnd as he treated of justice and chastity and of the judgment to come, Felix, being terrified, answered: For this time, go thy way: but when I have a convenient time, I will send for thee.
25. And as he reasoned of righteousness, and temperance, and the judgment to come, Felix was terrified, and answered, Go thy way for this time; and when I have a convenient season, I will call thee unto me.
And as he reasoned of righteousness, temperance, and judgment to come, Felix trembled, and answered, Go thy way for this time; when I have a convenient season, I will call for thee:

25: И как он говорил о правде, о воздержании и о будущем суде, то Феликс пришел в страх и отвечал: теперь пойди, а когда найду время, позову тебя.
24:25  διαλεγομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ περὶ δικαιοσύνης καὶ ἐγκρατείας καὶ τοῦ κρίματος τοῦ μέλλοντος ἔμφοβος γενόμενος ὁ φῆλιξ ἀπεκρίθη, τὸ νῦν ἔχον πορεύου, καιρὸν δὲ μεταλαβὼν μετακαλέσομαί σε·
24:25. disputante autem illo de iustitia et castitate et de iudicio futuro timefactus Felix respondit quod nunc adtinet vade tempore autem oportuno accersiam te
And as he treated of justice and chastity and of the judgment to come, Felix, being terrified, answered: For this time, go thy way: but when I have a convenient time, I will send for thee.
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А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
25-26: "Говорил о правде, о воздержании и о будущем суде..." Беседа Павла особенно была приспособлена к состоянию слушателей, отвечая не только их заинтересованности христианством, но и содержа то, чего они, может быть, и не хотели бы, но апостол со святою смелостью говорил им прямо в лицо. Распутная Друзилла особенно должна была краснеть, слушая о воздержании. Хищный и несправедливый правитель не мог не чувствовать укоров совести, внимая проповеди о правде. Для обоих должно было показаться ужасающим извещение о страшном суде, хотя гордый правитель не дал достаточно воли этому спасительному чувству и поспешил прекратить грозные для его совести речи апостола, отослав его от себя под прежний надзор. Хотя потом он призывал его часто для беседы с ним, но уже не столько из желания слышать истину, сколько из недостойных корыстных расчетов, надеясь на взятку - если не со стороны самого апостола, то его почитателей. Но св. Павел был невинен и не хотел покупать свободу каким бы то ни было непозволительным способом, не позволял себе воспользоваться и любовью кесарийцев, которые могли бы, конечно, собрать деньги на выкуп, непосильный для самого Павла. Он не хотел примешивать к Божественным предначертаниям относительно своей судьбы сомнительные человеческие средства и предпочитал честную неволю виноватой свободе. Рядом с такою красотою души Павла тем безобразнее вырисовывается жалкая бессовестность Феликса, который, хорошо зная невинность узника и его нравственное превосходство, все-таки продолжал томить его в заключении из угождения иудеям и для смятения их гнева (27: ст. ).
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
24:25: As he reasoned of righteousness - Δικαιοσυνης; The principles and requisitions of justice and right, between God and man; and between man and his fellows, in all relations and connections of life.
Temperance - Εγκρατειας, Chastity; self-government or moderation with regard to a man's appetites, passions, and propensities of all kinds.
And judgment to come - Κριματος του μελλοντος; The day of retribution, in which the unjust, intemperate, and incontinent, must give account of all the deeds done in the body. This discourse of St. Paul was most solemnly and pointedly adapted to the state of the person to whom it was addressed. Felix was tyrannous and oppressive in his government; lived under the power of avarice and unbridled appetites; and his incontinence, intemperance, and injustice, appear fully in depriving the king of Emesa of his wife, and in his conduct towards St. Paul, and the motives by which that conduct was regulated. And as to Drusilla, who had forsaken the husband of her youth, and forgotten the covenant of her God, and become the willing companion of this bad man, she was worthy of the strongest reprehension; and Paul's reasoning on righteousness, temperance, and judgment, was not less applicable to her than to her unprincipled paramour.
Felix trembled - "The reason of Felix's fear," says Bp. Pearce, "seems to have been, lest Drusilla, who was a Jewess, and knew that what she had done was against the law of Moses, might be influenced by Paul's discourse, and Felix's happiness with her disturbed. What is said of Felix, Act 24:26, seems to show that he had no remorse of conscience for what he had done." On the head of Drusilla's scruples, he had little to fear; the king of Emesa, her husband, had been dead about three years before this; and as to Jewish scruples, she could be little affected by them: she had already acted in opposition to the Jewish law, and she is said to have turned heathen for the sake of Felix. We may therefore hope that Felix felt regret for the iniquities of his life; and that his conscience was neither so seared nor so hardened, as not to receive and retain some gracious impressions from such a discourse, delivered by the authority, and accompanied with the influence, of the Spirit of God. His frequently sending for the apostle, to speak with him in private, is a proof that he wished to receive farther instructions in a matter in which he was so deeply interested; though he certainly was not without motives of a baser kind; for he hoped to get money for the liberation of the apostle.
Go thy way for this time - His conscience had received as much terror and alarm as it was capable of bearing; and probably he wished to hide, by privacy, the confusion and dismay which, by this time, were fully evident in his countenance.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:25: And as he reasoned - Greek: "And he discoursing" - διαλεγομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ dialegomenou de autou. No argument should be drawn from the word that is used here to prove that Paul particularly appealed to reason, or that his discourse was argumentative. That it was so is, indeed, not improbable, from all that we know of the man, and from the topics on which he discoursed. But the word used here means simply as he discoursed, and is applied usually to making a public address, to preaching, etc., in whatever way it is done, Act 17:2; Act 18:4, Act 18:19; Act 19:8-9; Act 24:12. Felix and Drusilla intended this as a matter of entertainment or amusement. Paul readily obeyed their summons, since it gave him an opportunity to preach the gospel to them; and as they desired his sentiments in regard to the faith in Christ, he selected those topics which were adapted to their condition, and stated those principles of the Christian religion which were suited to arrest their attention, and to lead them to repentance. Paul seized every opportunity of making known the gos pel; and whether a prisoner or at liberty; whether before princes, governors, kings, or common people, he was equally prepared to defend the pure and holy doctrines of the cross. His boldness in this instance is the more remarkable, as he was dependent on Felix for his release. A time-server or an impostor would have chosen such topics as would have conciliated the favor of the judge, and procured his discharge from custody. He would have flattered his vanity or palliated his vices. But such an idea never seems to have occurred to Paul. His aim was to defend the truth, and to save, if possible, the souls of Drusilla and of Felix.
Of righteousness - περὶ δικαιοσύνης peri dikaiosunē s. Of justice. Not of the justice of God particularly, but of the nature and requirements of justice in the relations of life the relations which we sustain to God and to man. This was a proper topic with which to introduce his discourse, as it was the office of Felix to dispense justice between man and man, and as his administration was not remarkable for the exercise of that virtue. It is evident that he could be influenced by a bribe Act 24:26, and it was proper for Paul to dwell on this, as designed to show him the guilt of his life, and his danger of meeting the justice of a Being who cannot be bribed, but who will dispense equal justice alike to the great and the mean. That Paul dwelt also on the justice of God, as the moral governor of the world, may also be presumed. The apprehension of that justice, and the remembrance of his own guilty life, tended to produce the alarm of Felix, and to make him tremble.
Temperance - ἐγκρατείας egkrateias. The word "temperance" we now use commonly to denote "moderation or restraint" in regard to eating and drinking, particularly to abstinence from the use of ardent spirits. But this is not its meaning here. There is no reason to suppose that Felix was intemperate in the use of intoxicating liquors. The original word here denotes a restraint of all the passions and evil inclinations, and may be applied to prudence, chastity, and moderation in general. The particular thing in the life of Felix which Paul had probably in view was the indulgence of licentious desires, or incontinence. He was living in adultery with Drusilla, and for this Paul wished doubtless to bring him to repentance.
And judgment to come - The universal judgment that was to come on all transgressors. On this topic Paul also dwelt when he preached on Mars' Hill at Athens, Act 17:31. These topics were admirably adapted to excite the alarm of both Felix and Drusilla. It evinced great boldness and faithfulness in Paul to select them, and the result showed that he correctly judged of the kind of truth which was adapted to alarm the fears of his guilty auditor.
Felix trembled - In view of his past sins, and in the apprehension of the judgment to come. The Greek ἔμφοβος emphobos does not denote that his body was agitated or shaken, but only that he was alarmed or terrified. That such fear usually shakes the frame, we know; but it is not certain that the body of Felix was thus agitated. He was alarmed and terrified, and looked with deep apprehension to the coming judgment. This was a remarkable instance of the effect of truth on the mind of a man unaccustomed to such alarms, and unused to hear such truth. It shows the power of conscience when thus, under the preaching of a prisoner, the judge is thrown into violent alarm.
And answered, Go thy way ... - How different is this answer from that of the jailor of Philippi when alarmed in a similar manner! He asked, "What must I do to be saved?" and was directed to him in whom he found peace from a troubled conscience, Act 16:30-31. Felix was troubled; but instead of asking what he should do, he sent the messenger of God away. He was evidently not prepared to break off his sins and turn to God. He sought peace by sending away his reprover, and manifestly intended then to banish the subject from his mind. Yet, like others, he did not intend to banish it altogether. He looked forward to a time when he would be more at leisure; when the cares of office would press less heavily on his attention; or when he would be more disposed to attend to it. Thus, multitudes, when they are alarmed, and see their guilt and danger, resolve to defer it to a more convenient time.
One man is engaged in a career of pleasure, and it is not now a convenient time to attend to his soul's salvation. Another is pressed with business; with the cares of life; with a plan of gain; with the labors of office or of a profession, and it is not now a convenient time for him to attend to religion. Another supposes that his time of life is not the most convenient. His youth he desires to spend in pleasure, and waits for a more convenient time in middle age. His middle life he spends in business, and this is not a convenient time. Such a period he expects then to find in old age. But as age advances he finds an increasing disposition to defer it; he is still indisposed to attend to it; still in love with the world. Even old age is seldom found to be a convenient time to prepare for heaven; and it is deferred from one period of life to another, until death closes the scene. It has been commonly supposed and said that Felix never found that more convenient time to call for Paul. That he did not embrace the Christian religion, and forsake his sins, is probable, nay, almost certain. But it is not true that he did not take an opportunity of hearing Paul further on the subject; for it is said that he sent for him often, and communed with him. But, though Felix found this opportunity, yet:
(1) We have no reason to suppose that the main thing - the salvation of his soul - ever again occupied his attention. There is no evidence that he was again alarmed or awakened, or that he had any further solicitude on the subject of his sins. He had passed foRev_er the favorable time - the golden moments when he might have secured the salvation of his soul.
(2) others have no right to suppose that their lives will be lengthened out that they may have any further opportunity to attend to the subject of religion.
(3) when a sinner is awakened, and sees his past sins, if he rejects the appeal to his conscience then, and defers it to a more convenient opportunity, he has no reason to expect that his attention will ever be again called with deep interest to the subject. He may live, but he may live without the strivings of the Holy Spirit. When a man has once deliberately rejected the offers of mercy; when he has trifled with the influences of the Spirit of God, he has no right or reason to expect that that Spirit will ever strive with him again. Such, we have too much reason to fear, was the case with Felix. Though he often saw Paul again, and "communed with him," yet there is no statement that he was again alarmed or awakened. And thus sinners often attend on the means of grace after they have grieved the Holy Spirit; they listen to the doctrines of the gospel, they hear its appeals and its warnings, but they have no feeling, no interest, and die in their sins.
A convenient season - Greek: "taking time." I will take a time for this.
I will call for thee - To hear thee further on this subject. This he did, Act 24:26. It is remarkable that Drusilla was not alarmed. She was as much involved in guilt as Felix; but she, being a Jewess, had been accustomed to hear of a future judgment until it caused in her mind no alarm. Perhaps also she depended on the rites and ceremonies of her religion as a sufficient expiation for her sins. She might have been resting on those false dependencies which go to free the conscience from a sense of guilt, and which thus beguile and destroy the soul.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:25: he: Act 17:2; Sa1 12:7; Isa 1:18, Isa 41:21; Rom 12:1; Pe1 3:15
righteousness: Act 24:15, Act 24:26; Sa2 23:3; Job 29:14; Psa 11:7, Psa 45:7, Psa 58:1, Psa 58:2, Psa 72:2, Psa 82:1-4; Pro 16:12; Ecc 3:16; Isa 1:21, Isa 16:5, Isa 61:8; Jer 22:3, Jer 22:15-17; Eze 45:9; Dan 4:27; Hos 10:4, Hos 10:12; Amo 5:24, Amo 6:12; Joh 16:8; Jo1 3:7, Jo1 3:10
temperance: Pro 31:3-5; Ecc 10:16, Ecc 10:17; Isa 28:6, Isa 28:7; Dan 5:1-4, Dan 5:30; Hos 7:5; Mar 6:18-24; Gal 5:23; Tit 2:11, Tit 2:12; Pe1 4:4; Pe2 1:6
judgment: Act 10:42, Act 17:13; Psa 50:3, Psa 50:4; Ecc 3:17, Ecc 5:8, Ecc 11:9, Ecc 12:14; Dan 12:2; mat 25:31-46; Rom 2:16, Rom 14:12; Co1 4:5; Co2 5:10; Th2 1:7-10; Ti2 4:1; Heb 6:2, Heb 9:27; Pe1 4:5; Rev 20:11-15
Felix: Act 2:37, Act 9:6, Act 16:29; Kg1 21:27; Kg2 22:19; Ezr 10:3, Ezr 10:9; Psa 99:1, Psa 119:120; Isa 32:11, Isa 66:2; Jer 23:29; Hab 3:16; Rom 3:19, Rom 3:20; Co1 14:24, Co1 14:25; Gal 3:22; Heb 4:1, Heb 4:12, Heb 12:21; Jam 2:19
Go: Act 16:30-34, Act 26:28; Kg1 22:26, Kg1 22:27; Pro 1:24-32; Jer 37:17-21, Jer 38:14-28; Mat 14:5-10, Mat 22:5, Mat 25:1-10
when: Act 17:32; Pro 6:4, Pro 6:5; Isa 55:6; Hag 1:2; Luk 13:24, Luk 13:25, Luk 17:26-29; Co2 6:2; Heb 3:7, Heb 3:8, Heb 3:13, Heb 4:11; Jam 4:13, Jam 4:14
John Gill
24:25 And as he reasoned of righteousness, temperance, and judgment to come,.... The apostle not only discoursed concerning the doctrine of faith in Christ, but insisted upon the duties of religion: and particularly he reasoned upon righteousness; not justifying righteousness, that is only the righteousness of Christ, and which rather belongs to the doctrine of faith in Christ; but the exercise of justice, or the doing of righteousness between man and man; which was agreeably to the light of nature, to the law of God, and Gospel of Christ, and is a virtue highly necessary in a judge, and was greatly wanting in Felix; who, as the historian says (d), was guilty of much cruelty and injustice throughout this government and therefore very appropriately did the apostle fall on this subject: and he might also reason concerning the necessity of a righteousness, in order to justify before God, and to appear before him with acceptance, and to enter into heaven: he might show, that it was the loss of righteousness which was the reason of the first man being removed from his place and state of happiness, in which he was whilst innocent; and that to admit persons into heaven without a righteousness, is contrary to the pure and holy nature of God, who loves righteousness, and hates iniquity; and particularly would not be agreeable to his justice, which requires a perfect righteousness; yea, it would be uncomfortable to holy men themselves, to have ungodly and unrighteous persons with them in heaven: he might also reason upon the want of righteousness, which is in every man; how that the first man having lost his righteousness, all his posterity are destitute of one; and that they are not able to work out one acceptable to God, and which will justify in his sight; that the thing is impracticable and impossible, and that that which men call a righteousness is not one, at least is not a justifying one: he might insist upon the unprofitableness of a man's own works of righteousness for such a purpose, by observing the imperfection of them; and that justification by them is contrary to God's declared way of justifying sinners, is derogatory to his free grace, would make null and void the death of Christ, and encourage boasting in men; and all this he might reason about, in order to convince him of the necessity and suitableness of the righteousness of faith in Christ, he had before been discoursing of: and very pertinently in the next place did he insist on "temperance"; or "continence", and chastity; since Felix had enticed away another man's wife, and now lived in adultery with her: and who was now with him, whilst hearing this discourse; which concluded with an account of "judgment to come"; how that Jesus Christ is appointed the Judge of quick and dead, and that all must appear before him, stand at his bar, and be accountable to him for all their actions, and be judged by him, which will be done in the most righteous manner: he might argue this, not only from the Scriptures of the Old Testament, of which Drusilla might have some knowledge, such as Ps 96:13, but from reason, from the relation which men stand in to God, as his creatures, and therefore are accountable to him for their actions; and from the justice of God, which in many instances, in the present state of things, is not manifest: good men are afflicted and suffer much, and bad men flourish and enjoy great prosperity; wherefore there must be another state in which things will have another turn, and justice will take place: he might from hence conclude the certainty of a future judgment; and the universality of it, that it would reach to all men and things, and would proceed according to the strict rules of justice, and in the most awful manner; and that a true and just sentence would be pronounced and strictly executed: upon which account of things,
Felix trembled; his conscience was awakened, accused him of the injustice and incontinence he had been guilty of; and his mind was filled with horror, at the thought of the awful judgment he could not escape, which Paul had described unto him; nor could he bear him to discourse any longer on these subjects:
and answered, go thy way for this time, when I have a convenient season, I will call for thee; he signifying he was not at leisure now to hear him any longer; when he had a spare hour he would send for him, and hear him out; but this was only an excuse to get rid of him now, and lull his conscience asleep, and make it quiet and easy; which he was afraid would be more and more disturbed, should he suffer Paul to go on preaching in this manner: it is a saying of R. Judah (e),
"say not when I am at leisure I will learn, perhaps thou wilt never be at leisure.''
(d) Tacit. Hist. l. 5. (e) Pirke Abot, c. 2. sect. 4.
John Wesley
24:25 And as he reasoned of justice, temperance, and judgment to come - This was the only effectual way of preaching Christ to an unjust, lewd judge. Felix being terrified - How happily might this conviction have ended, had he been careful to pursue the views which were then opening upon his mind! But, like thousands, he deferred the consideration of these things to a more convenient season. A season which, alas! never came. For though he heard again, he was terrified no more. In the meantime we do not find Drusilla, though a Jewess, was thus alarmed. She had been used to hear of a future judgment: perhaps too she trusted to the being a daughter of Abraham, or to the expiation of the law, and so was proof against the convictions which seized on her husband, though a heathen. Let this teach us to guard against all such false dependencies as tend to elude those convictions that might otherwise be produced in us by the faithful preaching of the word of God. Let us stop our ears against those messengers of Satan, who appear as angels of light; who would teach us to reconcile the hope of salvation with a corrupt heart or an unholy life. Go thy way for this time - O how will every damned soul one day lament his having neglected such a time as this!
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
24:25 And as he reasoned of righteousness--with reference to the public character of Felix.
temperance--with reference to his immoral life.
and judgment to come--when he would be called to an awful account for both.
Felix trembled--and no wonder. For, on the testimony of TACITUS, the Roman Annalist [Annals, 9; 12.54], he ruled with a mixture of cruelty, lust, and servility, and relying on the influence of his brother Pallas at court, he thought himself at liberty to commit every sort of crime with impunity. How noble the fidelity and courage which dared to treat of such topics in such a presence, and what withering power must have been in those appeals which made even a Felix to tremble!
Go thy way for this time; and when I have a convenient season I will call for thee--Alas for Felix! This was his golden opportunity, but--like multitudes still--he missed it. Convenient seasons in abundance he found to call for Paul, but never again to "hear him concerning the faith in Christ," and writhe under the terrors of the wrath to come. Even in those moments of terror he had no thought of submission to the Cross or a change of life. The Word discerned the thoughts and intents of his heart, but that heart even then clung to its idols; even as Herod, who "did many things and heard John gladly," but in his best moments was enslaved to his lusts. How many Felixes have appeared from age to age!
24:2624:26: Միանգամայն եւ ակն ունէր, թէ տացի՛ ինչ նմա ՚ի Պաւղոսէ, վասն որոյ եւ ստէ՛պ կոչեցեալ զնա՝ խօսէ՛ր ընդ նմա։
26. Միաժամանակ ակնկալում էր, որ Պօղոսից իրեն դրամ կը տրուի. դրա համար յաճախ կանչելով նրան՝ խօսում էր նրա հետ:
26 Նաեւ յոյս ունէր, որ Պօղոսին կողմէն իրեն ստակ տրուի*, անոր համար շատ անգամ կանչել կու տար զանիկա ու անոր հետ կը խօսակցէր։
Միանգամայն եւ ակն ունէր թէ տացի ինչ նմա ի Պաւղոսէ, վասն որոյ եւ ստէպ կոչեցեալ զնա խօսէր ընդ նմա:

24:26: Միանգամայն եւ ակն ունէր, թէ տացի՛ ինչ նմա ՚ի Պաւղոսէ, վասն որոյ եւ ստէ՛պ կոչեցեալ զնա՝ խօսէ՛ր ընդ նմա։
26. Միաժամանակ ակնկալում էր, որ Պօղոսից իրեն դրամ կը տրուի. դրա համար յաճախ կանչելով նրան՝ խօսում էր նրա հետ:
26 Նաեւ յոյս ունէր, որ Պօղոսին կողմէն իրեն ստակ տրուի*, անոր համար շատ անգամ կանչել կու տար զանիկա ու անոր հետ կը խօսակցէր։
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24:2626: Притом же надеялся он, что Павел даст ему денег, чтобы отпустил его: посему часто призывал его и беседовал с ним.
24:26  ἅμα καὶ ἐλπίζων ὅτι χρήματα δοθήσεται αὐτῶ ὑπὸ τοῦ παύλου· διὸ καὶ πυκνότερον αὐτὸν μεταπεμπόμενος ὡμίλει αὐτῶ.
24:26. ἅμα (along) καὶ (and) ἐλπίζων (expecting-to) ὅτι (to-which-a-one) χρήματα (to-affordings-to) δοθήσεται (it-shall-be-given) [αὐτῷ] "[unto-it]"ὑπὸ (under) τοῦ (of-the-one) Παύλου: (of-a-Paulos) διὸ (through-which) καὶ (and) πυκνότερον (to-more-meshed) αὐτὸν (to-it) μεταπεμπόμενος ( dispatching-with ) ὡμίλει (it-was-along-communing-unto) αὐτῷ. (unto-it)
24:26. simul et sperans quia pecunia daretur a Paulo propter quod et frequenter accersiens eum loquebatur cum eoHoping also withal that money should be given him by Paul: for which cause also oftentimes sending for him, he spoke with him.
26. He hoped withal that money would be given him of Paul: wherefore also he sent for him the oftener, and communed with him.
He hoped also that money should have been given him of Paul, that he might loose him: wherefore he sent for him the oftener, and communed with him:

26: Притом же надеялся он, что Павел даст ему денег, чтобы отпустил его: посему часто призывал его и беседовал с ним.
24:26  ἅμα καὶ ἐλπίζων ὅτι χρήματα δοθήσεται αὐτῶ ὑπὸ τοῦ παύλου· διὸ καὶ πυκνότερον αὐτὸν μεταπεμπόμενος ὡμίλει αὐτῶ.
24:26. simul et sperans quia pecunia daretur a Paulo propter quod et frequenter accersiens eum loquebatur cum eo
Hoping also withal that money should be given him by Paul: for which cause also oftentimes sending for him, he spoke with him.
ru▾ el▾ el-en-gloss▾ vulgate▾ erva_1895▾
jfb▾ jw▾ jg▾ tr▾ ab▾ ac▾ all ▾
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
24:26: He hoped also that money should have been given him - Bp. Pearce asks, "How could St. Luke know this?" To which I answer: From the report of St. Paul, with whom Felix had frequent conferences, and to whom he undoubtedly expressed this wish. We may see, here, the most unprincipled avarice, in Felix, united to injustice. Paul had proved before him his innocence of the charges brought against him by the Jews. They had retired in confusion when he had finished his defense. Had Felix been influenced by the common principles of justice, Paul had been immediately discharged; but he detained him on the hope of a ransom. He saw that Paul was a respectable character; that he had opulent friends; that he was at the head of a very numerous sect, to whom he was deservedly dear; and he took it, therefore, for granted that a considerable sum of money would be given for his enlargement. Felix was a freed man of the Emperor Claudius; consequently, had once been a slave. The stream rises not above its source: the meanness of the slave is still apparent, and it is now insufferable, being added to the authority and influence of the governor. Low-bred men should never be intrusted with the administration of public affairs.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:26: He hoped also - He thought that by giving him access to his friends, and by often meeting him himself, and showing kindness, Paul might be induced to attempt to purchase his freedom with a bribe.
That money should have been given him of Paul - That Paul would give him money to procure a release. This shows the character of Felix. He was desirous of procuring a bribe. Paul had proved his innocence, and should have been at once discharged. But Felix was influenced by avarice, and he therefore detained Paul in custody with the hope that, wearied with confinement, he would seek his release by a bribe. But Paul offered no bribe. He knew what was justice, and he would not be guilty, therefore, of attempting to purchase what was his due, or of gratifying a man who prostituted his high office for the purposes of gain. The Roman governors in the provinces were commonly rapacious and avaricious, like Felix. They usually took the office for its pecuniary advantage, and they consequently usually disregarded justice, and made the procuring of money their leading object.
He sent for him the oftener - It may seem remarkable that he did not fear that he would again become alarmed. But the hope of money overcame all this. Having once resisted the reasoning of Paul, and the strivings of the Spirit of God, he seems to have had no further alarm or anxiety. He could again hear the same man, and the same truth, unaffected. When sinners have once grieved God's Spirit, they often sit with unconcern under the same truth which once alarmed them, and become entirely hardened and unconcerned.
And communed with him - And conversed with him.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:26: hoped: Act 24:2, Act 24:3; Exo 23:8; Deu 16:19; Sa1 8:3, Sa1 12:3; Ch2 19:7; Job 15:34; Psa 26:9, Psa 26:10; Pro 17:8, Pro 17:23, Pro 19:6, Pro 29:4; Isa 1:23, Isa 33:15, Isa 56:11; Eze 22:27; Eze 33:31; Hos 4:18, Hos 12:7, Hos 12:8; Amo 2:6, Amo 2:7; Mic 3:11, Mic 7:3; Co1 6:9; Eph 5:5, Eph 5:6; Ti1 6:9, Ti1 6:10; Pe2 2:3, Pe2 2:14, Pe2 2:15
wherefore: Act 24:24
John Gill
24:26 He hoped also that money would have been given him of Paul,.... For he observed from his own defence, that he came up to Jerusalem to bring alms and offerings; and he perceived by Tertullus's indictment, that he was at the head of a large body of men; that he was some considerable person, at least who was in great esteem among some sort of people, and whose life and liberty were valuable: and he might hope if Paul had not money of his own, yet his friends would supply him with a sufficiency to obtain his freedom; and it may be that it was with this view that he ordered that they should have free access to him and minister to him, that so he might have to give to him:
that he might loose him; from all confinement, and set him at entire liberty:
wherefore he sent for him the oftener, and communed with him; but not about religious matters, but about his civil affairs; suggesting he would release him for a sum of money, which the apostle did not listen to, being unwilling to encourage such evil practices, or to make use of unlawful means to free himself.
John Wesley
24:26 He hoped also - An evil hope: so when he heard his eye was not single. No marvel then that he profited nothing by all St. Paul's discourses: that money would be given - By the Christians for the liberty of so able a minister. And waiting for this, unhappy Felix fell short of the treasure of the Gospel.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
24:26 He hoped . . . that money should have been given him . . . wherefore he sent for him the oftener, and communed with him--Bribery in a judge was punishable by the Roman law, but the spirit of a slave (to use the words of TACITUS) was in all his acts, and his communing with Paul"--as if he cared for either him or his message--simply added hypocrisy to meanness. The position in life of Paul's Christian visitors might beget the hope of extracting something from them for the release of their champion; but the apostle would rather lie in prison than stoop to this!
24:2724:27: Եւ ՚ի կատարել երկո՛ւց ամաց, եկն փոխանակ Փիլիքսի՝ Փեստո՛ս Պորկիոս. իբրեւ կամեցաւ շնորհս առնել Հրէիցն Փելիքս, եթող զՊաւղոս կապեա՛լ[2770]։[2770] Ոմանք. Կամեցաւ Փելիքս շնորհ առ՛՛։
27. Երկու տարին լրանալուց յետոյ Ֆելիքսի փոխարէն Փեստոս Պորկիոսը եկաւ: Ֆելիքսը, կամենալով հրեաներին շնորհ անել, Պօղոսին կալանքի տակ թողեց:
27 Բայց երբ երկու տարի անցաւ, Փելիքսի տեղ Պորկիոս Փեստոս եկաւ։ Փելիքս ալ Հրեաներուն շնորհք ընել ուզելով՝ Պօղոսը կապուած թողուց։
Եւ ի կատարել երկուց ամաց` եկն փոխանակ Փելիքսի Փեստոս Պորկիոս. իբրեւ կամեցաւ շնորհս առնել Հրէիցն Փելիքս, եթող զՊաւղոս կապեալ:

24:27: Եւ ՚ի կատարել երկո՛ւց ամաց, եկն փոխանակ Փիլիքսի՝ Փեստո՛ս Պորկիոս. իբրեւ կամեցաւ շնորհս առնել Հրէիցն Փելիքս, եթող զՊաւղոս կապեա՛լ[2770]։
[2770] Ոմանք. Կամեցաւ Փելիքս շնորհ առ՛՛։
27. Երկու տարին լրանալուց յետոյ Ֆելիքսի փոխարէն Փեստոս Պորկիոսը եկաւ: Ֆելիքսը, կամենալով հրեաներին շնորհ անել, Պօղոսին կալանքի տակ թողեց:
27 Բայց երբ երկու տարի անցաւ, Փելիքսի տեղ Պորկիոս Փեստոս եկաւ։ Փելիքս ալ Հրեաներուն շնորհք ընել ուզելով՝ Պօղոսը կապուած թողուց։
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24:2727: Но по прошествии двух лет на место Феликса поступил Порций Фест. Желая доставить удовольствие Иудеям, Феликс оставил Павла в узах.
24:27  διετίας δὲ πληρωθείσης ἔλαβεν διάδοχον ὁ φῆλιξ πόρκιον φῆστον· θέλων τε χάριτα καταθέσθαι τοῖς ἰουδαίοις ὁ φῆλιξ κατέλιπε τὸν παῦλον δεδεμένον.
24:27. Διετίας (Of-a-two-yearing-unto) δὲ (moreover) πληρωθείσης (of-having-been-en-filled) ἔλαβεν (it-had-taken) διάδοχον (to-a-receiver-through,"ὁ (the-one) Φῆλιξ (a-Felix,"Πόρκιον (to-a-Porkios) Φῆστον: (to-a-Festos) θέλων (determining) τε (also) χάριτα (to-a-granting) καταθέσθαι ( to-have-had-placed-down ) τοῖς (unto-the-ones) Ἰουδαίοις ( unto-Iouda-belonged ,"ὁ (the-one) Φῆλιξ (a-Felix,"κατέλιπε (it-had-remaindered-down) τὸν (to-the-one) Παῦλον (to-a-Paulos) δεδεμένον. (to-having-had-come-to-be-binded)
24:27. biennio autem expleto accepit successorem Felix Porcium Festum volens autem gratiam praestare Iudaeis Felix reliquit Paulum vinctumBut when two years were ended, Felix had for successor Portius Festus. And Felix being willing to shew the Jews a pleasure, left Paul bound.
27. But when two years were fulfilled, Felix was succeeded by Porcius Festus; and desiring to gain favour with the Jews, Felix left Paul in bonds.
But after two years Porcius Festus came into Felix' room: and Felix, willing to shew the Jews a pleasure, left Paul bound:

27: Но по прошествии двух лет на место Феликса поступил Порций Фест. Желая доставить удовольствие Иудеям, Феликс оставил Павла в узах.
24:27  διετίας δὲ πληρωθείσης ἔλαβεν διάδοχον ὁ φῆλιξ πόρκιον φῆστον· θέλων τε χάριτα καταθέσθαι τοῖς ἰουδαίοις ὁ φῆλιξ κατέλιπε τὸν παῦλον δεδεμένον.
24:27. biennio autem expleto accepit successorem Felix Porcium Festum volens autem gratiam praestare Iudaeis Felix reliquit Paulum vinctum
But when two years were ended, Felix had for successor Portius Festus. And Felix being willing to shew the Jews a pleasure, left Paul bound.
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А. П. Лопухин: Tолковая Библия или комментарий на все книги Св.Писания Ветхого и Нового Заветов - 1903-1914
27: "По прошествии двух лет..." со времени заключения Павла в узы (в 60: или 61: году по Р. X. ), Феликс был отозван в Рим вследствие жалоб на него иудеев и заменен Порцием Фестом. Чтобы хоть сколько-нибудь расположить к себе иудеев и, с другой стороны, отомстить апостолу за неудовлетворение своего взяточничества, Феликс, отправляясь на суд, оставил Павла в узах. Преемник Феликса, мало сделавший доброго для Иудеи, умер в следующем году. Его заступил Альбин.
Adam Clarke: Commentary on the Bible - 1831
24:27: After two years - That is, from the time that Paul came prisoner to Caesarea.
Porcius Festus - This man was put into the government of Judea about a.d. 60, the sixth or seventh year of Nero. In the succeeding chapter we shall see the part that he took in the affairs of St. Paul.
Willing to show the Jews a pleasure - As he had not got the money which he expected, he hoped to be able to prevent the complaints of the Jews against his government, by leaving Paul, in some measure, in their hands. For it was customary for governors, etc., when they left, or were removed from a particular district or province, to do some public, beneficent act, in order to make themselves popular. But Felix gained nothing by this: the Jews pursued him with their complaints against his administration, even to the throne of the emperor. Josephus states the matter thus: "Now when Porcius Festus was sent as successor to Felix, by Nero, the principal of the Jewish inhabitants of Caesarea went up to Rome, to accuse Felix. And he certainly would have been brought to punishment, had not Nero yielded to the importunate solicitations of his brother Pallas, who was at that time in the highest reputation with the emperor." - Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 9. Thus, like the dog in the fable, by snatching at the shadow, he lost the substance. He hoped for money from the apostle, and got none; he sought to conciliate the friendship of the Jews, and miscarried. Honesty is the best policy: he that fears God need fear nothing else. Justice and truth never deceive their possessor.
1. Envy and malice are indefatigable, and torment themselves in order to torment and ruin others. That a high priest, says pious Quesnel, should ever be induced to leave the holy city, and the functions of religion, to become the accuser of an innocent person; this could be no other than the effect of a terrible dereliction, and the punishment of the abuse of sacred things.
2. Tertullus begins his speech with flattery, against which every judge should have a shut ear; and then he proceeds to calumny and detraction. These generally succeed each other. He who flatters you, will in course calumniate you for receiving his flattery. When a man is conscious of the uprightness of his cause, he must know that to attempt to support it by any thing but truth tends directly to debase it.
3. The resurrection of the body was the grand object of the genuine Christian's hope; but the ancient Christians only hoped for a blessed resurrection on the ground of reconciliation to God through the death of his Son. In vain is our hope of glory, if we have not got a meetness for it. And who is fit for this state of blessedness, but he whose iniquity is forgiven, whose sin is covered, and whose heart is purified from deceit and guile!
4. We could applaud the lenity shown to St. Paul by Felix, did not his own conduct render his motives for this lenity very suspicious. "To think no evil, where no evil seems," is the duty of a Christian; but to refuse to see it, where it most evidently appears, is an imposition on the understanding itself.
5. Justice, temperance, and a future judgment, the subjects of St. Paul's discourse to Felix and Drusilla, do not concern an iniquitous judge alone; they are subjects which should affect and interest every Christian; subjects which the eye should carefully examine, and which the heart should ever feel. Justice respects our conduct in life, particularly in reference to others: temperance, the state and government of our souls, in reference to God. He who does not exercise himself in these has neither the form nor the power of godliness; and consequently must be overwhelmed with the shower of Divine wrath in the day of God's appearing, Many of those called Christians, have not less reason to tremble at a display of these truths than this heathen.
Albert Barnes: Notes on the Bible - 1834
24:27: But after two years - Paul was unjustly detained during all this time. The hope of Felix seems to have been to weary his patience, and induce him to purchase his freedom.
Came into Felix' room - As governor.
And Felix, willing to show the Jews a pleasure - Desirous of pleasing them, even at the expense of justice, This shows the principle on which he acted.
Left Paul bound - Left him in custody to the charge of his successor. His object in this was to conciliate the Jews; that is, to secure their favor, and to pRev_ent them, if possible, from accusing him for the evils of his administration before the emperor. The account which Luke gives here coincides remarkably with what Josephus has given. He says that Porcius Festus was sent as successor to Felix by Nero. He does not, indeed, mention Paul, or say that Felix sought to conciliate the favor of the Jews, but he gives such an account as to make the statement by Luke perfectly consistent with his character while in office. He informs us that Felix was unpopular, and that there was reason to apprehend that the Jews would accuse him before the emperor; and, therefore, the statement in the Acts that he would be willing to show the Jews a favor, is in perfect keeping with his character and circumstances, and is one of those undesigned coincidences which show that the author of the Acts was fully acquainted with the circumstances of the time and that his history is true.
The account in Josephus is, that "when Porcius Festus was sent as successor to Felix by Nero, the principal inhabitants of Caesarea went up to Rome to accuse Felix; and he had been certainly brought to punishment unless Nero had yielded to the importunate solicitations of his brother Palias, who was at that time had in the greatest honor by him" (Antiq., book 20, chapter 8, section 9). The plan of Felix, therefore, in suppressing the enmity of the Jews, and conciliating their favor by injustice to Paul, did not succeed, and is one of those instances, so numerous in the world, where a man gains nothing by wickedness. He sought money from Paul by iniquity, and failed; he sought by injustice to obtain the favor of the Jews, and failed in that also. And the inference from the whole transaction is, that "honesty is the best policy," and that men in any office should pursue a course of firm, constant, and undeviating integrity.
R. A. Torrey - Treasury: Treasury of Scriptural Knowledge - 1880
24:27: two: Act 28:30
Porcius Festus: Porcius Festus was put into the government of Judea in the sixth or seventh year of Nero. He died about two years afterwards, and was succeeded by Albinus. Act 25:1, Act 26:24, Act 26:25, Act 26:32
willing: Act 12:3, Act 25:9, Act 25:14; Exo 23:2; Pro 29:25; Mar 15:15; Luk 23:24, Luk 23:25; Gal 1:10
Geneva 1599
24:27 (7) But after two years Porcius Festus came into Felix' room: and Felix, willing to (p) shew the Jews a pleasure, left Paul bound.
(7) With an evil mind, that is guilty in itself, and although sometimes there is some show of fairness, yet eventually the conscience will be extinguished: but in the meanwhile we have need of continual patience.
(p) For he had behaved himself very wickedly in the province, and had it not been for favour of his brother Pallas, he would have died for it: so that we may gather by this why he would have pleased the Jews.
John Gill
24:27 But after two years,.... Not of Felix's government, for he had been judge many years in that nation, but of the apostle's confinement at Caesarea:
Porcius Festus came in Felix's room; was made governor of Judea by Nero in his stead; who having had many and loud complaints against him for malpractice, moved him: and so Josephus (f) says, that Festus succeeded Felix in the government of Judea, and calls him as here, Porcius Festus; in the Arabic version he is called Porcinius Festus, and in the Vulgate Latin version Portius Festus, but his name was not Portius, from "porta", a gate, but "Porcius", a porcis, from hogs; it was common with the Romans to take names from the brute creatures; so Suillius from swine, Caprarius and Caprilius from goats, Bubulcus from oxen, and Ovinius from sheep. The famous Cato was of the family of the Porcii; his name was M. Porcius Cato, and came from Tusculum, a place about twelve miles from Rome, where there is a mountain which still retains the name of Porcius; we read also of Porcius Licinius, a Latin poet, whose fragments are still extant; whether this man was of the same family is not certain, it is very likely he might: his surname Festus signifies joyful and cheerful, as one keeping a feast; this was a name common with the Romans, as Rufus Festus, Pompeius Festus, and others:
and Felix, willing to show the Jews a pleasure, left Paul bound; he had done many injuries to their persons and properties, he had greatly abused them, and incensed them against him; and now he was sent for to Rome, to answer for his maladministration; wherefore, to gratify the Jews, and to oblige them, in hopes that they would not follow him with charges and accusations, at least would mitigate them, and not bear hard upon him, he leaves Paul bound at Caesarea, when it was in his power to have loosed him, and who he knew was an innocent person: but this piece of policy did him no service, for the persons he had wronged, the chief of the Jews at Caesarea, went to Rome, and accused him to Caesar; and he was sent by his successor thither, to appear before Nero, and answer to the charges exhibited against him; and had it not been for his brother Pallas, who was in great authority at court, he had been severely punished (g).
(f) De Bello Jud. l. 2. c. 14. sect. 1. & Antiqu. l. 20. c. 7. sect. 9. (g) Joseph. Antiqu. l. 20. c. 7. sect. 9.
John Wesley
24:27 But after two years - After St. Paul had been two years a prisoner, Felix desiring to gratify the Jews, left Paul bound - Thus men of the world, to gratify one another, stretch forth their hands to the things of God! Yet the wisdom of Felix did not profit him, did not satisfy the Jews at all. Their accusations followed him to Rome, and had utterly ruined him, but for the interest which his brother Pallas had with Nero.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset and David Brown
24:27 after two years--What a trial to this burning missionary of Christ, to suffer such a tedious period of inaction! How mysterious it would seem! But this repose would be medicine to his spirit; he would not, and could not, be entirely inactive, so long as he was able by pen and message to communicate with the churches; and he would doubtless learn the salutary truth that even he was not essential to his Master's cause. That Luke wrote his Gospel during this period, under the apostle's superintendence, is the not unlikely conjecture of able critics.
Porcius Festus--Little is known of him. He died a few years after this [JOSEPHUS, Antiquities, 20.8.9-9.1].
came into Felix' room--He was recalled, on accusations against him by the Jews of CÃ&brvbr;sarea, and only acquitted through the intercession of his brother at court [JOSEPHUS, Antiquities, 20.8,10].
Felix, willing to show the Jews a pleasure--"to earn the thanks of the Jews," which he did not.
left Paul bound-- (Acts 26:29) --which does not seem to have been till then.